Bombardement japanischer Städte
…
L’Aube (July 29, 1945)
Reprise à Potsdam avec MM. Attlee et Bevin
qui sont arrivés hier soir à Berlin sans Churchill ni Eden
…
U.S. State Department (July 29, 1945)
Truman-Molotov meeting, noon
Truman’s quarters, 2 Kaiserstrasse, Babelsberg
| Present | ||
|---|---|---|
| United States | Soviet Union | |
| President Truman | Foreign Commissar Molotov | |
| Secretary Byrnes | Mr. Golunsky | |
| Fleet Admiral Leahy | ||
| Mr. Bohlen |
Bohlen Minutes
Potsdam, July 29, 1945, noon
Top secret
MR. MOLOTOV said that Marshal Stalin had caught cold and that his doctors would not let him leave his house. Therefore, he asked that the President excuse him for not coming to the agreed meeting and it would also be impossible for the Marshal to have a meeting this afternoon.
After a suitable expression of regret at the Marshal’s indisposition, etc., THE PRESIDENT said he would ask Mr. Byrnes to take up the points he had had in mind to discuss with Marshal Stalin.
THE SECRETARY said that there were two principal questions, in his opinion, which remained outstanding and if they could reach a decision on those it would be possible to consider winding up the Conference. These questions were:
- The Polish western boundary.
- German reparations.
THE SECRETARY said that if we were able to get an agreement on reparations along the lines of his proposals to Mr. Molotov that the United States was prepared to go further to meet the Soviet wishes in regard to the Polish western frontier and would make the following proposal in that regard. (He handed Mr. Molotov a copy of the proposed United States suggestion with regard to the Polish western frontier, copy attached).
After it had been translated, MR. MOLOTOV said that this would not put under Polish administration the area between the Eastern and Western Neisse. He said the Poles were most insistent upon receiving this and he recalled that Mr. Mikołajczyk had made a most convincing and definite argument before the three Foreign Ministers as to the vital importance of this area for Poland.
THE SECRETARY pointed out that this was true, but that since the final determination of the boundary would await the peace settlement, it did not follow that Poland might not receive this additional area if the peace conference so desired. He then said that as the President had frequently remarked, it had been agreed at Yalta and elsewhere that there would be four occupying powers in Germany, but that we now had a situation when there was in fact a fifth – Poland – which had been assumed without consultation or agreement with the United States, French, or British Governments.
MR. MOLOTOV replied that this was no one’s fault; it was an extraordinary condition, since all Germans had fled the region.
THE PRESIDENT then remarked that he had thought that this suggestion would be agreeable to the Soviet Delegation, since in his opinion it represented a very large concession on our part and he hoped Mr. Molotov would submit it to Marshal Stalin.
MR. MOLOTOV replied that he would, of course, do so but he thought he could say here that Marshal Stalin was most insistent that this region as well should be placed under Polish administration.
THE SECRETARY pointed out that for the purpose of the occupation of Germany we had, of course, thought that all of this area would be the responsibility of the Soviet occupying forces.
MR. MOLOTOV replied that even though the Poles were administering this, Soviet troops were still in the area. He repeated, however, that he would submit the proposal to Marshal Stalin.
THE SECRETARY then inquired whether Mr. Molotov had had an opportunity to really think about his proposal in regard to reparations, namely, that each country look to its own zone for reparations and then exchange reparations between zones.
MR. MOLOTOV said that the Secretary’s proposal was acceptable in principle but that the Soviet Delegation would like to have clarity on certain points, in particular, the amount of equipment which would be turned over from the Ruhr to the Soviet Union. He said they had spoken of equipment to the amount of two billion dollars or five or six million tons.
(Mr. Molotov did not specify exactly what he meant by five or six million tons, whether productive capacity or actual weight of equipment).
THE SECRETARY explained that our experts felt that it was impossible to put any specific dollar value or tonnage on the equipment which would be available for reparations from the Ruhr, but that our proposal was to offer the Soviet Union 25% of the total equipment considered as available for reparations from the Ruhr.
MR. MOLOTOV said that 25% of an undetermined figure meant very little and that they wished to have a fixed sum or quantity agreed upon.
THE SECRETARY replied that at Yalta Mr. Maisky, who was the only one who would mention figures, had suggested in his proposal a total of twenty billion for reparations from Germany, of which ten billion would go to the Soviet Union. He said that from further study and the discussions here it had been made clear that these figures had no relation to reality and that this was a very good illustration of the danger of attempting to fix sums prematurely. He added that if we were to do that now, in the absence of sufficient data, six months from now if the figure turned out to be incorrect the Soviet Government might charge we were going back on the agreement reached at the Berlin Conference.
There was further discussion on this point, with MOLOTOV maintaining his position that some fixed sum be set otherwise the percentage would be meaningless, and THE SECRETARY maintaining from our point of view that it would be impossible to give any fixed figure. There was an extended discussion as to the Soviet share of reparations, with the Secretary maintaining that according to our calculations 50% of the national wealth of Germany lay in the Soviet zone, and with Mr. Molotov stating that according to their calculations only 42% lay in the Soviet zone.
MR. MOLOTOV said that under their figures the Russians would be entitled to obtain some reparations from the British, American and French zones in order to complete the 50%.
THE SECRETARY said that in his opinion percentage figures fixed at Yalta were no more agreed to except as a basis of discussion than had been the actual amounts of reparations.
THE PRESIDENT stated that what they were trying to do here was to fix a workable plan for reparations and that he desired to see the Soviet Union receive 50% of the total.
MR. MOLOTOV expressed his appreciation at the President’s statement.
THE SECRETARY reviewed his argument in favor of his proposal, pointing out that it would do away with almost certain points of friction in the future.
MR. MOLOTOV inquired whether we still intended to have some central German administration, not a government, but some central organization through which the Control Council could operate in matters affecting finance, transport, foreign trade, etc. on which it had been agreed to treat Germany as an economic whole. He pointed out that if reparations were not treated as a whole, what would happen to overall treatment of economic matters.
THE SECRETARY pointed out that under his scheme nothing was changed in regard to overall treatment of German finance, transport, foreign trade, etc. The Secretary subsequently repeated this statement in reply to a further observation of Mr. Molotov that the reparation proposal would affect the overall economic administration of Germany. The Secretary then said there was one other subject he had forgotten to mention, namely, that of the division of the German navy and merchant fleet.
THE PRESIDENT stated that in his opinion they had reached agreement on that, namely, that Russia was to get one-third of the navy now and that the merchant fleet was to be utilized in the war against Japan, with one-third earmarked for the Soviet Union.
THE SECRETARY thought it would be well to embody that agreement in writing and suggested the formation of a sub-committee for that purpose. He added that part of the agreement had been Mr. Churchill’s suggestion that a large part of the submarines be destroyed.
MR. MOLOTOV said what they desired was one-third of the navy and one-third of the merchant fleet. He said that the Soviet Union was also interested in shipping for the Far Eastern war and that, of course, they would be used for that purpose.
THE PRESIDENT said it was his understanding that the merchant fleet should be used for the prosecution of the war against Japan.
THE SECRETARY said that the Russian portion should be earmarked and used in the Pacific.
MR. MOLOTOV repeated that the Soviet Union would use these ships in the Pacific.
THE SECRETARY said in addition to that question, it would be important to clarify the question of replacement. For example, if the Soviets did use them in the war and they were sunk, it would be necessary to consider the question of their replacement.
Reverting to the subject of reparations, MR. MOLOTOV said he wished to have the Secretary’s proposal clearly in mind; as he understood it the Soviet Union would look to its own zone for a fixed amount of reparations and would receive as reparations 25% of the equipment from the Ruhr available for reparations.
THE SECRETARY replied that this was not quite accurate, since in the first place the Soviet Union would take what it wished from its zone, and second, the 25% to go to the Soviet Union from the Ruhr would be exchanged for food, coal and other products needed in western Germany from the Soviet zone.
MR. MOLOTOV said they [the United States?] had understood that all the equipment which the Soviets might receive from the Ruhr would have to be balanced off by exports from the Soviet zone. He said he had understood that only part would be so covered and that in any event it was a matter for discussion as to how much and what the Soviet zone could offer in return.
THE SECRETARY added that there had been another possibility, namely, instead of 25% from the Ruhr alone, the Soviets could receive 12½% of equipment available for reparations from the French, British and American zones taken together.
MR. MOLOTOV returned to the question of a fixed sum and inquired whether the Secretary could give him even a rough estimate of what we thought might be available to the Soviet Union.
THE SECRETARY repeated that he was unable to do this[–]that all our experts agreed that it was impossible to place any value on the equipment available for reparations for the following reason[s]:
- It was difficult to agree on a standing valuation to be placed on the equipment; and,
- The Soviets would undoubtedly have preferences as to the type of machinery which would affect the valuation.
MR. MOLOTOV replied that they were interested in heavy metallurgical machinery, machine-building and chemical installations. He added that they had proposed using 1938 prices.
THE SECRETARY answered that our experts thought it was impossible at this stage to fix any value; it would require long study on the spot and therefore we preferred the percentage basis. During the course of this discussion the Secretary remarked that at Yalta at one point Mr. Maisky had suggested ten billion in reparations for the United States and that our experts considered that there were only three or four billion dollars in all of possible reparations in western Germany. What, therefore, would Mr. Molotov say if we should ask for an additional six billion from the Soviet zone to make up the figure mentioned by Mr. Maisky. The Secretary added that he was merely citing this illustration to show the danger in agreement on any fixed sum.
MR. MOLOTOV said that in conclusion he had one other matter that the Marshal wished him to take up and that was the immediate cause of the Soviet entry into the Far Eastern war. He said that the Soviet Government considered that the best method would be for the United States, England and the other allies in the Far Eastern war to address a formal request to the Soviet Government for its entry into the war. He said that this could be based on the refusal of the Japanese to accept the recent ultimatum to surrender and made on the basis of shortening the war and saving of lives. He added, of course, that the Soviet Government was assuming that the agreement with the Chinese would be signed before the Soviet Union entered the war.
THE PRESIDENT said that he would, of course, examine carefully this Soviet request.
Proposal by the U.S. Delegation
[Babelsberg, July 29, 1945]
In conformity with the agreement on Poland reached at the Crimean Conference the three Heads of Government have sought the opinion of the Polish Provisional Government of National Unity in regard to the accession of territory in the north and west which Poland should receive. The President of Poland and members of the Polish Provisional Government of National Unity have been received at the Conference and have fully presented their views. The three Heads of Government reaffirm their opinion that the final delimitation of the western frontier of Poland should await the peace settlement.
The three Heads of Government agree that, pending the final determination of Poland’s western frontier, the former German territories east of a line running from the Baltic Sea through Swinemünde, to west of Stettin to the Oder and thence along the Oder River to the confluence of the eastern Neisse River and along the eastern Neisse to the Czechoslovak frontier, including that portion of East Prussia not placed under the administration of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics in accordance with the understanding reached at this conference and including the area of the former free city of Danzig shall be under the administration of the Polish State and for such purposes should not be considered as part of the Soviet zone of occupation in Germany.
Truman-Attlee meeting, 4:30 p.m.
Truman’s quarters, 2 Kaiserstrasse, Babelsberg
| Present | ||
|---|---|---|
| United States | United Kingdom | |
| President Truman | Prime Minister Attlee | |
| Secretary Byrnes | Foreign Secretary Bevin | |
| Sir Alexander Cadogan |
According to Truman, at this meeting the British participants were informed of the suggestion made by Molotov earlier in the day concerning a formal request to the Soviet Government to enter the war against Japan.
President Truman to Prime Minister Attlee
Babelsberg, July 29, 1945
My Dear Mr. Prime Minister: In accordance with my letter of July 25, I enclose a copy of a memorandum directive on the issuance of Lend-Lease munitions, which I have today sent to the Joint Chiefs of Staff. This directive eliminates the delivery of Lend-Lease material for the occupation of Axis countries. In other respects I believe it adequately covers your expressed desires.
I have noted the suggestion in the letter of July 24, that postwar economic arrangements be discussed in Washington, say in September. Mr. W. L. Clayton, Assistant Secretary of State, will be in London shortly for the UNRRA Council meeting, and I have instructed him to engage in informal conversations with your people about these matters. When he has reported to me in Washington, we shall be able to decide upon arrangements for further discussions with your representatives.
Very sincerely yours,
[HARRY S. TRUMAN]
[Enclosure]
The President to the Joint Chiefs of Staff
[Babelsberg,] July 29, 1945
Top secret
Memorandum Directive to the Joint Chiefs of Staff
Referring to my memorandum of 5 July, 1945, quoted herewith following:
Approval of the issue to Allied Governments of Lend Lease munitions of war and military and naval equipment will be limited to that which is to be used in the war against Japan, and it will not be used for any other purpose.
It may be given the following interpretation:
-
Issue of Lend-Lease munitions of war and military and naval equipment to all Allied Governments, including Latin American countries is authorized when in the opinion of the Joint Chiefs of Staff it is to be used in direct support of redeployment of American troops, or Allied troops in connection with their redeployment in support of the war against Japan.
-
Supply of Allied service units that are directly serving United States forces in any area with subsistence, supply, and equipment (except arms and ammunition) is authorized.
-
Until the receipt of further instructions issue of Lend-Lease munitions of war and military and naval equipment to the USSR is authorized in accordance with my directive of 11 May, 1945, when in the opinion of the Joint Chiefs of Staff it can be considered as for use in the war against Japan.
-
Until the receipt of further instructions issue of Lend-Lease munitions of war and military and naval equipment to the British Empire is authorized for the direct support of redeployment of American troops, and of British troops in connection with their redeployment in support of the war against Japan, taking into account commitments for approved combined operations against Japan. In accordance with my memorandum of 17 July, 1945 to the Prime Minister, and subject to the elimination of the requirements for occupational forces in Axis countries, such issue should be generally in accord with schedules of requirements and other terms arrived at by British and American supply representatives in October-November 1944, subject to changing strategic demands as well as to usual supply, procurement, and allocation considerations and procedures.
-
Replacement and maintenance on a military Lend-Lease basis of French units which have already been equipped by the U.S. under the North African Rearmament Program, Metropolitan Rearmament Program, and Air Forces Program is authorized for subsistence until August 31, 1945, and for other items of equipment and supply until September 30, 1945.
-
Supply of maintenance items for U.S. equipment now in the possession of Allied armies may be issued for purposes other than those specifically approved in this memorandum against payment under such terms and conditions as may be determined by the State Department and Foreign Economic Administration in accordance with established procedure.
HARRY S. TRUMAN
Proposal by the Soviet Delegation
[Babelsberg, July 29, 1945]
[Translation]
Proposal of [on?] Reparations From Germany
-
Exactions of once-for-all removals from the national wealth of Germany in payment for reparations (plants, shops, equipment, materials, etc.) will be made by each government in its zone of occupation within two years after capitulation.
-
Removals must be made with a view to the quickest restoration of the economy of those countries which have suffered from German occupation. The necessity of an over-all reduction of the war potential of Germany must also be taken into account.
-
Because of the enormous losses of the Soviet heavy industry and also because of the small quantity of German enterprises of this kind in the Soviet zone of occupation and because of the insufficiency of the total resources of this zone, the USSR must receive in addition to the removals made in her zone, also from 5½ to 6 million tons on a special list of equipment in complete and workable condition on the reparations account from the Western Zones and predominantly from the Ruhr District. This equipment will be used for the restoration of the various branches of Soviet industry which have suffered from the enemy, and in the first instance for the metallurgical, chemical, and machine building industries. These removals must begin immediately upon the acceptance of this decision and will terminate not later than May 10, 1947. For this purpose a special agency will be created by the Allied Commission on Reparations.
-
The USSR will also receive corporation shares valued at $500,000,000 of industrial and transport companies which have remained in the Western Zones and which have the greatest significance from the point of view of an over-all reduction of the military potential of Germany.
-
Exactions of annual deliveries of goods from the current production will not be made on a zone basis but on an over-all German basis. The Allied Commission on Reparations will arrange a general plan for receiving and allocating these deliveries among the nations which have the right to them. The total sum of these deliveries will amount to 8 billion dollars and will be for a period of 10 years. The USSR share in these deliveries will amount to 50% of the total sum.
-
The following goods will be accepted in the form of possible deliveries; coal, brown coal, metals, metal products, cement, building materials, scrap metal[,] timber, potash, paper, sugar, chemical and glass products, machines, river boats, medical instruments, agricultural products, cattle, etc. As a basis for computation, the 1938 price – valued in dollars – will be accepted with an increase of 10%.
-
The Allied Commission on Reparations will arrange the plan of allocating the external assets and claims of Germany among the nations which have a right to receive reparations.
-
In regards to that part of reparations which must be covered by once-for-all removals, the USSR will take upon herself, and for her own account, the settlement of the reparations claims of Poland. The United States of America and Great Britain will do the same in regards to France, Yugoslavia, Czechoslovakia, Belgium, Holland and Norway.
Forrestal-Bevin conversation
| Present | ||
|---|---|---|
| United States | United Kingdom | |
| Mr. Forrestal | Foreign Secretary Bevin |
Forrestal’s diary entry: “From there went to see Ernest Bevin and found Bevin in very good form. He said in answer to my question that the only industries they proposed to nationalize were power, railroads, mines, and textiles up to the spinning mills. He indicated he had no use for Laski. He spoke highly and appreciatively of Anthony Eden. He said he was quite familiar with tactics of the Communists because he had had to deal with them in his own labor unions in England.
“I asked him a question about the Emperor in Japan, whether he thought we ought to insist on destruction of the Emperor concept along with the surrender. He hesitated and said this question would require a bit of thinking, but he was inclined to feel there was no sense in destroying the instrument through which one might have to deal in order to effectively control Japan. He then made a rather surprising statement – for a liberal and a labor leader: ‘It might have been far better for all of us not to have destroyed the institution of the Kaiser after the last war – we might not have had this one if we hadn’t done so. It might have been far better to have guided the Germans to a constitutional monarchy rather than leaving them without a symbol and therefore opening the psychological doors to a man like Hitler.’
“He said he was determined to get going what he called the three historic axes of European trade – the Baltic axis, that is to say, the old Hanseatic League; the Antwerp axis, and the Genoa axis. He said these three were the classic foci of European trade for hundreds of years back, that if they could be restored to activity, it would do much to bring about revival of commerce in Europe.
“I asked him how he was going to deal with Southeastern Europe, that is, the Balkans, which would be under the control of Russia, and he said he didn’t think the Balkans amounted to much in the way of business. I differed with this.”
Despres-Minc conversation
| Present | ||
|---|---|---|
| United States | Poland | |
| Mr. Despres | Mr. Minc | |
| Mr. Rajchman |
740.00119 (Potsdam)/7-2945
Memorandum by the Adviser on German Economic Affairs
[Babelsberg,] July 29, 1945
I conveyed to Mr. Minc Mr. Clayton’s regret that he was unable to accept the Minister’s invitation to visit the Silesian coal fields, explaining that Mr. Clayton was heavily engaged with other matters as the conference drew toward a close. I then told Mr. Minc that we thought it would be useful for him to talk to the American military authorities in Berlin, who were now transporting coal from the Ruhr to meet their share of Berlin’s requirements; in order to explore the possibility of drawing upon Silesian coal instead, and I said that, subject to his acceptance of the invitation, we had arranged an appointment for him with Maj. General Echols. Mr. Minc replied that he would consult the other members of his Government and let me know. (He subsequently accepted, and a meeting with General Echols took place the following morning.) I then outlined the scope of functions of EECE, ECO and the projected Inland Transport Organization and expressed the hope that the Polish Government would acquaint itself with these organizations with a view to active participation in their work. Mr. Minc asked a number of questions regarding the functions, activities to date and membership of these organizations and said that he would look into the matter further.
Mr. Minc then stated that he was most eager to acquaint the United States Government as fully as possible with the present economic position and needs of Poland, in order to enable us to consider against a background of knowledge their requests for imports and for credits. He asked how this might best be accomplished. I said that we proposed to attach a well-qualified economic man to Ambassador Lane’s staff, and that we hoped that the Polish Government would extend to such man the fullest opportunities for familiarizing himself with the situation. I suggested that it would also be useful for the Polish Government to send a small number of well-qualified people to Washington for financial and supply matters. Mr. Minc expressed the personal view that it would be most desirable if the United States Government could send a special survey mission to Poland which would spend a couple of months there and then return to Washington and report. I suggested that before extending any formal invitation along these lines, it would be well to discuss this matter informally with Ambassador Lane.
After my conversation with Minc had been completed, Dr. Rajchman furnished the following bits of information:
-
It is a criminal offense for a Russian commander to allow any freight cars to move eastward empty. Large amounts of supplies are seen passing through Poland, including numbers of German livestock.
-
Dr. Rajchman believes that the Russians have adopted a three-year program of removals from their zone of occupation. They have set a physiological minimum standard of living for the German population and plan to leave only enough resources to support this minimum.
-
For a time the Russians carried out removals from the territory newly transferred to the Polish administration, but under an agreement with the Polish Government these removals were discontinued on a specified date.
-
The Red Army is having considerable difficulty in effecting the redeployment of their forces from Germany. They are believed to have had 12 million men on the whole Eastern Front. There are a number of roving bands of Red Army troops (AWOL). They are shot when caught, but drastic punishment has not solved the problem.
-
Except for Warsaw, which has been far more thoroughly demolished than Berlin, material damage in Poland has not been serious. Loss of life is estimated at 5,500,000, over half Jews.
The Pittsburgh Press (July 29, 1945)
6 DOOMED CITIES FIRED
B-29s strike less than day after warning
550 to 600 Superforts drop 3,500 tons
…
13 dead in B-25 crash into Empire State Building
Hundreds trapped in flaming structure 1,000 feet from street
NEW YORK (UP, July 28) – A B-25 Billy Mitchell bomber rammed into the 78th story of the Empire State Building at 9:52 a.m. today.
The plane exploded in a cone of flames that turned the world’s tallest skyscraper into a pillar of horror and brought death to at least 13 persons and injury to 25 more. All victims were believed from the New York area.
It was the most spectacular disaster to strike the New York area since the burning of the zeppelin Hindenburg.
A searing envelope of gasoline flames shrouded 10 stories of the spire-like tower of the 1,250-foot Empire State Building.
Hundreds trapped
It trapped hundreds of persons within flame and gas-filled rooms more than 1,000 feet above the street.
Three elevators plunged out of control from the 80th floor to the basement.
Broken glass and debris rained down over several square blocks. Half an hour after the explosion particles still sifted down.
So tremendous was the explosion, it ripped away the fog which had hidden the topmost stories of the skyscraper from the vision of the B-25 pilot.
Flames fill sky
For two minutes the pinnacle of the chromium-girt Empire State stood out sharp and clear in the drizzle while orange-red flames licked around.
Then the soft fog closed in again to hide the scene from the horrified sight of thousands of Midtown office workers who had rushed to windows at the sound of the explosion which echoed over Central Manhattan like a blockbuster.
Inside the 102-story building there was pandemonium.
The plane was en route to Newark, New Jersey, from New Bedford, on the final lap of a cross-country flight which started at Sioux Falls, South Dakota.
It was piloted by Lt. Col. William F. Smith Jr., 27, of Watertown, Massachusetts. He and his crew member, Sgt. Christopher S. Domitrovich, 31, of Granite City, Illinois, were instantly killed. Col. Smith recently returned from overseas.
A Navy chief petty officer riding in the plane as a passenger was also killed. He was not identified immediately.
Heads for skyscraper
The plane had inquired of LaGuardia Field by radio a few minutes before for instructions on landing conditions at Newark.
Suddenly scattered observers near the Empire State Tower heard the deep-throated roar of its motors. It was fiving in the overcast at about 1,000 feet and headed straight for the fog-hidden skyscraper.
A moment later it struck the north side of the building, between the 78th and 79th floors, penetrating with such force that one motor drove straight through the building and landed on the roof of the 12-story Waldorf Building adjoining it on 33rd Street.
Only the fact that the disaster occurred on a Saturday morning when many Empire State offices are closed kept down the toll of dead and injured.
Casualties among pedestrians outside the building were small because Midtown streets are not crowded on Saturdays as they are during the week, and rain and drizzle held down the number out of doors.
The B-25 was believed to have carried its normal crew of five, all of whom were instantly killed.
The force of the impact and explosion was such that many of the bodies were blown to bits.
Relatives visit morgue
The charred and broken bodies of the victims lay in Bellevue Hospital morgue tonight. Sheets shrouded them from the eyes of relatives.
They were the victims of the crash of a B-25 bomber into the Empire State Building.
Identification through appearance was impossible and not permitted. Relatives going to the morgue were shown only a handful of jewelry, a dental plate and three keys.
From these, Vincent M. Sozzi of New York identified an inscribed bracelet belonging to his sister, Jean Sozzi, 40, of Brooklyn. She was a stenographer at the War Relief Services of the National Catholic Welfare Council.
Ring identified
From an inscribed engagement ring, Raymond Cavanaugh of Union City, New Jersey, identified his sister.
Margaret Mullen, 33, of Hoboken, New Jersey, a bookkeeper in the Catholic office.
There was a link bracelet on a watch, numbered 930-79-620, not yet identified. There was a dental plate, its teeth burned away, which police hoped to trace.
There were the keys – one of which was inscribed “Penn 648,” which might hold a clue.
Eight of the victims were believed to be women.
One floor unoccupied
The 78th floor office where the plane struck was not occupied. But the 79th floor office, just above, was occupied by the National Catholic Welfare Council. Some 40 persons normally worked on this floor, about 25 of them in the Catholic Welfare offices. Many were absent due to Saturday holidays.
The most severe casualties were in the Catholic Welfare offices. Nine bodies were reported found on the 79th floor.
Three were found in two of the smashed elevators in the basement. The third elevator was empty.
Archbishop Francis J. Spellman described the disaster as a “new and terrifying sorrow” and said the Catholic workers who were killed had “dedicated, consecrated and sacrificed their lives to humanity.”
Special prayers
Special prayers will be offered in all churches of the archdiocese Sunday for the victims.
A service of Holy Sacrifice will be offered at St. Patrick’s Cathedral tomorrow and, on Wednesday, the Archbishop will preside at a solemn pontifical mass of requiem.
The worst damage was on the six floors from the 78th to the 84th story. Windows were blown from every frame and the plaster turned to dust. Much of the furnishings had vanished in the searing gasoline flames.
The marble tiling along the walls of one section of the 79th floor had been blown off. One of the plane’s engines caromed off and plunged into an elevator, killing an elevator girl and dropping down the shaft.
The plane’s cowling and part of its propeller were imbedded in the walls. Steel girders of the wrecked floors were twisted like jackstraws by the blast.
Rescue workers, knee deep in mortar, bricks and bomber fragments, saw a small card, its edges charred. It said: “Do not remove from Plane No. 577.”
There were 35 persons on the 86th floor observation platform when the plane hit. They had paid $1 to “see the sights of New York from the Empire State Tower.”
Louis Petley, 54, the guide, was apologizing for the fog which spoiled their view when disaster struck.
“I never heard anything like it in my life,” Petley said. “I jumped three feet in the air. I saw a flash of flame envelope the tower.”
Herded to safety
With difficulty, Petley managed to herd his horror-stricken sightseers down a stairway to the 65th floor where they took an elevator to the lobby.
“I wanted to keep them in the lobby for a minute,” he said, “but they all ran out, saying ‘We want to get out of here.’”
Survivors on the 78th and 79th floors were almost too dazed to tell what had happened. Most of them were burned or had been cut by splinters of glass.
Jumps to escape
Paul Deering, 40, publicity representative of the Catholic Welfare Council, jumped from an 86th floor window to escape the flames. His body landed on the 72nd floor parapet.
An elevator girl had just halted her cage on the 75th floor. The blast blew her out of the elevator and all the way across the hall.
The impact of the plane and its explosion tore a gaping 15-foot hole on the north side of the building. The plane hit just below the ceiling of the 78th floor, doing almost equal damage to the 78th and 79th stories.
On the south side of the building, there was a smaller hole, caused by the engine which plummeted through the building.
Management consultant James W. Irwin was sitting alone in his office on the 75th floor shortly before 10 a.m.
Outside the tower was shrouded in fog. Suddenly he heard the roar of an airplane which seemed to be coming directly his way.
Ran into hall
“I ran into the hall as the roar increased,” he said. “Just as I hit the hall the plane struck.
Mr. Irwin reported that the first firemen reached him on the 75th floor at 10:35. A four-alarm fire alarm had been turned in the moment the plane hit.
But rescue efforts were impeded by the damage which knocked out the elevators. It takes time to climb 75 to 80 flights of stairs.
Mayor F. H. LaGuardia inspected the scene about two hours after the crash. He walked over the rubbled 79th floor where rescue workers were piling together the bits and pieces of what had been busy office workers and stenographers.
‘Flying too low’
“It was just an oven,” he commented and pointed out that the plane “was flying too low.” There is a city regulation against flying below 5,000 feet over Manhattan.
However, the plane had left New Bedford, Massachusetts, to fly by “contact,” meaning that the pilot was flying by visual contact with the ground. It was bound for Newark, New Jersey.
When it approached Manhattan, it contacted LaGuardia Field which advised that the ceiling over Manhattan at that time was 1,100 feet which meant that the top 150 feet of the Empire State was shrouded by mist and fog.
‘Going to Newark’
The pilot of the bomber, contacting the LaGuardia Control Tower, was reported to have said: “I am going to Newark. Will you give me the weather there?”
The Tower told the pilot to maintain contact flying, meaning 1,000-foot visibility and three-mile visibility forward.
“At the present time,” the Tower told the pilot, “I cannot see the top of the Empire State Building.”
The Control Tower operators, it was said, ordinarily used the Empire State tower as a gauge for visibility. The pilot was instructed that if he could not maintain contact flying, he should return to LaGuardia Field.
Thousands gather
Thousands of persons congregated around the Empire State Building to watch the rescue work.
Four fire alarms brought the largest amount of firefighting apparatus ever assembled in New York City to the scene.
Scores of physicians, firemen, priests and nurses tramped the stairways of the upper floors where elevator service had been blasted out by the explosion.
The Empire State Building has a normal population of about 5,500 office workers and building employees. Today it was believed not more than 1,500 were in the building.
Tower to be closed
Gen. Hugh A. Drum, chairman of Empire State, Inc. declared 10 hours after the accident that engineers had inspected the building and found “no structural damage.”
He said that most of the damage, an estimate of which is in preparation, resulted from the burning airplane gas “and the passage of parts of the plane through the building.”
Gen. Drum said the tower of the building would be closed indefinitely to visitors, but service was uninterrupted on the first 67 floors, and would be reinstated upwards “in the near future.”
Members of the Public Relations Office of the building said the damage was believed to approximate $250,000. The building is valued at $30 million.
1 Like
Apprentice becomes doctor at scene of big tragedy
Still in training, boy, 17, treats many victims with the skill of a veteran
By Donald Moloney, as told to Mary Harrington, United Press staff writer
NEW YORK (UP, July 28) – I’m just a U.S. Coast Guard hospital apprentice, second class, and I’m still in training. I suppose I could get prosecuted for what I did.
I was on 34th Street and saw the B-25 crash into the Empire State Building. There was a drugstore across the street. They gave me apllta, gave syringes, two dozen needles, eight grains of morphine, bandages, 10 tubes of burn ointment and sterile water alcohol.
I ran first to the sub-basement. Somebody shouted that help was needed there. I’m little, so the firemen let me climb down into the elevator, where the elevator girl was trapped. I had heard the elevator shoot down about 70 floors.
She was still alive and screaming. She hung on to me so I could hardly help her. I gave her morphine to ease the pain, and marked the dosage on her arm, where it wasn’t burned, with her lipstick. I put oil on her burned face.
That was the only part of her I dared treat. The rest of her body was burned and charred. I put on sterile bandages, though. We carried her out. A priest and a rabbi heled me. The morphine didn’t help much. Her legs were crushed and I think her back was broken.
There was another elevator operator in the basement, in the same shape. I helped him, too.
Then I went up to the 79th floor. I picked up two heads and parts of four bodies and helped stack them on a table.
They called me down to the 70th floor, and I carried three women from there to the 67th floor. They had fixed the elevators. I guess I must have carried and treated about 20 people. All of them were burned, and suffering terribly from shock. I gave morphine to 14 people.
We’ve been told in school for eight months, at Manhattan Beach and Groton, Connecticut, how to treat people suffering from burns and shock.
On the 69th floor I treated five injured. A man had been pouring whisky down their throats. I put one woman’s arm in a triangular bandage, and sterile bandages on another’s burns. I was carrying one woman to the elevator when another crawled over and put her arms around my legs.
“God in Heaven, help me.” She screamed, and then fainted. I’ll have nightmares for a long time. Those dead people up there. Thank God they never knew what happened to them. They couldn’t. The blast blew them apart in an instant.
I always wanted to be a surgeon. I want to practice at home, in Detroit. A couple of shore patrolmen took me out to a bar at one o’clock when the head doctor said everything was under control. I started shaking as soon as he said that. I don’t know why. I was real calm before.
Maybe that’s what my commanding officer meant when he said I couldn’t ever be the only medical corpsman on one of those small ships, like I want. He said I was too young, that I couldn’t take the responsibility. I guess I am. I’m only 17.
1 Like
United Nations Charter ratified by Senate with vote of 89-2
U.S. becomes first of Big Five to approve new world plan to insure future peace
…
Military chiefs meet with Big Three
New Prime Minister joins other leaders
By Merriman Smith, United Press staff writer
…
MacArthur fliers wreck 3 convoys
9 ships sunk, 62 others damaged
…
New B-32s bomb Formosa, China
12 missions flown without loss
…