In Washington –
Stamps offered as subsidy substitute
…
Poll: Women’s draft gains support in last month
Action favored over call for married men by 78%
By George Gallup, Director, American Institute of Public Opinion
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War strategy set by Curtin and MacArthur
Talks held in the light of new ‘crush Japan’ decisions in Cairo
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Bougainville Yank raiders kill 200 Japs
Thousands of others believed dead in sinking of transport
By Brydon Taves, United Press staff writer
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At Thanksgiving dinner –
Roosevelt sings a ditty and Churchill dances jig
Old-time favorite tunes played by musicians for distinguished group at parley
By Gault MacGowan, North American Newspaper Alliance
Cairo, Egypt – (Dec. 1, delayed)
In a temporary White House which gleamed in actual white against a tropical setting of scarlet flowers, cypresses and peppercorns, President Roosevelt was host at a “family” dinner on Thanksgiving at which the guests feasted on turkey and trimmings and an American orchestra played.
The President’s singing of a little ditty of his own composition, Prime Minister Churchill’s execution of a dance step while waving his cigar, and a proposal by Harry Hopkins to take the orchestra home to the “Twenty-One Club,” a New York nightclub, to learn the very latest tunes were among the most vivid memories of the musicians.
The President’s personally composed ditty, in the key of E flat, was unfortunately unrecorded in either words or music. The Prime Minister’s impromptu dance steps were to the oft-recorded “Sidewalks of New York.”
President’s son present
The joking threat of Mr. Hopkins to take the orchestra to New York to learn some new music came when the orchestra could not meet a request for “Pistol-Packin’ Mamma,” apologizing, “We don’t know the latest ones; we’ve been overseas too long.”
Prime Minister Churchill, who attended the dinner with his daughter Sarah and her husband Victor Oliver, asked the musicians to play “Carry Me Back to Old Virginny.” The request song of President Roosevelt, whose son, Col. Elliott Roosevelt, and son-in-law Maj. John Boettiger, were present, was “Home on the Range.”
Other requests
“Home on the Range” was played four times for the President and “Carry Me Back to Old Virginny” four times for Mr. Churchill. There were also special requests for “The White Cliffs of Dover” and “When the Lights Go On Again.” The President followed with suggestions of “Anchors Aweigh” and “Swanee River.”
All the men in the orchestra were presented to the President and the Prime Minister after the dinner.
Among other celebrated guests at the American Thanksgiving meal were British Foreign secretary Anthony Eden, U.S. Ambassador to Russia W. Averell Harriman and U.S. Ambassador to the Court of St. James John G. Winant.
Prime Minister Churchill and the President visited the Pyramids together after the dinner, returning soon to continue that conference. Generalissimo and Mme. Chiang Kai-shek visited the Pyramids separately before their departure.
A stop of 15 minutes before the Sphinx was included in the Pyramid trip of the President.
WAC is in charge of Roosevelt phone
Cairo, Egypt – (Dec. 1, delayed)
There were thousands of soldiers guarding with anti-aircraft installations and machine guns, the perimeter within which the momentous Cairo Conference was held.
There were hundreds of delegates and there were dozens of famous soldiers, sailors and airmen in attendance. Yet the proudest and busiest person of all was a 37-year-old WAC corporal from New York.
She is Cpl. Mary Catherine Broadhead, and she was in charge of the personal telephone switchboard of President Roosevelt. This was a big job, as Cpl. Broadhead found out, but the corporal was up to it, for she was formerly in charge of 74 telephone operators at the headquarters of Gen. Eisenhower.
Fire victim joins WAC
Boston, Massachusetts –
Miss Edwina J. Mullin of Cambridge, who was injured in the Cocoanut Grove holocaust, has joined the WAC to replace her Army-officer fiancé who was among the 490 persons who were killed in the nightclub fire.
U.S. now ‘tops’ in world, Portugal’s Premier says
Dr. Salazar, in exclusive interview, cites perpetual ‘fear’ among Europeans, says war to last another year
By Henry J. Taylor, Scripps-Howard staff writer
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Landis: ‘Majors free to use Negroes’
Clubs free to employ colored players to any extent they require
…
Völkischer Beobachter (December 4, 1943)
Die drei Weltgangster tagten in Täbris
Noch keine Einigung über den ‚Aufruf an die Völker Europas‘
dnb. Lissabon, 3. Dezember –
Wie aus Kreisen der Reuter-Vertretung in Lissabon verlautet, wurde die Konferenz zwischen Stalin, Churchill und Roosevelt im sowjetrussischen Okkupationsgebiet des Irans heute beendet. Die Konferenz, die mit gigantischen Sicherungsmaßnahmen hinter Stacheldraht und Minenfeldern stattfand, hatte am 28. November begonnen.
An dem Kommuniqué, dessen Mittelpunkt der bereits gemeldete naive Propagandabluff eines Aufrufs an das deutsche Volk und seine Verbündeten bilden soll, sich bedingungslos der Willkür Stalins, Roosevelts und Churchills auszuliefern und sich von ihren Regierungen zu trennen, wird noch gearbeitet, da die widerstreitenden Interessen der Konferenzteilnehmer die Abfassung des Kommuniqués offenbar schwierig gestalten.
Es ist überaus bezeichnend, daß die drei plutokratisch-bolschewistischen Weltgangster die nordwestpersische Stadt Täbris als Schauplatz für ihren Weltpropagandabluff gewählt haben. Offenbar ist es Churchill und Roosevelt nicht gelungen, den Genossen Stalin an einen Platz zu locken, der nicht unmittelbar unter bolschewistischer Herrschaft seht. Stalin seinerseits hat die beiden westlichen Kumpane nach Täbris beordert, jener unglücklichen Stadt im iranischen Teil von Aserbeidschan, die vor zwei Jahren von den Bolschewisten besetzt wurde und unter dem Terror der GPU seitdem Furchtbares erlitten hat.
Diese Ortswahl ist symbolisch. Sie beweist, wer in diesem sauberen Triumvirat den Ton angibt. Daß auch der großmäulige Roosevelt den weiten Weg bis in diesen Winkel Vorderasiens machen mußte, um von dem Tyrannen des Moskauer Kreml Wahlhilfe für seine vierte Präsidentschaftsperiode zu erbetteln, ist von besonderer Pikanterie.
Noch knobeln die drei an ihrem Kommuniqué, das bekanntlich der Höhepunkt des Nervenkrieges gegen die Festung Europa und Ostasien werden soll. Gewitzigt durch die Panne von Kairo, wo Reuter die Katze zu früh aus dem Sack ließ, hofft man diesmal den Knalleffekt besser zu erzielen. Aber die drei großen Gauner sind nun einmal schlechte Regisseure. Sie verraten mit ihrem Zögern nur die widerstreitenden Interessen, die sie für ihren Hausbedarf verfolgen, und bringen sich um den gewünschten Überraschungserfolg. Allzu genau weiß die ganze Welt, welche Zwecke das Manöver verfolgt. Es geht ihnen einzig und allein darum, durch gespielte Siegeszuversicht und plumpe Drohungen und Lockungen die Völker Europas und Ostasiens darüber hinwegzutäuschen, daß sie keine Mittel und Wege wissen, den militärischen Sieg sicherzustellen.
Die jüdischen Trompeten von Jericho sollen erreichen, was weder die Luftgangster der Plutokratien noch das Kanonenfutter der Sowjetsklaven zuwege bringen!
vb.
Psychiater vor!
Illusionsepidemie ‚Kairo‘
dr. th. b. Stockholm, 3. Dezember –
Um den geistigen Zustand zu begreifen, in den die britische Agitation die britische Bevölkerung und die übrige Welt – letztere allerdings mit sehr geringem Erfolg – nach der Zusammenkunft in Kairo zu versetzen versucht, müßte man ein Psychiater sein. Die Illusionsepidemie greift rasend um sich und droht völlig zu vernichten, was die Briten einst stolz als einen Hauptfaktor ihrer Politik bezeichnet haben: den gesunden Menschenverstand.
Um den Umfang dieser Epidemie zu erkennen, braucht man aus den spaltenlangen Berichten der schwedischen Korrespondenten nur den einen Satz herauszugreifen:
Bald werden über England wieder die Lichter angezündet werden.
Es verlohnt sich nicht, sich mit dieser Wirkung der Konferenz von Kairo näher zu befassen. Wenn Churchill und Roosevelt ihre eigenen Völker bluffen wollten, so ist ihnen das zweifellos gelungen. Sie mögen das als einen Erfolg verbuchen, und zwar als den einzigen Erfolg, den sie bisher im Kriege gegen Japan erzielen konnten. Daß aber die Riesenbluffs auf die Völker Europas und Ostasiens irgendwelchen Eindruck erzielen würden, könnten nur Narren glauben. Die Vernichtungsansage an das japanische Volk, dem man alles rauben wolle, was es sich seit der Meijizeit in harter Arbeit und in harten Kämpfen erworben habe, um überhaupt leben und atmen zu können – das konnten sich Churchill und Roosevelt von vornherein sagen – werde die gleiche Wirkung haben wie die Vernichtungsansage an das deutsche Volk, die vor einem Jahr in Casablanca beschlossen wurde.
Besorgte Fragen
Ruhige und kühle Beobachter, wie der bekannte Militärschriftsteller der Vereinigten Staaten Hamson Baldwin, haben das bereits jetzt erkannt. Baldwin stellt in der New York Times die besorgte Frage, ob es richtig gewesen sei, bereits jetzt dem japanischen Volk ein so düsteres und dürftiges Schicksal anzukündigen. So schreibt er:
Noch lebt der Staat im japanischen Kaiserreich und Hunderttausende von Japanern haben sich in den Gebieten angesiedelt, die Japan wieder verlieren soll. Der japanische Kampf- und Widerstandswillen wird damit nur gestärkt werden.
Hinter dem lauten Wortgetöse im Anschluß an das Reuter-Kommuniqué über die Konferenz in Kairo steht aber in Wirklichkeit die wachsende Sorge, sich auf ein Abenteuer festgelegt zu haben, zu dem die eigenen Kräfte niemals ausreichen. Helfen soll, wie auch in Europa, die Sowjetunion.
Die Sowjets und Japan
Das wichtigste an der Konferenz in Kairo, so heißt es in einem Bericht aus Neuyork, sei zweifellos, daß man militärische Hilfe durch die Sowjets auch gegen Japan suche. Stalin werde gebeten werden, gegen Japan aufzumarschieren, und man sei auf amerikanischer Seite bereit, ihm im Stillen Ozean die Gebiete und die Häfen anzubieten, die Rußland im russisch-japanischen Krieg verloren habe. Nur aus diesem Grunde habe man sich bereit erklärt, Korea die Freiheit wiederzugeben, das eine ganz besondere strategische Rolle spielen könnte, wenn sich die Sowjets der angelsächsischen Koalition gegen Japan anschlößen. Korea sei überdies die Rolle eines Pufferstaates zwischen den bolschewistischen und angelsächsischen Interessen in Ostasien zugedacht.
Es ist natürlich so, daß die Teilnahme der Sowjets am Krieg gegen Japan von Roosevelt nur deshalb in die Debatte geworfen wurde, um damit die sicher zu erwartende Ablehnung des Zustandekommens der zweiten Front in Europa zu begründen. Ohne ein Druckmittel wollte sich Roosevelt wahrscheinlich nicht mit Stalin in Täbris an einen Tisch setzen. Sein Druckmittel ist aber nicht mehr wert als das der Briten, die das Ausbleiben, der zweiten Front damit zu begründen versuchten, daß sie gar nicht mehr nötig sei, da ja Deutschlands Tage ohnehin gezählt seien.
Auf die arrogante Entschließung –
Tokios Antwort: ‚Niemals!‘
dnb. Tokio, 3. Dezember –
Die arrogante Entschließung von Kairo entsprang an erster Stelle dem besorgten Wunsch, Tschiangkaischek zu beruhigen, der ständig mehr Boden bei seinem nutzlosen Widerstand gegen Japan verliert, so stellt man, wie Dōmei berichtet, in Tokio fest.
Die Tatsache, daß Roosevelt und Churchill sich die Mühe machten, eine Konferenz mit Tschiangkaischek zu veranlassen, sei nur ein weiterer Beweis für ihre Besorgnis über Japans neue Chinapolitik und über die dramatische Erhebung Ostasiens, die auf einer Basis der Gegenseitigkeit erfolgte, um es von der jahrhundertelangen anglo-amerikanischen Ausbeutung und Unterdrückung zu befreien.
Kairo könne nur als ein schlechter Scherz angesehen werden. Es beweise nur, wie besorgt die Anglo-Amerikaner seien, Tschiangkaischek in ihrem Lager zu behalten. Es bestehe kein Zweifel, daß die Konferenz in Kairo einzig und allein diese Absicht verfolgte.
Gutunterrichtete Kreise betonten weiter, daß, gleichgültig was auch die Anglo-Amerikaner tun mögen, Ostasien nie wieder unter ihr altes imperialistisches Regime zurückkehren wird. Die ungeheure Kampfkraft Japans, die alle anderen ostasiatischen Nationen geschlossen hinter sich wisse, werde Großostasien gegen alle anglo-amerikanischen „Regressions-Versuche“ verteidigen.
Interessant und belustigend sei die Tatsache, daß Churchill und Roosevelt völlig vergessen haben, die rücksichtslose imperialistische Herrschaft, die in ihren früheren Gebieten und Kolonien während der letzten Jahrhunderte ausgeübt wurde, überhaupt zu erwähnen. Das sei ein weiterer offensichtlicher Beweis für die anglo-amerikanische Denkungsart, die entweder zu naiv oder zu veraltet sei. Wenn Tschiangkaischek gewillt sei, auf diesen anglo-amerikanischen Bluff hereinzufallen, und wenn er weiter Ostasien verrate, werde er von seinen Landsleuten restlos beiseitegelegt werden, noch ehe seine sogenannten anglo-amerikanischen Verbündeten ihn im Stich ließen.
Englische Kritik an Kairo
dnb. Stockholm, 3. Dezember –
Mit dem Kommuniqué über das Treffen in Kairo ist ein fundamentaler Mißgriff begangen worden, erklären jetzt sogar schon englische Kommentatoren nach einer Meldung in Aftonbladet. Der Mißgriff bestehe darin, daß man erklärt habe, die Japaner auf ihre Inseln zurücktreiben zu wollen. Dieses sei etwas, was die Japaner nur noch stärker zusammenschweißen werde zu einem noch härteren Kampf um ihr Leben. Gleichzeitig vermisse man ein „positives Programm“ für die ostasiatischen Staaten.
Zu den Stimmen über die Bluffkonferenz gesellen sich auch zwei britische. Reuters hat zwei namhafte englische Politiker interviewt und nach ihrer Meinung über das Ergebnis von Kairo befragt.
Die Meinung Greenwoods
Der stellvertretende Führer der Arbeiterpartei, Arthur Greenwood, gab seiner Meinung dahin Ausdruck, daß der Krieg in China „jetzt ein Krieg zwischen allen freiheitsliebenden Völkern und jenen sei, die die Freiheit ausmerzen“ wollten. Nach seiner Meinung kann der Krieg erst dann beendet werden, wenn „Hitler aus Europa verschwunden und jeder japanische Soldat vom chinesischen Boden vertrieben ist.“
Unbeirrt durch die Tatsachen, welche die Konferenzphrasen von Kairo überdecken, sprach Greenwood das große Wort:
Die britische Arbeiterschaft blickt auf ein neues China, das seinen rechtmäßigen Platz in den Ausschüssen des Fortschrittes der Welt einnimmt.
John Lawson, Mitglied der parlamentarischen Delegation, die kürzlich in China weilte, sieht die Dinge aus der Kenntnis der Lage wesentlich nüchterner an. Er sagt:
Es ist ganz klar, daß wenig getan werden kann, bis wir Panzer, schwere Geschütze und moderne Ausrüstungen den Chinesen bringen können.
Die Konferenz in Kairo wäre also überflüssig gewesen, wenn England und die USA imstande wären, Tschungking mit Waffen und Material zu unterstützen. Sie haben zwar Tschiangkaischek und Frau Gemahlin mit Versprechungen heimgeschickt, aber sie haben nicht verraten, wie sie das von Japan versperrte Tor nach Tschungking aufbrechen wollen.
U.S. State Department (December 4, 1943)
The agreed text of the communiqué
December 4, 1943
To be released to the Press,
8:00 p.m. Moscow Time,
December 6, 1943
Declaration of the Three Powers
WE – The President of the United States, The Prime Minister of Great Britain, and the Premier of the Soviet Union, have met these four days past in this, the capital of our ally, Iran, and have shaped and confirmed our common policy.
We express our determination that our nations shall work together in war and in the peace that will follow.
As to war – Our military staffs have joined in our round table discussions, and we have concerted our plans for the destruction of the German forces. We have reached complete agreement as to the scope and timing of the operations which will be undertaken [operations to be undertaken] from the East, West and South.
The common understanding which we have here reached guarantees that victory will be ours.
And as to peace – we are sure that our concord will make it an enduring peace [our concord will win an enduring peace]. We recognize fully the supreme responsibility resting upon us and all the United Nations, to make a peace which will command the good will of the overwhelming mass of the peoples of the world, and banish the scourge and terror of war for many generations.
With our diplomatic advisers we have surveyed the problems of the future. We shall seek the cooperation and the active participation of all nations, large and small, whose peoples in heart and mind are dedicated, as are our own peoples, to the elimination of tyranny and slavery, oppression and intolerance. We will welcome them, as they may choose to come, into a world family of democratic nations.
No power on earth can prevent our destroying the German armies by land, their U-boats by sea, and their war plants from the air.
Our attack will be relentless and increasing.
Emerging from these friendly [cordial] conferences we look with confidence to the day when all peoples of the world may live free lives, untouched by tyranny, and according to their varying desires and their own consciences.
We came here with hope and determination. We leave here, friends in fact, in spirit and in purpose.
Signed at Tehran, Iran, December 1, 1943
F. D. ROOSEVELT
J. STALIN
W. CHURCHILL
Text agreed to by the PM & the Marshal WAH
740.0011 EW 1939/32185: Telegram
The Counselor of Embassy in the United Kingdom to the Secretary of State
London, December 4, 1943
8476.
Announcement by Moscow radio of Tehran conference is carried in late editions of this morning’s London papers, but last not received in time for editorial comment. Speculative stories during past two days had been largely based on German press and radio campaign to prepare enemy populations for anticipated news of meeting. Senator Connally’s speech at Fort Worth was also widely reported.
BUCKNELL
740.0011 EW 1939/32362a: Telegram
The Secretary of State to the Ambassador in the Soviet Union
Washington, December 4, 1943 — midnight
Confidential (part restricted)
1342–1344.
Morning press in the United States headlined stories from London that the Moscow radio had announced in an official Soviet news agency broadcast for provincial Russian papers that:
A few days ago, in Tehran, a conference took place between the leaders of the three Allied powers, President Roosevelt, Prime Minister Churchill and Premier Stalin. Diplomatic and military representatives took part in the conference.
At the conference, questions on the conduct of the war against Germany were discussed as well as a number of political questions.
Corresponding decisions were adopted which will be made public later.
No word having been received in this country of the conclusion of the conference and there being nothing to announce in the United States, the publication in Moscow has created a furor in the press. OWI Director Elmer Davis has requested the Department to ascertain the circumstances of the announcement and particularly whether this was a violation of any release date agreed upon by the conferees. We had all assumed that an arrangement would be made for simultaneous publication in the USSR, Great Britain and the United States but so far have no definite information about such an arrangement. Any information you are able to send us about the Moscow broadcast will assist greatly.
HULL
Meeting of the Combined Chiefs of Staff with Roosevelt and Churchill, 11 a.m.
| Present | ||
|---|---|---|
| United States | United Kingdom | |
| President Roosevelt (in the chair) | Prime Minister Churchill | |
| Mr. Hopkins | Foreign Secretary Eden | |
| Admiral Leahy | General Brooke | |
| General Marshall | Air Chief Marshal Portal | |
| Admiral King | Admiral of the Fleet Cunningham | |
| General Arnold | Field Marshal Dill | |
| Lieutenant General Ismay | ||
| Secretariat | ||
| Captain Royal |
Combined Chiefs of Staff Minutes
December 4, 1943, 11 a.m.
Secret
The President said that he must leave Cairo on Monday morning. It was therefore necessary that all reports of the Conference should be signed by Sunday night. Apart from the question of Turkish participation in the war, which he felt should be brought about at some date between 15 February and 1 April, the only outstanding problem seemed to be the comparatively small one of the provision of about 20 landing craft or their equipment. It was unthinkable to be beaten by a small item like that, and he felt bound to say that it must be done.
The Prime Minister said that he did not wish to leave the Conference in any doubt that the British Delegation viewed the early separation of the SEXTANT Conference with great apprehension. There were still many questions of first-class importance to be settled. Two decisive events had taken place in the last few days. In the first place, Marshal Stalin had voluntarily proclaimed that the Soviet would make war on Japan the moment Germany was defeated. This would give us better bases than we could ever find in China, and made it all the more important that we should concentrate on making OVERLORD a success. It would be necessary for the Staffs to examine how this new fact would affect operations in the Pacific and Southeast Asia. The second event of first-class importance was the decision to do OVERLORD during May. He himself would have preferred the July date, but he was determined nevertheless to do all in his power to make the May date a complete success. OVERLORD was a task transcending all others. A million Americans were to be thrown in, and 500,000-600,000 British. Terrific battles were to be expected on a scale far greater than anything that we had experienced before. In order to give OVERLORD the greatest chance of success, it was necessary that Operation ANVIL should be as strong as possible. The critical time would come at about the thirtieth day, and it was essential that every possible step should be taken by action elsewhere to prevent the Germans from concentrating a superior force against our bridgeheads. As soon as the OVERLORD and ANVIL forces got into the same zone, they would come under the same Commander.
Reverting to ANVIL, the Prime Minister expressed the view that it should be planned on the basis of an assault force of at least two divisions. This would provide enough landing craft to do the outflanking operations in Italy and also, if Turkey came into the war soon, to capture Rhodes. But he wished to say at once that, in the face of the new situation, Rhodes had no longer the great importance which he had previously attached to it.
Admiral King intervened to remark that a two-division lift for ANVIL was in sight.
The Prime Minister, continuing, said that operations in Southeast Asia must be judged in their relation to the predominating importance of OVERLORD. He was astounded at the demands for BUCCANEER which had reached him from the Supreme Commander. Although there were only 5,000 Japanese in the island, 58,000 men were apparently required to capture it. As he understood it, the Americans had been fighting the Japanese successfully at odds of two and a half to one. In the face of Marshal Stalin’s promise that Russia would come into the war, operations in the Southeast Asia Command had lost a good deal of their value; while on the other hand their cost had been put up to a prohibitive extent.
The Prime Minister concluded by observing that there were still very large differences of opinion between the British and American Delegations, and that it was of the first importance that these differences should be cleared away.
Sir Alan Brooke said that at all the previous Conferences there had been a number of military meetings, as a result of which reports had been submitted from time to time to the President and Prime Minister. The last stage of the Conference had always been the submission of a final report, followed by an examination of ways and means. SEXTANT had been a very different affair. In the first place there had been meetings with the Generalissimo. Then after a short interval, the principal members of both delegations had gone to Tehran where there had been a number of Plenary Conferences on political as well as military matters. Thus the Combined Chiefs of Staff had so far had very few opportunities of discussion at SEXTANT. The following matters were still outstanding: First, an examination of the landing craft position, without which it was impossible to say what operations could or could not be undertaken; second, the long-term plan for the defeat of Japan, which in its turn was affected by the decisions to undertake operations in Upper Burma next March. The plan was also seriously affected by Marshal Stalin’s promise to make war on Japan as soon as Germany was finished. It seemed essential that these problems should be resolved before the Combined Chiefs of Staff separated. The Mediterranean was of the greatest importance. It would be fatal to let up in that area. We should go on hitting the Germans as hard as we possibly could, and in every place that we could. Finally, the question of ANVIL was still under examination and it was essential to decide how the necessary resources could be provided.
Sir Andrew Cunningham observed that, on a preliminary examination, our naval resources in cruisers, escort carriers, destroyers, and escorts were not adequate to undertake more than two amphibious operations at the same time, namely OVERLORD and ANVIL. It might be possible to arrange for some of the naval forces employed in BUCCANEER to get back in time for ANVIL, but a large proportion of them would have to remain in the Indian Ocean.
Sir Charles Portal said that, according to his information, there was only one good airfield in the Andamans. This was capable of operating squadrons of heavy bombers. There was another site which had been cleared by blasting the top off a hill, and a few strips might be made on the beach. Thus the value of the Andamans as a base for long distance bombing was strictly limited.
General Marshall expressed agreement with General Brooke’s observations. There was no question that there were a number of important points to be settled. It was impossible to say how long this settlement would take; and thereafter there would be the business of surveying ways and means.
The Prime Minister said that he himself would at any rate be leaving on Tuesday. Would it not be possible for the Staffs to stay for two or three days and work out their problems together?
Admiral Leahy said that two or three days would not suffice for what they had to do, since the detailed problems to be worked out would take at least one or two weeks.
Admiral King remarked that the staffs were unlikely to reach agreement on certain problems which could only be resolved by the President-Prime Minister level.
The Prime Minister said that the Generalissimo had left Cairo under the impression that we were going to do BUCCANEER. The new facts were, firstly, that the Soviet had declared themselves ready to go to war with Japan immediately Germany collapsed; secondly, that it had been decided to do OVERLORD in May; and, thirdly, that ANVIL was also to be undertaken. He added that he was very anxious lest the Russian promise should leak out.
The President agreed, and added that it was impossible to tell the Chinese. Continuing, he said that 18-20 additional landing craft must be provided by hook or by crook. As for the BUCCANEER assault, he thought that 14,000 instead of 58,000 men would be ample. The Supreme Commander in the Far East should be told that he must do his best with the resources which had already been allocated to him. It should be possible for the staffs to settle their problems in principle, leaving the details to be worked out afterwards. They appeared already to have reached agreement on the objectives.
Sir Alan Brooke demurred. Many questions, such as shipping, landing craft, and naval resources would have to be examined in detail, as would the relation between ANVIL and BUCCANEER. The former was being examined on the basis of a two-division assault, whereas it might be found that the proper strategy was to divert landing craft from BUCCANEER to the Mediterranean and to increase this to say a three-division assault.
Admiral King said that landing craft and assault shipping for a two-division assault was already in sight, subject to certain complications. He added that, so long as the target date for OVERLORD was 1 May, it had been necessary to arrange for landing craft to be in the U.K. by 1 March. Consequently, the intention had been to send all new construction of landing craft after that date to the Pacific. Now that it had been decided to postpone OVERLORD by 2-4 weeks, this new construction would come to the U.K. Nothing would be sent to the Pacific.
The Prime Minister observed that this was a fruitful contribution.
Some discussion followed on the subject of LSI(L)s. Would it not be possible, asked the Prime Minister, to adapt merchant ships for this purpose instead of building special vessels?
Admiral King said that conversions of this character were in progress. The U.S. Navy used ships of 6,000–10,000 tons for this purpose, the monster liners being reserved for transportation of large bodies of troops across the Atlantic.
Some discussion followed about the increase of Japanese fighter strength in Southeast Asia, and, in connection with this matter, Admiral King pointed to the interrelation between the attack on Rabaul and BUCCANEER. The Japanese air force was going to be in difficulties at two widely separated points. Admiral Leahy suggested that if it could be decided:
a. that ANVIL should go ahead on the basis of a two-division assault; and,
b. that Admiral Mountbatten should be instructed to do the best he could with the resources already allocated to him;
the picture would begin to be filled in. Of course, if Admiral Mount-batten said that he could do nothing, some of his resources could be taken away from him for other purposes.
The Prime Minister suggested that BUCCANEER might be left until after the monsoon; in fact this solution of the problem might be forced upon us by facts and figures.
Admiral King said that there was a definite commitment to the Generalissimo that there should be an amphibious operation in the spring.
The Prime Minister recalled that at the Plenary Meeting with the Generalissimo, the latter had said that it was essential that an amphibious operation should be undertaken simultaneously with TARZAN. He (the Prime Minister) had said quite firmly that he could not agree. The Generalissimo could be under no illusion about this.
The President suggested the following plan of action:
a. Accept OVERLORD and ANVIL as the paramount operations of 1944.
b. Make every effort to get the additional 18-20 landing craft for operations in the Eastern Mediterranean.
c. Let Admiral Mountbatten be told that he could keep what he has got, but is going to get nothing else; and that he must do the best that he can.
Sir Charles Portal remarked that ANVIL had only come seriously into the picture last week. At the present, nobody knew whether a two-division assault would, or would not, be enough. It was merely a yardstick for the planning staffs to work on. It might well be that the proper strategy would be to get a lift for at least another division out of the Southeast Asia Command.
Sir Alan Brooke said that for OVERLORD the assault was only 3½ divisions; and for ANVIL only a two-division assault was at present contemplated. Surely it would be better to employ all the BUCCANEER resources to strengthen up the European front.
Admiral Leahy entirely agreed with the idea of strengthening up the European front, but observed that BUCCANEER had been decided on a higher level than the Chiefs of Staff.
The Prime Minister pointed to the great military advantages that were to be gained by operations in the Aegean. If Turkey entered the war, there would be great political reactions. Bulgaria, Rumania and Hungary might all fall into our hands. We ought to make these German satellites work for us.
Mr. Eden thought that Russia would probably agree to postponing the date for the Turkish entry into the war from 31 December 1943 to about 15 February 1944. As for Rumania, the Russians had, in the first place, refused to have anything to do with the feelers put out by Maniu, except on the basis of unconditional surrender. Maniu had now said that he was prepared to send a representative to negotiate on that basis. It was true that he did not represent the Government of Rumania, but there was always the possibility of a coup d’etat.
The Prime Minister pointed to the great advantages that were to be gained by Rumania’s entry into the war. If we could get a grip on the Balkans, there would be a tremendous abridgement of our difficulties. The next Conference might perhaps be held at Budapest! All this would help OVERLORD. He himself was not apprehensive about the landing; but the critical period would be at about the 30th day. It was therefore essential that the Germans should be held at every point, and that the whole ring should close in together.
There followed some discussion of the conduct of the political conversations with President Inonu.
The President, summing up the discussion, asked whether he was correct in thinking that there was general agreement on the following points:
a. Nothing should be done to hinder OVERLORD.
b. Nothing should be done to hinder ANVIL.
c. By hook or by crook we should scrape up sufficient landing craft to operate in the Eastern Mediterranean if Turkey came into the war.
d. Admiral Mountbatten should be told to go ahead and do his best with what had already been allocated to him.
The Prime Minister suggested that it might be necessary to withdraw resources from BUCCANEER in order to strengthen up OVERLORD and ANVIL.
The President said that he could not agree with this. We had a moral obligation to do something for China and he would not be prepared to forego the amphibious operation, except for some very great and readily apparent reason.
The Prime Minister said that this “very good reason” might be provided by OVERLORD. At present the assault was only on a 3½ division basis, whereas we had put 9 divisions ashore in Sicily on the first day. The operation was at present on a very narrow margin.
Field Marshal Dill thought it was impossible for us to be strong at both OVERLORD and ANVIL.
Admiral Leahy agreed that, from the military point of view, there was everything to be said for strengthening up OVERLORD and ANVIL at the expense of other theaters; but there were serious political issues at stake.
General Marshall agreed with Field Marshal Dill and Admiral Leahy. He pointed out, however, that the difficulties in abandoning or postponing BUCCANEER were not merely political. If BUCCANEER was cancelled, the Generalissimo would not allow Chinese forces to take part in TARZAN. There would be no campaign in Upper Burma, and this would have its repercussion on the operations in the Pacific. There would be a revulsion of feeling in China; the effect on Japan would be bad, and the line of communication between Indochina [India and China?] would be at hazard.
The Prime Minister observed that he had never committed himself to the scale or timing of the amphibious operation in the Southeast Asia Theater. Perhaps it might be advisable to revert to Akyab or Ramree.
The President said that the Generalissimo was anxious that we should secure a base from which the supply line from Bangkok could be bombed.
Admiral King, in reply to a question from the Prime Minister, said that he had no fear of the Japanese being able to retake the Andamans once we had occupied them. He added that any increase in the scale of BUCCANEER was out of the question.
The meeting concluded with an injunction from the President and Prime Minister to their respective staffs to meet together and try to reach agreement on the points at issue in the light of the discussion which had taken place.