America at war! (1941–) – Part 4

Roosevelt-Churchill meeting, noon

Present
United States United Kingdom
President Roosevelt Prime Minister Churchill
Secretary of the Treasury Morgenthau Foreign Secretary Eden
Lord Cherwell
Sir Alexander Cadogan

From the Morgenthau Diary:

I met at 12:00 today with Roosevelt, Churchill, Eden and the Under Secretary for Foreign Affairs. We took up the question of the Lend-Lease Agreement for Phase II. The President read the thing through very carefully, and the only suggestion he made was that where it read, “Naturally no articles obtained on Lend-Lease or identical thereto would be exported,” he included the words, “or sold.” Lord Cherwell said that they do sell all of their Lend-Lease; that is, all of the nonmilitary Lend-Lease, and the President then added the words also “for profit.”

Churchill was quite emotional about this agreement, and at one time he had tears in his eyes. When the thing was finally signed, he told the President how grateful he was, thanked him most effusively, and said that this was something they were doing for both countries.

Then Churchill, turning to Lord Cherwell and myself, said, “Where are the minutes on this matter of the Ruhr?” and according to our agreement we said that we didn’t have them. The reason we didn’t have them was because I felt, when I read the minutes which Lord Cherwell had written, that it presented much too weak a case, and I thought that we could get Churchill to go much further. He seemed quite put out that we didn’t have the minutes of the previous meeting, and the President said that the reason we didn’t have them was because Henry interspersed the previous discussion with too many dirty stories, and that sort of broke the ice. So Churchill broke in and said, “Well, I’ll restate it,” which he did, and he did it very forcefully and very clearly. Then he suggested that Lord Cherwell and I withdraw and try to do a job on dictating it, which we did. It only took us a few minutes, and we came back up to the room where they were meeting and just calmly walked in. When Churchill read our very short memorandum, he said, “No, this isn’t what I want.” Then he started to talk and dictate to us, and I said, “I don’t know what the rules of the game are, but is there any reason why we can’t have a stenographer present? Then you could dictate directly to her.” He said, “By all means,” and Cherwell went out and got Churchill’s secretary, and she came in and he began to dictate. He dictated the memorandum, which finally stood just the way he dictated it. He dictates extremely well because he is accustomed to doing it when he is writing his books.

While Churchill was dictating, he used the memorandum which I had dictated as a sort of a text.

Roosevelt’s important contribution, while Churchill was dictating, was that when he got talking about the metallurgical, chemical and electric industries, Roosevelt had him insert the very important words “in Germany.” What Roosevelt meant was – because it came up later – that he didn’t have in mind just the Ruhr and the Saar, but he had in mind entire Germany, and that the matter we were talking about, namely, the ease with which metallurgical, chemical and electrical industries in Germany can be converted from peace to war, does not only apply to the Ruhr and the Saar, but the whole of Germany, which of course is terribly important.

When Churchill got through, Eden seemed quite shocked at what he heard, and he turned to Churchill and said, “You can’t do this. After all, you and I publicly have said quite the opposite. Furthermore, we have a lot of things in the work[s] in London which are quite different.” Then Churchill and Eden seemed to have quite a bit of argument about it. Roosevelt took no part in it, and I took a small part and kept throwing things in. Churchill’s main argument was what this meant in the way of trade; they would get the export trade of Germany. So Eden said, “How do you know what it is or where it is?” and Churchill answered him quite testily, “Well, we will get it where-ever it is.” I was quite amazed and shocked at Eden’s attitude; in fact, it was so different from the way he talked when we were in London. Finally Churchill said, “Now I hope, Anthony, you’re not going to do anything about this with the War Cabinet if you see a chance to present it.” Then he said this, “After all, the future of my people is at stake, and when I have to choose between my people and the German people, I am going to choose my people.” Churchill got quite nasty with Eden, and I understand from the President that all the rest of the day Eden was not at all helpful. The President was quite disappointed.

Eden describes his participation in the meeting as follows:

… On the morning of September 15th, I joined the Prime Minister and the President, who were by now in agreement in their approval of the [Morgenthau] plan. Cherwell had supported Morgenthau and their joint advocacy had prevailed. Large areas of the Ruhr and the Saar were to be stripped of their manufacturing industries and turned into agricultural lands. It was as if one were to take the Black Country and turn it into Devonshire. I did not like the plan, nor was I convinced that it was to our national advantage.

I said so, and also suggested that Mr. Cordell Hull’s opinion should be sought for. This was the only occasion I can remember when the Prime Minister showed impatience with my views before foreign representatives. He resented my criticism of something which he and the President had approved, not I am sure on his account, but on the President’s.

According to Cadogan, Roosevelt and Churchill had discussed the question of voting in the Security Council of the proposed world organization at midday on September 15 and again in the middle of the afternoon. Stettinius’ memorandum of his conversation with Cadogan on September 16 records:

… He said that while Eden understood these matters clearly, Churchill had not yet studied them and [he] feared that neither Churchill nor the President had a complete understanding of what was involved. I inquired if he knew whether the President had had my message before him when this was discussed, and he said that the President had had no papers before him and did not refer to any. He said the question had come up at midday yesterday and had been discussed again in the middle of the afternoon. He did not indicate which person had taken the initiative. He indicated that the President had not been definite in his views on the matter one way or the other.…

Roosevelt, however, sent a message to Stettinius stating that neither Churchill nor he was inclined to approve the compromise voting formula which Stettinius had transmitted to Quebec.

Roosevelt and Churchill initialed two separate papers on lend-lease: (1) the summary of their discussion on September 14, and (2) a shorter paper on the establishment of a committee to deal with lend-lease questions.

Memorandum initialed by President Roosevelt and Prime Minister Churchill

Quebec, September 15, 1944

At a conference between the President and the Prime Minister upon the best measures to prevent renewed rearmament by Germany, it was felt that an essential feature was the future disposition of the Ruhr and the Saar.

The ease with which the metallurgical, chemical and electric industries in Germany can be converted from peace to war has already been impressed upon us by bitter experience. It must also be remembered that the Germans have devastated a large portion of the industries of Russia and of other neighbouring Allies, and it is only in accordance with justice that these injured countries should, be entitled to remove the machinery they require in order to repair the losses they have suffered. The industries referred to in the Ruhr and in the Saar would therefore be necessarily put out of action and closed down. It was felt that the two districts should be put under some body under the world organization which would supervise the dismantling of these industries and make sure that they were not started up again by some subterfuge.

This programme for eliminating the war-making industries in the Ruhr and in the Saar is looking forward to converting Germany into a country primarily agricultural and pastoral in its character.

The Prime Minister and the President were in agreement upon this programme.

OK

F D R
W S C

15.9

Minute by President Roosevelt and Prime Minister Churchill

Quebec, 15 September, 1944

The President and Prime Minister have agreed to put to Marshal Stalin Lord Simon’s proposals for dealing with the major war criminals, and to concert with him a list of names.

OK

F D R

Memorandum initialed by President Roosevelt and Prime Minister Churchill

Quebec, September 14, 1944

We have discussed the question of the scope and scale of mutual Lend/Lease aid between the United States and the British Empire after the defeat of Germany and during the war with Japan. We have agreed that a Joint Committee shall be set up to consider this question with the following membership:

Chairman: [blank]

American Members: British Members:
Secretary Morgenthau [blank]
Under-Secretary Stettinius
Mr. Leo Crowley

The Committee will agree and recommend to the Heads of their respective Governments the amount of Mutual Aid in munitions, non-munitions and services which is to be provided for the most effective prosecution of the war. The Committee is instructed to obtain from the various branches of the Governments whatever pertinent information is necessary for the preparation of their recommendations.

Pending the recommendations of the Committee to the Heads of the respective Governments, the appropriate departments of each Government shall be instructed not to make any major decision with respect to the programmes of Lend/Lease Aid for the period referred to above without the approval of the Committee.

In reaching its conclusions the Committee will be guided by the conversation between the President and Prime Minister on September 14, 1944.

OK

F D R
W S C

15.9

The President to the Under Secretary of State

Quebec, 15 September 1944

Memorandum from the President for the Under Secretary of State.

Neither the Prime Minister nor I are inclined to approve the proposed amendment.

My thought has been that this amendment or a general reference to the subject should be mentioned in the agreement as having been discussed but without reaching any agreement or decision, thus leaving it up to the meeting of the United Nations.

Mr. Churchill, on the other hand, is afraid that this procedure will be unacceptable to the Russians, as they would know that they would be overwhelmingly defeated in a United Nations’ meeting and that they would get sore and try to take it out on all of us on some other point.

That is about the only information I can give you. Cadogan will return Monday, I think, and he can give you any further news.

I think we should keep on trying but if we cannot agree on this or any other point, I am inclined to favor either not mentioning disagreement or putting disagreements under a general statement that certain points have not been agreed on. I am still greatly in favor of a reference to the United Nations for discussion as soon as possible.

Minute by President Roosevelt and Prime Minister Churchill

Quebec, 15 September, 1944

It was agreed between the President and the Prime Minister today that the time had not yet come to recognise formally the FCNL as the Provisional Government of France, but the matter should be kept constantly under review.

W S C

16.9
F D R

Memorandum by the Secretary of the Treasury

Quebec, September 15, 1944
Draft 1. HMJr. dictated this.

At a conference between the President and the Prime Minister, Mr. Churchill said that he would sum up the discussion that we had been having in regard to the future disposition of the Ruhr and the Saar. He said that they would permit Russia and any other of our Allies to help themselves to whatever machinery they wished, that the industries in the Ruhr and in the Saar would be shut down, and that these two districts would be put under an international body which would supervise these industries to see that they would not start up again.

This programme for eliminating the war-making industries in the Ruhr and in the Saar is part of a programme looking forward to diverting Germany into largely an agricultural country.

The Prime Minister and the President were in agreement upon this programme.

The President to the Secretary of State

Quebec, 15 September 1944
Top secret

Memorandum from the President for the Secretary of State.

After many long conversations with the Prime Minister and Lord Cherwell, the general matter of post-war plans regarding industries has been worked out as per the following memoranda. This seems eminently satisfactory and I think you will approve the general idea of not rehabilitating the Ruhr, Saar, etc.

I think that I have also worked out the locations of the occupying forces.

I am going to leave here Saturday evening and go to Hyde Park where I will be joined Monday morning by the Prime Minister and his wife for a couple of days.

Morgenthau-Cherwell luncheon meeting, about 1:00 p.m.

Present
United States United Kingdom
Secretary of the Treasury Morgenthau Lord Cherwell

Roosevelt-Churchill luncheon meeting, 1:00 p.m.

Present
United States United Kingdom
President Roosevelt Prime Minister Churchill
Mrs. Churchill
Foreign Secretary Eden
Mr. Law
Sir Alexander Cadogan

Roosevelt-Churchill-Mackenzie King meeting, early afternoon

Present
United States United Kingdom Canada
President Roosevelt Prime Minister Churchill Prime Minister Mackenzie King

Mackenzie King apparently came to the Citadel for the purpose of asking Roosevelt and Churchill to accept honorary degrees from McGill University. The rest of the conversation is described as follows in Mackenzie King’s notes:

… Churchill … then spoke to the President about our participation in the war in the Pacific; of our desire to be in the Northern part and have our forces to serve in North Pacific; also our wish to have our Chiefs of Staff have a talk with his. The President replied: Mackenzie and I had a talk together on that, last night. That is all understood.

The President then said something about the Kuriles needing a good deal of patrolling, also Northern China, probably requiring Japs to be driven out later. When he stressed that he would have his divisions leave Seattle, and that Canadian forces could leave Vancouver, Churchill referred again to naval forces coming through the Panama Canal into the Pacific.… I did not want to leave matters to just the North and indicated that we were prepared to operate in the central area as well. Churchill also indicated that we were prepared to go as far South as Burma.

Churchill said it would not do to have our Canadians fighting in the Tropics…

The President’s Special Assistant to the President’s Secretary

Washington, September 15, 1944
Top secret
MR-out-412

Personal and secret to Miss Grace Tully from Harry Hopkins.

I sent to the President memorandum entitled French Lend Lease Agreement and dated September 11 from the State Department. FEA and State Department are anxious to know whether the President has initialed it.

Could you help me get an answer on this tomorrow?

HARRY HOPKINS

Roosevelt-Churchill meeting, afternoon

Present
United States United Kingdom
President Roosevelt Prime Minister Churchill

Roosevelt and Churchill had reached agreement on the allocation of zones of occupation in Germany as between United States and British forces. The agreement assigned the south western zone of occupation in Germany to United States forces and the northwestern zone to British forces; changed the boundary between the two zones by transferring the province of Hessen-Nassau and Oberhessen from the northwestern to the southwestern zone and by transferring an area west of the Rhine comprising Saarland, the Palatinate, and Rheinhessen from the southwestern to the northwestern zone; and provided that United States forces would have access “through the western and northwestern seaports” and rites of passage through the British zone of occupation.

The Pittsburgh Press (September 15, 1944)

Yanks invade two Jap isles

Big invasion armada pours troops into Palau and Morotai
By Frank Tremaine, United Press staff writer

map.091544.up
Drive toward the Philippines by U.S. forces was underway today from two directions, as U.S. troops landed on Morotai Island, northernmost of the Halmahera group south of the Philippines, and went ashore on the Palau Islands, to the east.

Pearl Harbor, Hawaii –
A big American invasion armada poured fighting men ashore on the Jap island base of Palau, 560 miles east of the Philippines, today as Gen. Douglas MacArthur’s troops stormed up into the Halmahera Islands from the south in a twin offensive to clear the road back to Bataan and Corregidor.

Exploding their greatest combined offensive of the Pacific war, Gen. MacArthur and Adm. Chester W. Nimitz, commander-in-chief of the U.S. Pacific Fleet, breached the coastal defenses of the two island bastions under cover of shattering bombardments from sea and sky.

Gen. MacArthur led his troops ashore early Friday on Morotai Island, northernmost of the Halmaheras and only 250 miles south of the Philippines, at almost the same moment Adm. Nimitz’s Marines and Army assault units were battling across the beaches of Palau.

Gen. MacArthur issued a statement from the Morotai beachhead a few hours after the landing saying that “we now dominate the Moluccas” and “our position here is now secure and the immediate operation has achieved its purpose.” He added that “defeat now stares Japan in the face” and the campaign is entering its decisive phase.

A Navy communiqué said a number of beachheads were established on Palau, a narrow chain of 26 islands, many of them mountainous, lying between the Carolines and the Philippines. Babelthuap is the principal islet in the group.

Because of time difference, Adm. Nimitz’s announcement said the Palau landing occurred Thursday morning, Honolulu Time, which would be Friday morning Halmahera Time.

The twin invasion blow threatened to break the chain of sprawling island bases established by the Japs around the Philippines and the western and southern approaches to the Chinese mainland, and first reports from Palau said the enemy was fighting back furiously from long-prepared defenses.

U.S. battleships, cruisers and supporting warships of the Pacific Fleet stood offshore bombarding the Jap shore installations while carrier-based aircraft dive-bombed and strafed the enemy in close support of the advancing ground troops.

“Enemy defenses are being heavily bombed and shelled at close range,” the communiqué said.

Gen. MacArthur’s men on Morotai also went in under a powerful warship and aircraft screen, but their landing met only feeble Jap opposition, and casualties in the initial assault were described officially as “very light.”

The bulk of the Jap garrison in the Halmaheras were revealed to have been concentrated in the southern part of the island group in the belief that Gen. MacArthur would strike there. Instead, they were bypassed, cut off from their only direct sources of supply, and left to surrender or die.

On Palau, however, one of the toughest battles of the Pacific campaign was believed in progress, possibly exceeding in savagery the epic fight for Saipan or the Marine landing on Tarawa.

The troops who swarmed ashore had to overcome obstacles of barbed wire on the beaches, backed up by entrenched machine-gun positions. Farther inland were larger guns, probably ranging up to six inches, and the deadly mortars which caused heavy casualties on the Mariana Island beachheads.

A brief Navy communiqué said reinforcements were being put ashore from a host of transports guarded by the guns and planes of Adm. William F. Halsey’s Third Fleet, and that the landings were “continuing against stiff ground opposition.”

The reference to “ground” opposition indicated that the bulk of Palau’s aerial defenses had been smashed by Adm. Halsey’s task force in a series of softening up bombardments that began on Sept. 5 and continued almost without interruption until the zero hour.

The exact point of the landing was not disclosed, but Radio Tokyo said the attack centered on Peleliu Island, southernmost of the chain of atolls comprising the Palau group. Tokyo said the landing was made at 6:00 a.m. (Palau Time) and that the Jap garrison drove the Americans back into the sea after a two-hour battle.

“About 2,500” American dead were left on the beach, the broadcast said.

The language of the Pearl Harbor communiqué left little doubt the Japs would make a desperate attempt to hold Palau, probably their most important bastion in the Central Pacific, outranking even Truk, 1,150 miles to the west.

There was no mentioned of Jap opposition in the air, although there was a possibility that enemy might risk units of their grand fleet in an attempt to run carrier aircraft to the aid of their island garrisons.

Any such move, however, almost certainly would bring on a major battle of surface ships for which Adm. Halsey is undoubtedly well prepared. The size of the supporting battle fleet covering the Palau landing was not divulged, but it was known to include some of the Navy’s heaviest units.

The landing followed more than a week of widespread naval and air assaults by Adm. Halsey’s battlewagons and carriers against Jap positions on Palau and in the Central Philippines that cost the enemy 501 planes and scores of merchant vessels.

Truk bypassed

U.S. occupation of the Palaus would close a watery trap around 75,000 to 100,000 Jap troops now bypassed in the Western Carolines, including the once-formidable naval base at Truk.

In addition, it would remove the last island barrier astride the Central Pacific route to the Philippines and enable Adm. Nimitz to throw the full weight of his land, sea and air forces against the Jap-occupied islands.

VAdm. Theodore S. Wilkinson of Rosslyn, Virginia (commander of
the U.S. Third Amphibious Force), was directing the landing operations, while Marine Maj. Gen. Julian C. Smith of Alexandria, Virginia, who commanded the 2nd Marine Division at Tarawa, led the expeditionary troops.

Win air base*

The 300-mile overwater thrust from Dutch New Guinea to Morotai cleared away the last important barrier on Gen. MacArthur’s road back to the Philippines and gave his gathering air forces fighter bases within one hour’s flight of the southern up of the latter islands.

Gen, MacArthur watched the preliminary bombardment of Morotai from the bridge of a U.S. cruiser and went ashore in the wake of his troops to inspect the Pitoe Airdrome, one of the first prizes taken on the island’s southern coast.

“We shall shortly have an air and light naval base here within 300 miles of the Philippines,” he told his officers.

Pitoe Field is about 40 miles from the northern tip of Morotai.

“They are waiting there for me,” he added. “It has been a long time.”

Japs face trap

A triumphant communiqué announcing the invasion of Morotai declared that the Halmahera-Philippines line has now been penetrated, imperiling all of the remaining Jap conquests in the South Seas and threatening to isolate the enemy’s 16th and 19th Armies, some 200,000 strong, in the East Indies.

Envelopment of these armies, the communiqué said, “would sever the vital supply lines to the Japanese mainland of oil and other war essentials.”

Gen, MacArthur told his troops at the Pitoe Airdrome:

You have done well. You now dominate the last stronghold which bars the way to the Philippines. The enemy, as usual, was not in the right place at the right time.

Morotai Island, 12 miles off the northern tip of Halmahera, is 40 miles long, with a narrow coastal strip rising steeply to 4,000-foot, densely-wooded mountains, and had a native population of about 10,000 before the Japs seized it from the Dutch.

The initial landing was made at the southwestern end of the island, within a few hundred yards of Pitoe Airfield.

New record set for Navy release

Pearl Harbor, Hawaii (UP) –
The Navy established a new record for speed in announcing Pacific operations, disclosing the invasion of Palau approximately nine hours after U.S. troops hit the beaches.

Nancy captured by Patton

Stronghold of Aachen surrounded in drive into Siegfried defenses
By Virgil Pinkley, United Press staff writer

British push close to Po Valley

Drive within mile of Rimini Airfield

Hurricane kills 24, injures 150 on East Coast

Property damage put at $30 million

WLB opens way for wage boosts

I DARE SAY —
The stars are coming out

By Florence Fisher Parry

Train death toll placed at 29

Meadville sergeant among those killed

americavotes1944

Confident Dewey pledges first-class election fight

There’ll be a change, he tells Montanans with better prosecution of the war

Billings, Montana (UP) –
Governor Thomas E. Dewey carried his presidential campaign into Montana today, pledging a first-class election fight which will not interfere with the war effort, but which will result in a change of administrations and more effective prosecution of the war after next January.

Mr. Dewey gave that pledge in an impromptu address to the crowd getting him at the Billings station last night upon his arrival for conferences today with agricultural, labor, veteran and political leaders.

First-class fight

Reminding his audience he was en route to the West Coast to make four major campaign speeches next week, Governor Dewey declared:

We will have a first-class fight from now until election. It will not be a campaign in the slightest degree to interfere with the war effort. This campaign will prove to all the world that we in America love our freedom so much that we can fight a total war harder because we are exercising the rights of free men as we do it.

By holding this campaign at a time when our enemies are collapsing and as we are making gigantic strides toward Berlin and Tokyo, we are demonstrating… that free men can wage a war, and the reason we are fighting so well is because we have something they haven’t.

We have a system that permits us to keep our shoulders to the wheel and to get every man and woman devoted to the cause, not deviating one moment.

As a result, I am confident we will change administrations and fight the war more effectively because we did so.

Mr. Dewey said he was confident that:

The American people will be convinced there is no indispensable man out of our 130 million, that there is a better way of life than either the creeping collectivism of the New Deal or the reaction they claim is the only alternative to their weaknesses and their spendthrift policy.

New Deal unemployed

He said:

There is a straight, out and out, American road in which government can do its part, which can encourage free men in business and labor and agriculture to do their part, by which we need never return to those seven straight years of the New Deal when the country ended up with 10 million unemployed.

Governor Dewey repeated his contention that this issue in the coming election is one of New Deal defeatism versus a progressive national economy.

He said:

The question before the American people is whether we shall continue downward, sliding slowly on the greased New Deal skids, toward total government control of business, of labor, of agriculture, of what we can buy and sell and what we can eat and wear, or whether… we shall start back once more on the American road toward a free economy, a free people, with full employment and with a great and growing country once more on the forward road. I am sure we will take the latter approach.

At the small town of Hardin during a brief operational stop for his special train, en route from Sheridan, Wyoming, he stepped to the rear platform and told a small audience that returning war veterans are “entitled to something better than the New Deal dole.”

He appealed for their help toward a Republican victory, which he pledged would assure “security and opportunity for all.”

It was one of the few rear platform appearances he has made, except at officially scheduled stops, since his special train left New York City Sept. 7.