America at war! (1941–) – Part 5

761.94/7-2145: Telegram

The Japanese Ambassador in the Soviet Union to the Japanese Minister of Foreign Affairs

Moscow, July 27, 1945 — 4:30 p.m.
[Translation]
Secret
urgent

1458

Re my telegram No. 1449

Although it is difficult to predict what the Soviet reply will be to our recent request, it is possible that the repeated request by the Japanese Government is regarded as merely seeking the good offices of the Government of the Soviet Union, since we failed to indicate on what basis such a request was made. Since the request does not even indicate an outline, the Soviet Union may find it impossible to decide its attitude so simply on such an important matter, and it is conceivable that the request may be turned down again. If, by chance, it does result in a Soviet refusal, I am deeply concerned lest this may force us into a very awkward position. It may also implicate the Imperial Household, since we have been ordered by the Emperor to end further bloodshed and are strongly urged to send a special envoy.

In presenting the request, as directed in your telegram No. 931 regarding the mission of Prince Konoye, I have taken the precaution not to give the impression that the mission is to set forth the Japanese Government’s “concrete aim,” and not to present a concrete “proposal.” Lozovsky, however, stated that he understood … is to bring a “concrete proposal” and, as he hinted that he was expecting some form of concrete proposition, I believe we must pay special attention to this point.

In presenting a proposal to end such a tremendous undertaking as the present large-scale war, we do not, in the final analysis, have a definite proposition but are only explaining our intention in an indirect way. It is absolutely impossible to cause the Soviet Government to make a move with such a noncommittal attitude on our part. In this connection I do not have the slightest doubt that the straightforward attitude of the Soviet Union is designed to compel Japan to come out with a concrete proposal.

The definitive joint declaration against Japan made by the leaders of the three nations – the United States, Great Britain, and China – at Potsdam on the 26th appears to be a big scare-bomb directed against us. It became very doubtful whether the Soviet Union would offer its good offices under this offensive started by the three countries. Then there is no doubt that the aforesaid tripartite declaration is a counteroffensive, with our trial venture to terminate the war as its target. According to a broadcast of the BBC on the 26th, Lord [Louis] Mountbatten visited Potsdam on his return trip to England and is said to have reported to and consulted with the Big Three leaders of the United States, Great Britain, and the Soviet Union on the progress of the war in the Far East. We must take note of the remark that Stalin has for the first time participated in a discussion of the war in the Far East. For your information I make this reference, since this is also a matter which I fear may have some effect on the attitude of the Soviet Union in relation to our request for the Soviets’ good offices.

Byrnes-Molotov meeting, 6 p.m.

Present
United States Soviet Union
Secretary Byrnes Foreign Commissar Molotov
Mr. Bohlen Mr. Pavlov

Bohlen Minutes

Potsdam, July 27, 1945, 6 p.m.
Top secret

THE SECRETARY said first of all he wished to tell Mr. Molotov that his request for a two- or three-day postponement in the issuance of the statement on Japan had only reached him this morning when it was too late.

MR. MOLOTOV replied that he had sent the word last night as soon as he had received the Secretary’s letter.

THE SECRETARY explained that even then it would have been too late since at 7:00 o’clock the statement had gone to the press for early morning release. He explained that the President for political reasons had considered it important to issue an immediate appeal to the Japanese to surrender. Two days ago, he had discussed it with the Prime Minister and he had received his consent to the issuance of the statement and had cabled Chiang Kai Shek. On his return yesterday from Frankfort the President had found a telegram from Chiang Kai Shek agreeing to the issuance of the statement.

MR. MOLOTOV said that thus they had not been informed until after the release.

THE SECRETARY said that we did not consult the Soviet Government since the latter was not at war with Japan and we did not wish to embarrass them.

MR. MOLOTOV replied that he was not authorized to discuss this matter further. He left the implication that Marshal Stalin would revert to it at some time.

THE SECRETARY then said that he had also wanted to discuss privately with Mr. Molotov the difficult question of reparations. He said he had closed off the discussion at the Foreign Ministers meeting this afternoon since nothing could be accomplished until the new British delegation had returned to the Conference.

MR. MOLOTOV agreed.

THE SECRETARY asked Mr. Molotov whether he had had an opportunity to think over the suggestion which the Secretary had made, namely, that each country would obtain its reparations from its own zone and would exchange goods between the zones.

MR. MOLOTOV said would not the Secretary’s suggestion mean that each country would have a free hand in their own zones and would act entirely independently of the others?

THE SECRETARY said that was true in substance but he had in mind working out arrangements for the exchange of needed products between the zones, for example, from the Ruhr if the British agreed, machinery and equipment could be removed and exchanged with the Soviet authorities for goods – food and coal – in the Soviet zone. The Secretary said that he felt that without some such arrangement the difficulties would be insurmountable and would be a continued source of disagreement and trouble between our countries.

MR. MOLOTOV pointed out that whereas removals of capital equipment from the British and American zones could be done in a short period of time, payment for these in the form of products from the Soviet zone must of necessity extend over a longer period of time.

THE SECRETARY agreed and said that was a point of course that would have to be worked out.

MR. MOLOTOV then inquired what amount he thought the United States Government could agree to in respect of removals of industrial equipment for transfer to the Soviet zone under Mr. Byrnes’ plan. He said that they had spoken of 2 billion dollars.

THE SECRETARY pointed out that the Ruhr lay in the British zone and that it would be necessary to consult with them. He said he would talk with Messrs. Clayton and Pauley and when the new British delegation arrived he would discuss possible amounts with them. The Secretary reiterated the advantages of his proposal repeating again that the United States Government would not this time pay out money in order to keep Germans working to produce reparations for others. The Secretary then said that he felt that Mr. Molotov’s question at the meeting in regard to the Yalta decision was based on a misunderstanding. He said in our understanding the words “basis of discussion” merely mean that the subject would be discussed and in no way meant that there had been any agreement as to the sum of German reparations.

MR. MOLOTOV agreed with that and said that he had had in mind the impression that they had received at Yalta, namely, that the United States was in accord with the Soviet view that we should exact as much reparations as possible from Germany whereas at Yalta the British had not shared this view and had fully reserved their position. He said now at this Conference the Soviet delegation had received the impression that the United States no longer held that view and that that was the reason why he had referred to the Yalta Agreement.

THE SECRETARY replied that there had been no change in view on the part of the United States Government and that we were still willing to discuss the Soviet proposal but that he must agree that many conditions had changed since Yalta. There had been first of all the extent of the destruction in Germany and secondly questions as to definitions of war booty and then the de facto alienation to Poland of a large and productive part of former Germany. He said that our aim remained the same and that all he was trying to do was to find a way which would on the one hand be acceptable to all and would on the other take cognizance of existing realities.

MR. MOLOTOV replied that in February the Soviet Government had thought the destruction of the Ruhr was greater than it turned out to be. He said that from their reports only from ten to fifteen percent of the productive capacity of the Ruhr had been destroyed. As a whole, machine tools and the basic equipment remained serviceable. He inquired again what amount of removals from the Ruhr Mr. Byrnes had in mind to exchange for products from the Soviet zone.

THE SECRETARY repeated that he would have to consult with his advisers and the British on this point.

MR. MOLOTOV inquired whether it was still the intention of the United States Government to reduce the production capacity of the Ruhr as a measure of security.

THE SECRETARY replied that that was still our intention. The only question was how much equipment would be available for transfer to the Soviet zone in return for goods over a longer period of time from that zone.

MR. MOLOTOV in conclusion then said that as he understood it what Mr. Byrnes suggested was in fact an exchange of reparations between the zones.

THE SECRETARY said this was correct.

MR. MOLOTOV then inquired on another subject why the Secretary had decided to withdraw our proposal with regard to Italy and the other satellite states.

THE SECRETARY explained that we had wasted a good many days on that and that our original proposal had been amended many times. He agreed, however, that the President had accepted Marshal Stalin’s amendment concerning the consideration of the question of the recognition of the satellite states but that Mr. Churchill had objected to it. He said at one time the British and American delegations had been in agreement but that the Soviets had not and that subsequently the Soviet and American delegations were in agreement but that the British objected. He said he felt that there were more important matters to deal with but if the British and Soviet delegations could reach agreement the Conference could still adopt the proposal.

It was agreed that nothing could be done until Mr. Attlee’s return.

Meeting of the Subcommittee on Inland Waterways

Present
United States United Kingdom Soviet Union
Mr. Riddleberger
840.811/7-2545

The Chief of the Division of Central European Affairs to the Secretary of State

[Babelsberg,] July 29, 1945

Memorandum to the Secretary

Subject: FREE AND UNRESTRICTED NAVIGATION OF INTERNATIONAL INLAND WATERWAYS

The Sub-Committee on inland waterways met on July 27 at which time the American and British representatives presented draft proposals, copies of which are attached herewith. While the British and American drafts are cast in somewhat different form, they both incorporate essentially the same ideas and agreement can no doubt be quickly reached on them providing the Soviet member was willing to go along.

The Soviet representative presented no memorandum and stated that his delegation had not expected this question and was not sufficiently informed to present a statement. He said it would be necessary to obtain more information from his Government before the Soviet views could be made known to the Committee. Furthermore he doubted that the Committee could extend its mandate to include the Kiel Canal and the “Straits” without referring the question to the Foreign Ministers. To this objection the United States member pointed out that the Straits had been the subject of a lengthy discussion in the Big Three meeting and that the Kiel Canal was in any case under the jurisdiction of the Control Council for Germany; the Sub-Committee had been established after this discussion and therefore we thought that these subjects could be properly included. The British member agreed. The Soviet representative said that he would take up these points with Mr. Molotov. The remainder of the discussion was devoted to explanatory comment by the American and British representatives on their respective drafts, largely in reply to questions by the Soviet representative. The Sub-Committee adjourned with a promise by the Soviet representative to discuss the question again when his delegation had received the information it required which he hoped would be by July 29.

The Soviet representative has not called back on this question and our efforts to get in touch with him have been fruitless. I have the impression that the Soviets do not desire to discuss this question at this time and I doubt if we shall make any progress unless pressure is applied to the Soviet delegation at a higher level.

The Pittsburgh Press (July 27, 1945)

TOKYO SPURNS ALLIES’ ULTIMATUM
Fight-to-end reply given by cabinet

Enemy to face thousands of troops

B-29s warn 11 Jap cities they’ll be burned next

60,000 leaflets rain on enemy civilians telling them to flee

Attlee picking new cabinet before return to Potsdam

Churchill probably won’t go back; Bevin slated to be new foreign minister


British policy change expected

Treason! Blum shouts at trial of Petain

Charges marshal set up despotic regime

B-29 workers to end strike

Employees agree to return Monday
By the United Press

$18 billion slash in taxes forecast

But individuals’ aid held secondary

Sugar, clothes to be mailed home by Italian prisoners

They’ll buy chocolates, soap, shirts from U.S. stocks – top prices $7.45
By Martha Strayer, Scripps-Howard staff writer

Points revised on canned goods

Some go down, others increased

I DARE SAY —
What is freedom of the press?

By Florence Fisher Parry

AWOL 15 years ‘model’ man held

Britain pays bill of returning G.I.’s

Destroyer launched

QUINCY, Massachusetts – The 2,300-ton destroyer USS Joseph P. Kennedy Jr. was launched yesterday at the Bethlehem Steel Co.’s Quincy shipyard in honor of a Navy flier and son of the former Ambassador to Great Britain. The ship was sponsored by the hero’s sister, Miss Jean Kennedy, while his parents looked on.

War correspondents in China curbed

Big Three ready to resume its sessions

Churchill not going back

Barkley asks Saturday vote on Charter

Republican raps speed-up plans

Film office union votes against joining 19-week movie strike

International officers, however, threaten to expel members crossing picket line

Paper drivers petition WLB

Ask private arbitrator or 3-man panel