America at war! (1941–) – Part 3

McMillan: Tanks secondary to infantrymen who lead way

By Richard D. McMillan

With British forces in France (UP) –
“This is a new kind of fighting,” an infantry major told me today as I completed a dawn tour of the British fighting front south of the Bayeux-Caen road.

This country is so thickly wooded and cut up into so many hedge-rimmed meadows that it is necessary for the infantry to go in first and locate the German gun posts and snipers, after which the tanks open fire and clean out the pockets of resistance.

The days of “naval battles on land” according to the North African desert pattern, with fleets of tanks cruising freely and maneuvering for favorable position, are gone, I discovered. Here the tank is merely a mobile, protected cannon which waddles up and plugs a few heavy shells into the German nests when the infantry can’t get through.

Most of the fighting is being done in the country lanes and hedgerows where the British Tommies are learning to stalk the Hun like an American Indian. The trick is to make the German expose himself without getting killed yourself. Since the German only reveals his position when he shoots, this is a neat art.


Gorrell: U.S. troops hunt Nazis like dogs seeking rats

By Henry T. Gorrell

With U.S. assault troops outside Carentan, France (UP) – (June 11, delayed)
The Germans have thrown their most fanatical troops and one of their most fearsome weapons – a 32-centimeter, multiple-barreled rocket gun – into the defense of Carentan, but today U.S. assault troops were digging them out of their concrete pillboxes like terriers going in after rats.

This is a key town on the Cherbourg-Paris railroad and it controls floodgates affecting acres of lowlands across which Allied troops are fighting. Field Marshal Karl Gerd von Rundstedt has garrisoned it with crack paratroopers, the same stripe of wild-eyed young Nazis who defended Cassino to the last ditch.

These paratroops rejected an ultimatum to surrender and now picked assault troops have gone in against their pillboxes. I watched doughboys going into the outskirts from a hilltop which I reached in a captured German caterpillar motorbike driven by Chaplain Raymond S. Half of Lynn, Massachusetts, who jumped with U.S. paratroopers on D-Day and has been up near the frontline ever since helping move out casualties under enemy fire.

German gunners cut loose

The Germans were firing from concrete pillboxes, often pinning the men down in ditches where the water was knee-high. To the murderous cackle of their pandaus, machine pistols and mortars was added the scream of the rocket gun. The projectiles came over with an unearthly scream and descended as though aimed at the back of your neck with a sound like a giant pig whistle.

After the Germans refused to surrender, artillery began to weed out their emplacements one by one. Carentan has been under siege since 1:00 p.m. Saturday when doughboys captured four bridges over canals on this side of Carentan.

Moving up toward this front, I watched a column of G.I.s marching in double file at each side of the road to meet the Germans. They moved past wrecks of German gun carriers in which the blasted bodies of the crews still sprawled grotesquely, past scores of dead German infantrymen lying at the roadside where they had fallen, with never a second look.

Their eyes were fixed forward – toward the battle – and their faces were grim with anticipation. A bunch of German rockets came over with an ungodly scream and my jangled nerves vibrated. But the plodding infantrymen didn’t seem to hear. They just marched along looking straight ahead. They’ve had so much noise out to them since D-Day that they’re immune to terror.

Mobile secret weapon none other than Flak Happy jeep

With 9th Air Force TCC, France (UP) – (June 11, delayed)
A sentry called the sergeant of the guard on a beachhead northwest of Carentan and reported, “It looks like a secret weapon approaching.”

The sergeant looked and replied, “Let it pass, that’s a flak-happy jeep.”

Flak Happy, salvaged from wreckage, was the first jeep to gain renown among U.S. troops on the Cherbourg Peninsula.

When a glider flying troops and equipment behind the lines cracked up, the jeep was damaged so badly that ordnance men abandoned it, but it was repaired so well it provided transportation for 12 glider pilots back to the beachhead to be evacuated for further missions. Among them was Flight Officer B. Ripson of Hempstead, New York.

Censorship leak probe continues

Japs beating down Chinese resistance

Two-pronged drive threatens to cut her from Allies

Task forces raid four bases in Marianas

Secretary Hull faces many intricate problems

Corby: Jimmy Durante will be seen Wednesday in new film, Two Girls and a Sailor

By Jane Corby

Editorial: Stern justice, not revenge, needed for enduring peace

Heffernan: Insularity and our continental republic

The Pittsburgh Press (June 12, 1944)

Ernie Pyle V Norman

Roving Reporter

By Ernie Pyle

Normandy beachhead, France –
Due to a last-minute alteration in the arrangements, I didn’t arrive on the beachhead until the morning after D-Day, after our first wave of assault troops had hit the shore.

By the time we got here, the beaches had been taken and the fighting had moved a couple of miles inland. All that remained on the beach was some sniping and artillery fire, and the occasional startling blast of a mine geysering brown sand into the air. That plus a gigantic and pitiful litter of wreckage along miles of shoreline.

Submerged tanks and overturned boats and burned trucks and shell-shattered jeeps and sad little personal belongings were strewn all over these bitter sands. That plus the bodies of soldiers lying in rows covered with blankets, the toes of their shoes sticking up in a line as though on drill. And other bodies, uncollected, still sprawling grotesquely in the sand or half hidden by the high grass beyond the beach.

That plus an intense, grim determination of work-weary men to get this chaotic beach organized and get all the vital supplies and the reinforcements moving more rapidly over it from the stacked-up ships standing in droves out to sea.

Now that it is over it seems to me a pure miracle that we ever took the beach at all. For some of our units it was easy, but in this special sector where I am now our troops faced such odds that our getting ashore was like my whipping Joe Louis down to a pulp.

In this column, I want to tell you what the opening of the second front in this one sector entailed, so that you can know and appreciate and forever be humbly grateful to those both dead and alive who did it for you.

Ashore, facing us, were more enemy troops than we had in our assault waves. The advantages were all theirs, the disadvantages all ours. The Germans were dug into positions that they had been working on for months, although these were not yet all complete. A one-hundred-foot bluff a couple of hundred yards back from the beach had great concrete gun emplacements built right into the hilltop. These opened to the sides instead of to the front, thus making it very hard for naval fire from the sea to reach them. They could shoot parallel with the beach and cover every foot of it for miles with artillery fire.

Then they had hidden machine-gun nests on the forward slopes, with crossfire taking in every inch of the beach. These nests were connected by networks of trenches, so that the German gunners could move about without exposing themselves.

Throughout the length of the beach, running zigzag a couple of hundred yards back from the shoreline, was an immense V-shaped ditch fifteen feet deep. Nothing could cross it, not even men on foot, until fills had been made. And in other places at the far end of the beach, where the ground is flatter, they had great concrete walls. These were blasted by our naval gunfire or by explosives set by hand after we got ashore.

Our only exits from the beach were several swales or valleys, each about one hundred yards wide. The Germans made the most of these funnel-like traps, sowing them with buried mines. They contained, also, barbed-wire entanglements with mines attached, hidden ditches, and machine guns firing from the slopes.

This is what was on the shore. But our men had to go through a maze nearly as deadly as this before they even got ashore. Underwater obstacles were terrific. The Germans had whole fields of evil devices under the water to catch our boats. Even now, several days after the landing, we have cleared only channels through them and cannot yet approach the whole length of the beach with our ships. Even now some ship or boat hits one of these mines every day and is knocked out of commission.

The Germans had masses of those great six-pronged spiders, made of railroad iron and standing shoulder-high, just beneath the surface of the water for our landing craft to run into. They also had huge logs buried in the sand, pointing upward and outward, their tops just below the water. Attached to these logs were mines.

In addition to these obstacles, they had floating mines offshore, land mines buried in the sand of the beach, and more mines in checkerboard rows in the tall grass beyond the sand. And the enemy had four men on shore for every three men we had approaching the shore.

And yet we got on.

Beach landings are planned to a schedule that is set far ahead of time. They all have to be timed, in order for everything to mesh and for the following waves of troops to be standing off the beach and ready to land at the right moment.

As the landings are planned, some elements of the assault force are to break through quickly, push on inland, and attack the most obvious enemy strong points. It is usually the plan for units to be inland, attacking gun positions from behind, within a matter of minutes after the first men hit the beach.

I have always been amazed at the speed called for in these plans. You’ll have schedules calling for engineers to land at H-Hour plus two minutes, and service troops at H-Hour plus thirty minutes, and even for press censors to land at H-Hour plus seventy-five minutes. But in the attack on this special portion of the beach where I am – the worst we had, incidentally – the schedule didn’t hold.

Our men simply could not get past the beach. They were pinned down right on the water’s edge by an inhuman wall of fire from the bluff. Our first waves were on that beach for hours, instead of a few minutes, before they could begin working inland.

You can still see the foxholes they dug at the very edge of the water, in the sand and the small, jumbled rocks that form parts of the beach.

Medical corpsmen attended the wounded as best they could. Men were killed as they stepped out of landing craft. An officer whom I knew got a bullet through the head just as the door of his landing craft was let down. Some men were drowned.

The first crack in the beach defenses was finally accomplished by terrific and wonderful naval gunfire, which knocked out the big emplacements. They tell epic stories of destroyers that ran right up into shallow water and had it out point-blank with the big guns in those concrete emplacements ashore.

When the heavy fire stopped, our men were organized by their officers and pushed on inland, circling machine-gun nests and taking them from the rear.

As one officer said, the only way to take a beach is to face it and keep going. It is costly at first, but it’s the only way. If the men are pinned down on the beach, dug in and out of action, they might as well not be there at all. They hold up the waves behind them, and nothing is being gained.

Our men were pinned down for a while, but finally they stood up and went through, and so we took that beach and accomplished our landing. We did it with every advantage on the enemy’s side and every disadvantage on ours. In the light of a couple of days of retrospection, we sit and talk and call it a miracle that our men ever got on at all or were able to stay on.

Before long it will be permitted to name the units that did it. Then you will know to whom this glory should go. They suffered casualties. And yet if you take the entire beachhead assault, including other units that had a much easier time, our total casualties in driving this wedge into the continent of Europe were remarkably low – only a fraction, in fact, of what our commanders had been prepared to accept.

And these units that were so battered and went through such hell are still, right at this moment, pushing on inland without rest, their spirits high, their egotism in victory almost reaching the smart-alecky stage.

Their tails are up. “We’ve done it again,” they say. They figure that the rest of the army isn’t needed at all. Which proves that, while their judgment in this regard is bad, they certainly have the spirit that wins battles and eventually wars.

The Free Lance-Star (June 12, 1944)

U.S. TROOPS 18 MILES DEEP IN FRANCE
Deep penetration made in center of beachhead; Cerisy Forest and Carentan taken

Germans still hold Caen; Cherbourg near isolation

SHAEF, England (AP) –
U.S. troops have driven 18 miles inland in the middle of the Normandy beachhead, capturing the whole forest of Cerisy, and the German High Command said today the strategic stronghold of Carentan had fallen to U.S. forces.

The smashing advance through the Cerisy Forest punched the deepest dent yet in the Nazi line.

Doughboys were converging on Saint-Lô, communications hub in the center of Normandy, less than nine miles away, from the north and east.

Headquarters did not confirm the fall of Carentan, guarding the narrowest neck of Cherbourg Peninsula, but said Americans were within 14 miles of Cherbourg itself from the southeast, and had punched halfway across the cape, threatening to seal off the tip.

German broadcasts said Caen, eastern bastion of the 60-mile-long front, was menaced by encirclement – with British troops slashing nine miles east of the city.

A front dispatch today said Caen had not yet been captured, although “a considerable German force has been brought to battle and hit hard.” Another story dated Sunday declared Allied troops pressed within a few miles of Caen “after blasting the Germans out of the town” late Friday. This suggested the Nazis had pulled back at least the main part of their armored force from the city.

Supreme Headquarters said further gains were made around Montebourg on the southeast avenue to Cherbourg, and reported “considerable progress” around Carentan, a vital junction.

The doughboys were cracking in the Cherbourg Peninsula Line in the center, and a Berlin broadcast reported seaborne forces had landed at Saint-Vaast-la-Hougue, 16 miles east of Cherbourg.

In the widening hole in the center of the beachhead to the southeast, Berlin said British formations were concentrating in the Balleroy area, 12 miles inland, flanking Cerisy Forest to the east, thus in position to aid the U.S. drive on Saint-Lô.

Headquarters said the beachhead front now had been lengthened to 60 miles, and said the German command had been forced to throw in reserves piecemeal, sapping potential strength from his anticipated major counterattack.

Naval guns cause evacuation

The Germans said Carentan, whose floodgates control the main peninsula water defense system, was evacuated in order to continue a stand on ground less exposed to allied naval guns.

As for Caen, German broadcasts said that the British drive has reached nearly to Troarn, nine miles east of that bastion, and that Allied parachutists had landed south of Caen. British troops were driving down west of Caen threatening the other flank. Field Marshal Erwin Rommel has mounted his fiercest armored counterattacks in this Caen sector, and Berlin said major British forces were concentrating for a full-fledged assault on the town.

As the U.S. frontal attack across the Merderet River on Cherbourg Peninsula reached within 12 miles of the West Coast roads – whose capture would seal off Cherbourg – Vichy radio said doughboys had pushed into Quinéville on the East Coast.

This would put Lt. Gen. Omar N. Bradley’s flank within 14 miles of Cherbourg on a four-mile front between Quinéville and Montebourg, where street fighting was reported.

The Germans, apparently reeling under the force of the first invasion week, said 300,000 to 400,000 Allied troops had already been poured into a mighty bridgehead flood and that these represented only a third of the amphibious assault forces poised in Britain to hammer home attacks against the continent.

The German radio declared:

The bulk of the huge forces of the 21st Amphibious Army Group is still standing by to pounce on some important harbor.

Report new landings

Continuing a stream of reports of new Allied landings, Berlin’s Transocean News Agency said seaborne forces had been put ashore at Saint-Vaast-la-Hougue near the top of the peninsula and due east of Cherbourg yesterday.

The Germans said the Allies had crossed the Orne estuary, ferrying over tanks and threatening Caen, which Marshal Erwin Rommel by his counterattacks had made a testing point.

The crossing of the estuary forced the Germans to evacuate two towns before the Allied onslaught was checked near Troarn, by German account.

A breakthrough here would link up infantry with parachute troops which the Nazis said had landed in the Troarn area earlier.

Heightening of the prospect of encirclement of Caen was the German report of other parachute troop landings south of the town.

To the west, British troops were also flanking the town by a thrust through Tilly-sur-Seulles where armored columns were engaged in fierce combat.

Officials reports said only that British and Canadians were holding their own satisfactorily along the explosive Caen line, but field dispatches declared Gen. Sir Bernard L. Montgomery had mounted a powerful encircling sweep, with the Allies driving ahead on both flanks around the town.

Nazis use reserves

Headquarters Communiqué No. 13, issued at 11:00 a.m., reported that intense fighting against German armored columns raged without respite in the Tilly-sur-Seulles area on the British sector of the front.

Field Marshal Karl Gerd von Rundstedt was rushing reserves up from as far back as Paris to meet this mounting menace, but his new men and guns, and the roads over which they moved, were under bomb cannon, rocket and machine-gun fire of an Allied air armada which before noon had flown more sorties than all day yesterday.

Allied warships – among them the battleships USS Texas and Nevada and the cruisers USS Tuscaloosa and Quincy, and the British battleship HMS Warspite – hurled tons of explosives miles inland upon German guns which still were able to subject the invasion beachhead to sporadic fire.

The targets of the warships were principally the Nazis’ mobile guns, for by now virtually all fixed-position defense batteries were knocked out.

The invasion beachhead was regarded as secure and progress inland along the whole front, now roughly 55 miles wide, was viewed officially today with “sober satisfaction.”

The fight had reached the phase of exploiting the beachhead success and now, favored by the best weather since D-Day, the team of Gens. Montgomery and Bradley was expected to accelerate operations.

Strong attacking force

The German radio said Allied pressure northward along the canal from Caen to the Bay of the Seine had increased this morning.

It declared the Allies had thrown 20 regular divisions and four to five airborne divisions into their 55-mile front.

Ferry terminals at the mouth of the Seine were shot up by RAF rocket typhoons yesterday.

The Germans asserted their bouncers sank a 7,000-ton Allied troop transport in the Bay of the Seine and damaged another.

The German Air Force was little in evidence yesterday, but Allied planes had to cope with intense flak in many places.

An improvement in the weather, which permitted the RAF heavies to pound rail bottlenecks behind the German Western Front last night, gave the Allied air arm a field day over France.

Medium and fighter-bombers spread havoc among von Rundstedt’s concentrations and fighters were working so closely in contact with ground troops today that they were able to spray destruction into Nazi frontline strongpoints holding up sector advances.

Despite German claims of E-boat attacks on a powerful Allied convoy guarded by cruisers as it was crossing the western part of the Bay of the Seine, SHAEF regarded the enemy’s overnight E-boat action as on a diminished scale.

It was pointed out, however, the fight against the torpedo sting of German small boats must be […] the Germans have hundreds of them and, so far, have not dared to bring into the invasion zone anything large than E-boats and destroyers.

Headquarters followed up midnight Communiqué No. 12 with an official tribute to American progress yesterday on the beachhead’s right wing. It called the situation “excellent – could not be better.”

Bond campaign is begun in country

Strong effort will be made here to reach district quota; $16 billion is goal

Roosevelt broadcast to start bond drive

Texarkana, Arkansas (AP) –
Momentum already built up in the Fifth War Loan was termed “terrific” by Secretary of the Treasury Henry Morgenthau Jr. today as he arrived to open the $16-billion bond drive.

The Secretary declared the results thus far were “better than OK.” He said he would announce the cost of the advance from Sicily to Rome and estimate the cost of the war this year in a four-network broadcast officially opening the bond campaign at 9:00 p.m. CWT tonight.

President Roosevelt will speak from Washington on the program.

Morgenthau found Texarkana flying thousands of flags and packed with 20,000 visitors.

americavotes1944

Texas Democrats refuse to change

Dallas, Texas (AP) –
The Texas State Democratic executive committee by a vote of 37–6 today refused to certify the name of Texas Democratic presidential electors named at a pro-Roosevelt convention for printing on the July primary ballot.

The committee turned down a request by pro-Roosevelt Democrats to submit at the Party primary a question for binding presidential electors to vote for the party’s candidate for President.

Merritt Gibson, chairman of the Resolutions Committee, said that the question has been decided at the state convention, out of which the Roosevelt backers walked after losing two test votes.

Reports on post-war employment

8 to 10 million people will be seeking positions

Two million words combed by censors

SHAEF, England (AP) –
SHAEF censors scrutinized 2,500,000 words in the first five days of the invasion. An official estimated they deleted an average of less than one word from every hundred. They also viewed 35,000 still pictures and 106,000 feet of movie film.

U.S. dead are buried in France

Heavily blasted field is first American cemetery

At a U.S. beachhead cemetery, France (AP) – (June 9, delayed)
Stretched out on their backs with their pitiful personal belongings lying beside them on this bomb-blasted, shell-scorched bit of the Normandy beach lie the American dead – men and boys who paid the supreme price for wresting this strongly fortified position from the Nazis in a daring daylight amphibious assault.

They lie here mutely waiting while troops dig long trenches for temporary mass burial. Nearby, also awaiting burial are the bodies of 10 Germans and two Britons.

Negro troops digging these common graves labor silently with an occasional awed glance at the stiff forms under the white covers that had been thrown over them.

This is America’s first cemetery in France in this war. It is not a pretentious place. A few days ago, it was a German minefield separating the beach defenses from the rugged pillboxes and forts in a steep hill that rises a few hundred yards from the ugly, rock-strewn beaches.

When the Americans swarmed onto the beaches through murderous surf, angry German guns mowed them down. The cold greedy water of the wrathful Channel, lashed by a three-day wind, clutched at some, sucking them down.

This battle was so fierce that our grave registration officers – men who bury the dead and tell the folks back home about them – had to spend most of their time in foxholes. When the enemy retreated into the hills, these officers gathered their weary men and began bringing bodies to this place – where the green grass is turned black from the fury of high explosives.

Another cemetery is being prepared nearby because this hallowed ground is too small to care for the men who will not fight again.

Supreme HQ Allied Expeditionary Force (June 12, 1944)

Communique No. 14

The fusion of our beachheads is now complete and a coastal strip some 60 miles long is firmly in our hands. Its depth is being increased steadily.

Slight advances were made east of CAEN.

U.S. troops in the CHERBOURG PENINSULA have made further progress to the north and west. Additional road crossings over the coastal inundations are in our hands.

Further east the enemy was driven from the whole of the FORÊT DE CERISY. Fierce fighting between British and enemy armored units continued between TILLY-SUR-SEULLES and CAEN.

Allied warships have been giving deep supporting fire in the center and close support on the flanks of our armies.

Striking in very great strength, our aircraft today hammered enemy airfields and communications over a 400-mile arc from SAINT-NAZAIRE to LILLE. Armed reconnaissance, and medium-level bombing missions were flown from the tip of the CHERBOURG PENINSULA over the battle area and southeastward to JUVISY.

The largest single striking force of heavy day bombers ever dispatched from ENGLAND struck this morning at a broad belt of 16 airfields, from DREUX to LILLE, and at six rail bridges in the SAINT-NAZAIRE and PARIS areas. Strong forces of fighters, which escorted the bombers, scored against a variety of rail targets on their return flight.

The rail system focusing at RENNES was a major target for the day, with fighter bombers severing in numerous places the railway lines leading to the city. Meanwhile, medium and light bombers carried out a succession of attacks on the railway installations there and highway junctions to the south of the battle area.

Rocket-firing aircraft attacked the military ferry at BERVILLE-SUR-MER. A ferry boat and a pier were left burning. Other rocket-firing planes on armed reconnaissance struck at a variety of armored targets and motor transport in the combat zone.

Batteries at LA PERNELLE and at JOULIME, both near the tip of the CHERBOURG PENINSULA, were attacked shortly before noon.

Our fighters continued their patrols over the beach and adjacent Channel waters. Eleven enemy aircraft were destroyed in this area, for the loss of eight of ours.

President Roosevelt’s Fireside Chat 30
Opening Fifth War Loan Drive
June 12, 1944, 10:00 p.m. EWT

Rooseveltsicily

Broadcast audio:

Ladies and gentlemen:

All our fighting men overseas today have their appointed stations on the far-flung battlefronts of the world. We at home have ours too. We need, we are proud of, our fighting men – most decidedly. But, during the anxious times ahead, let us not forget that they need us too.

It goes almost without saying that we must continue to forge the weapons of victory – the hundreds of thousands of items, large and small, essential to the waging of the war. This has been the major task from the very start, and it is still a major task. This is the very worst time for any war worker to think of leaving his machine or to look for a peacetime job.

And it goes almost without saying, too, that we must continue to provide our government with the funds necessary for waging war not only by the payment of taxes – which, after all, is an obligation of American citizenship – but also by the purchase of War Bonds – an act of free choice which every citizen has to make for himself under the guidance of his own conscience.

Whatever else any of us may be doing, the purchase of War Bonds and stamps is something all of us can do and should do to help win the war.

I am happy to report tonight that it is something which – something nearly everyone seems to be doing. Although there are now approximately 67 million persons who have or earn some form of income (including the Armed Forces), 81 million persons or their children have already bought war bonds. They have bought more than 600 million individual bonds. Their purchases have totaled more than $32 billion. These are the purchases of individual men, women and children. Anyone who would have said this was possible a few years ago would have been put down as a starry-eyed visionary. But of such visions is the stuff of America.

Of course, there are always pessimists with us everywhere, a few here and a few there. I am reminded of the fact that after the fall of France in 1940, I asked the Congress for the money for the production by the United States of 50,000 airplanes per year. Well, I was called crazy – it was said that the figure was fantastic; that it could not be done. And yet today we are building airplanes at the rate of one hundred thousand a year.

There is a direct connection between the bonds you have bought and the stream of men and equipment now rushing over the English Channel for the liberation of Europe. There is a direct connection between your Bonds and every part of this global war today.

Tonight, therefore on the opening of this Fifth War Loan Drive, it is appropriate for us to take a broad look at this panorama of world war, for the success or the failure of the drive is going to have so much to do with the speed with which we can accomplish victory and the peace.

While I know that the chief interest tonight is centered on the English Channel and on the beaches and farms and the cities of Normandy, we should not lose sight of the fact that our armed forces are engaged on other battlefronts all over the world, and that no one front can be considered alone without its proper relation to all.

It is worth while, therefore, to make overall comparisons with the past. Let us compare today with just two years ago – June 1942. At that time, Germany was in control of practically all of Europe, and was steadily driving the Russians back toward the Ural Mountains. Germany was practically in control of North Africa and the Mediterranean, and was beating at the gates of the Suez Canal and the route to India. Italy was still an important military and supply factor – as subsequent, long campaigns have proved.

Japan was in control of the western Aleutian Islands; and in the South Pacific was knocking at the gates of Australia and New Zealand – and also was threatening India. Japan had seized control of the Central Pacific.

American armed forces on land and sea and in the air were still very definitely on the defensive, and in the building-up stage. Our Allies were bearing the heat and the brunt of the attack.

In 1942 Washington heaved a sigh of relief that the first War Bond issue had been cheerfully over-subscribed by the American people. Way back in those days, two years ago, America was still hearing from many “amateur strategists” and political critics, some of whom were doing more good for Hitler than for the United States – two years ago.

But today we are on the offensive all over the world – bringing the attack to our enemies.

In the Pacific, by relentless submarine and naval attacks, and amphibious thrusts, and ever-mounting air attacks, we have deprived the Japs of the power to check the momentum of our ever-growing and ever-advancing military forces. We have reduced the Japs’ shipping by more than three million tons. We have overcome their original advantage in the air. We have cut off from a return to the homeland, cut off from that return, tens of thousands of beleaguered Japanese troops who now face starvation or ultimate surrender. And we have cut down their naval strength, so that for many months they have avoided all risk of encounter with our naval forces.

True, we still have a long way to go to Tokyo. But, carrying out our original strategy of eliminating our European enemy first and then turning all our strength to the Pacific, we can force the Japanese to unconditional surrender or to national suicide much more rapidly than has been thought possible.

Turning now to our enemy who is first on the list for destruction – Germany has her back against the wall – in fact three walls at once!

In the south, we have broken the German hold on central Italy. On June 4, the city of Rome fell to the Allied armies. And allowing the enemy no respite, the Allies are now pressing hard on the heels of the Germans as they retreat northwards in ever-growing confusion.

On the east, our gallant Soviet Allies have driven the enemy back from the lands which were invaded three years ago. The great Soviet armies are now initiating crushing blows.

Overhead, vast Allied air fleets of bombers and fighters have been waging a bitter air war over Germany and Western Europe. They have had two major objectives: to destroy German war industries which maintain the German armies and air forces; and to shoot the German Luftwaffe out of the air. As a result, German production has been whittled down continuously, and the German fighter forces now have only a fraction of their former power.

This great air campaign, strategic and tactical, is going to continue – with increasing power.

And on the west, the hammer blow which struck the coast of France last Tuesday morning, less than a week ago, was the culmination of many months of careful planning and strenuous preparation.

Millions of tons of weapons and supplies, hundreds of thousands of men assembled in England, are now being poured into the great battle in Europe.

I think that from the standpoint of our enemy we have achieved the impossible. We have broken through their supposedly impregnable wall in northern France. But the assault has been costly in men and costly in materials. Some of our landings were desperate adventures; but from advices received so far, the losses were lower than our commanders had estimated would occur. We have established a firm foothold. We are now prepared to meet the inevitable counterattacks of the Germans – with power and with confidence. And we all pray that we will have far more, soon, than a firm foothold.

Americans have all worked together to make this day possible.

The liberation forces now streaming across the Channel, and up the beaches and through the fields and the forests of France are using thousands and thousands of planes and ships and tanks and heavy guns. They are carrying with them many thousands of items needed for their dangerous, stupendous undertaking. There is a shortage of nothing – nothing! And this must continue.

What has been done in the United States since those days of 1940 – when France fell – in raising and equipping and transporting our fighting forces, and in producing weapons and supplies for war, has been nothing short of a miracle. It was largely due to American teamwork – teamwork among capital and labor and agriculture, between the armed forces and the civilian economy – indeed among all of them.

And every one – every man or woman or child – who bought a War Bond helped – and helped mightily!

There are still many people in the United States who have not bought War Bonds, or who have not bought as many as they can afford. Everyone knows for himself whether he falls into that category or not. In some cases his neighbors know too. To the consciences of those people, this appeal by the President of the United States is very much in order.

For all of the things which we use in this war, everything we send to our fighting Allies, costs money – a lot of money. One sure way every man, woman and child can keep faith with those who have given, and are giving, their lives, is to provide the money which is needed to win the final victory.

I urge all Americans to buy War Bonds without stint. Swell the mighty chorus to bring us nearer to victory!

Völkischer Beobachter (June 13, 1944)

Eisenhowers Rezept verdorben –
Aufmarsch im Feuerhasel

vb. Berlin, 12. Juni –
Der gegenwärtige Abschnitt der Entwicklung an der Invasionsfront kann immer noch als eine Art von Zwischenstadium betrachtet werden. Die Engländer und Amerikaner sind an Land gekommen. Nun suchen sie die günstigsten Stellungen für die große Schlacht der Panzer und der Grenadiere, die in der Normandie über kurz oder lang entbrennen muß. Gleichzeitig marschiert auch Deutschland mit der Masse seiner eingreifenden Divisionen auf, die es aus dem Innern Frankreichs herbeiholt. Während diese Bewegungen vor sich gehen, hat sich das eigentliche Bild der Frontlage in den letzten 48 Stunden, seitdem die Amerikaner und Engländer die beiden Brückenköpfe – den von Bayeux und den nördlich Carentan – vereinigt haben, nicht wesentlich verändert.

Der Gegner ist am Fuße der Halbinsel auf Carentan vorgestoßen und hat die Stadt in hartem Kampf genommen. Dagegen ist ein anderer Versuch, vom Südosten her Cherbourg zu nehmen, nach anfänglichen Erfolgen zurückgeworfen worden. So wogt der Kampf an den ausgezackten Rändern des Brückenkopfes hin und her, aber sein Umfang selber hat sich in den letzten Tagen kaum noch verändert. Vor allem ist deutlich geworden, daß der Gegner diesem Brückenkopf nach dem Lande zu keine größere Ausdehnung zu geben vermocht hat, als sie bereits Ende vergangener Woche bestand. Der Brückenkopf hat eine beträchtliche Breite, aber eine nur geringe Tiefe. Er bildet immer noch einen Küstensaum.

Und in diesem Saum herrscht der Gegner nicht unbeschränkt. Der Atlantikwall besteht in diesen Tagen seine große Probe. Seine Werke haben schon bei der Annäherung dem Gegner schwere Verluste zugefügt, aber seinen vollen Wert beweist das System gerade erst in diesen Tagen, da ein Teil der Anlagen zerstört oder überrannt ist und an dem anderen die Gegner vorbeizuflitzen versuchen. In Maschinengewehrnestern, in Betonbunkern und Panzerwerken halten sich die Verteidiger, aus ihren Geschützrohren, aus ihren Gewehrläufen und aus ihren Flammenwerfern schlägt dem Feind immer von neuem ein schweres Feuer entgegen. Während er sich vorne an der eigentlichen Front erbittert genug mit deutschen Panzern oder mit den zahlreichen Scharfschützen der Infanterie herumschlagen muß, dröhnen hinter seinem Rücken oder an seiner Flanke unaufhörlich die deutschen Abschüsse. Er kann sich nicht frei entfalten, so gern er es auch möchte.

Wir müssen uns klarzumachen versuchen, was diese beiden Tatsachen: die geringe Tiefenausdehnung des Küstenraums und das Hereingesprengtsein der weiterfeuernden Werke des Atlantikwalls, für den Gegner bedeutet. Er weiß, daß die eigentliche Schlacht noch bevorsteht. Er weiß, daß er sie gegen weit stärkere Verbände auszufechten haben wird, als er sie bei der Landung traf. Er muß sich für diese Schlacht vorbereiten. Er muß zunächst für die an Zahl beträchtlichen Truppen, die er hinübergesandt hat, immer wieder Ersatz für die Ausfälle, er muß Munition, er muß Treibstoff, er muß Lebensmittel hinüberschaffen. Ein Teil davon geht über See. Die deutsche Kriegsmarine und die deutsche Luftwaffe haben ihren Einsatz in den letzten Tagen noch verstärken können, und bevor die Transportschiffe noch den Strand erreichten, sind viele von ihnen mit ihren Insassen in die See gesunken. Er kann dann diese Schiffe keineswegs dort ausladen lassen, wo er gern möchte, denn er muß immer wieder fürchten, in das Feuer von deutschen Küstenbatterien zu geraten. Er ist also von vornherein in der Wahl seiner Landeköpfe beschränkt. Das zwingt dazu, den größten Teil der Transporte weiter durch die Luft zu leiten. Auch hier gerät ein Teil bereits unterwegs in das Feuer der deutschen Jäger und Zerstörer. Für diejenigen Lastensegler aber, die ankommen, muß der Landeplatz wieder sorgfältig ausgesucht werden, und die Wahl ist dabei beschränkt, weil auch hier das Feuer der deutschen Werke zu fürchten ist.

Wenn aber nun der General Montgomery, der Oberbefehlshaber der 21. Armeegruppe (wobei die Zahl natürlich hier wie in allen solchen Fällen rein willkürlich gewählt ist) die an Land gekommenen Truppen und das Material für die große bevorstehende Schlacht aufmarschieren läßt, sieht er sich erst recht immer wieder dadurch gehemmt, daß sein Aufmarschraum nach der Tiefe so sehr beschränkt ist, und daß er nicht einmal auf diesem beschränkten Raum marschieren lassen kann, wohin er will. Er kann seine Verbände nicht so in der Tiefe staffeln, wie er gerne möchte. Und auf wichtigen Straßen und Versammlungsplätzen liegt das deutsche Wirkungsfeuer. Er hat es nicht nur zu fürchten von den weiter entfernt liegenden Batterien der deutschen Front, sondern auch aus seiner unmittelbaren Nähe, von den Werken des Atlantikwalls. Es ist zum Teil ein Aufmarsch im Feuerhagel, den die Armeegruppe Montgomery in diesen Tagen unternehmen muß. Dieser Aufmarsch ist sehr viel schwieriger als der, den der Generalfeldmarschall von Rundstedt, der deutsche Oberbefehlshaber West, und der Generalfeldmarschall Rommel, der Oberbefehlshaber einer Heeresgruppe, hier zu vollziehen haben.

Nach allem, was der Gegner vorher verkündet hatte, hat er sich das anders und vor allem viel leichter gedacht. Er hatte geglaubt, den Widerstand an der Küste schneller brechen zu können und hier ein Gebiet von einer gewissen Tiefe zur Verfügung zu haben, wo er in der Entfaltung seiner starken Panzerkräfte weniger behindert gewesen wäre. Er hat sein erstes Ziel: die Gewinnung eines Brückenkopfes, erreichen können. Aber er hat dabei einige für ihn nicht ungefährliche Veränderungen seiner Absichten in Kauf nehmen müssen. Er hat zunächst im Gegensatz zu seinem Plan Le Havre nicht in Besitz nehmen können. Hätte er diesen Halen besessen, so wäre alles viel leichter gewesen. Da er Ihn nicht besaß, mußte er entgegen seinen ursprünglichen Wünschen dem Westflügel stärkere Aufmerksamkeit widmen, als er es sich vorgestellt hatte. Er setzt hier heute stärkere Kräfte ein, als dies in Eisenhowers „Fahrplan“ stand. Er hat dort den deutschen Widerstand immer noch nicht überwinden können, obwohl er bisher nur mit den örtlichen Sicherungsstreitkräften und taktischen Reserven zu kämpfen hat. Er hat aber dafür auch in diesem vorbereitenden Stadium der Kämpfe die schwersten Verluste auf sich nehmen müssen, und er hat trotzdem der deutschen Führung die Möglichkeit nicht zu nehmen vermocht, ihrerseits den Aufmarschinder vollen Systematik der Generalstabsarbeit vorzunehmen.

Ist dieses Bild getrübt von den Wünschen eines Deutschen? Aber gerade, wenn man die Berichte der feindlichen Kriegskorrespondenten von der Front, nicht zuletzt aber die Berichte der Washingtoner und Londoner Berichterstatter neutraler Länder liest, erhält man ein höchst eindrucksvolles und in dieser Stärke doch überraschendes Bild davon, wie sehr sich der wirkliche Kampfverlauf von der Erwartung unterscheidet, die man drüben noch vor vierzehn Tagen hegte. Das ist vielleicht am stärksten in der Art zu spüren, wie die amerikanische und englische Öffentlichkeit auf die Ereignisse antwortet. Wir haben sie noch vor uns, die Berichte aus dem April und Mai, wir kennen sie noch, die amtlichen Anordnungen des Gegners für die Bekanntgabe der Invasionsereignisse. Da stand am nordamerikanischen Rundfunk Tag um Tag ein Mann vor einem Knopf, auf den er nur zu drücken brauchte, wenn der Beginn der Invasion mitgeteilt wurde, und dann sollten überall die ersten Siegesmeldungen durchgehen, dann sollte die Freiheitsstatue im Hafen von Neuyork aufleuchten, dann sollten in England und Amerika überall die Glocken geläutet werden, dann sollte in den Straßen eine wahre Konfettischlacht der Freude beginnen. Was ist davon eingetroffen? Nichts. Wenn wir den Berichter neutraler Blätter glauben würden, liegt über beiden Ländern eine Art von Beklemmung, ein gewisses Gefühl dunkler Erwartung, das durch nichts mehr genährt wird als durch die Mitteilungen von der Front über die furchtbaren Verluste, die Englands und Amerikas Elitedivisionen schon in den ersten vorbereitenden Gefechten erleiden müssen.

In einem Bericht, den das Stockholmer Aftonbladet aus den Kreisen amerikanischer überlebender der Landung erhalten hat und den wir an anderer Stelle veröffentlichen, spiegelt sich der furchtbare Schrecken wider, den die Landungstruppen erhielten, als sie den Boden des europäischen Festlandes betraten. Sie hatten so sehr auf ihre hohe Zahl und auf ihr neues Material vertraut und sie fanden eine Hölle. Das war in den ersten Tagen der Invasion so, als alles noch relativ leicht war für den Angreifer. Was werden die Amerikaner erst einmal melden, wenn die eigentliche Schlacht im Gange ist?