U.S. fliers rout 30 Nazi planes to thwart bombing of tanks
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Ohio newspaper asked to produce names of Marines interviewed
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The Gazette (February 8, 1943)
New York – (Feb. 7)
A short time ago in this column, I pointed out that one of the most distressing features in this war was the “American uncertainty,” the doubt in many minds whether, when the war was over, the United States would be counted on to participate in the reconstruction of the world. Over the heads of all our Allies hovers the recollection of the last war, when Wilson’s peace was repudiated by Congress. So far, the Atlantic Charter is merely a personal declaration of the President.
Now, Senator Guy M. Gillette of Iowa has introduced into the Senate a resolution which would remedy this state of affairs. His resolution would instruct the President to make a joint treaty agreement with each and all of the United Nations, this treaty to embody the basic principles of the Atlantic Charter. These are: first, that the signatories seek no aggrandizement, territorial or otherwise; second, that they respect and will approve the right of all people under proper opportunity to choose the form of government under which they will live, and will countenance the restoration of sovereign rights and self-government to those who have been deprived of it by force; third, that they will collaborate in formulating a just peace embodying formulae for post-war collaboration to maintain peace and security throughout the world; fourth, that they will recognize the necessity for just and equitable collaboration for all signatories to secure for all nations economic advancement, improved labor standards, social security, and access on fair and equal terms by all people to the raw materials and international channels of the world.
The Senator suggests that such a treaty might be entitled “The United Nations Post-War Peace Charter.”
Since the present Congress will probably have to deal with the peace, and since, as the whole world knows, it is by no means a “Roosevelt Congress,” such a resolution would assure the world of what America as a whole is fighting for and commit us now to collaboration for the future. At once, the American uncertainty would be removed and the way be opened for a clear policy on the part of all the other fighting nations.
It would give the United States a foreign policy – not merely the State Department and the President. And the lack of a clear American foreign policy has been one of the most disturbing factors in the world for the past generation.
The creation of such a treaty would have numerous consequences, all of them desirable.
First, it would remove the issue of foreign policy from the next elections. It would permit the American people to choose their representatives without fearing that changes might upset the whole world situation. It would remove the temptation to the opposition to use foreign policy as an issue merely for the sake of opposition and for wholly internal reasons.
Secondly, it would make clear to the world that our expediencies during the war are really just expediencies during the war and no modification of fundamental war aims.
Third, it would reassure Britain that she can base her own policy on permanent collaboration with the United States and must not, therefore, be hedging bets.
Fourth, it would reassure Russia that she must not make her own policy in anticipation of a possible reactionary reconstruction of Europe which would try to isolate her from collaboration. A permanent reconciliation between Russia and the Western world would be implied.
It would mean that the Eastern European powers would have to find their place in such a world, not as the outposts of an inimical Western world against Russia – a situation which would be catastrophic for them and catastrophic for future peace – but would be in a favorable position of being a bridge between the Western world and Russia, mutually guaranteed. As far as Russia herself is concerned, it would mean that she would have to adopt a good neighbor policy towards them. That this is not only possible, but has been the traditional Russian policy, is illustrated by her relations, for more than 20 years, with the small state of Turkey.
Fifth, China would know that the policy of equality between nations, regardless of their racial constriction, is assured, and that the Western nations are not going to advocate one thing for Europe and another for the Far East. For the same reason, it would assuage the frictions in India.
Sixth, it would be a powerful weapon in our political warfare against the Axis, a weapon which has been lacking up to now.
The demand for unconditional surrender would be accompanied by the certainty of existence and the hope for later equality. It would break down the loyalty of the Axis satellites who are all looking for a way of escape. And to a country like Italy, where the propaganda that “one man and one alone is responsible” has served only to strengthen Mussolini, it would put matters into a large and intelligible perspective.
And last, but not least, it would increase and restore the prestige of the United States Senate. It would prove that our democratic institutions and our party system are capable of producing political unity where political unity is essential.
The Pittsburgh Press (February 8, 1943)
By Ernie Pyle
A forward airdrome in French North Africa – (Feb. 7)
It is a long jump from teaching grade school in Indiana to leaping out of an airplane 11,000 feet over some African mountains, but Tom Thayer made it. He hopes his next jump will be right back to an Indiana farm, and there he’ll stay.
Tom Thayer is “the hope of Hoosierdom," as the boys call him. He is from Hope, Indiana. Tom is 27, weighed 200 pounds, taught the fifth and sixth grades for five years at Clifford, Indiana, and is now the navigator of a Flying Fortress. They say he is the best celestial navigator in his squadron.
Not long ago, a bunch of Fortresses started a bombing trip to Bizerte. Over the mountains they ran into stormy, freezing weather. The ship Tom was navigating iced up and went out of control. The captain gave the order over the intercom for the crew to put their parachutes on and get ready to jump. A minute later he gave the order to jump. Lt. Thayer was first on the list. He opened the escape hatch, and out he went.
Now, in the next few seconds some things happened. The other men didn’t jump immediately, because they couldn’t get the ball-turret gunner out of his turret. While they were pulling and tugging at him, the captain got some control over the plane. Then he ordered the bombs salvoed – which means dropped so they won’t explode – and that gave him still more control. Then he countermanded the order to jump. But poor Tom was already halfway to earth. The plane returned safely to base in less than an hour. It took Tom four days.
After his parachute opened, Tom says, he could still see the plane but it seemed to be below him instead of above. He thought he must be falling up. He hasn’t figure it out yet.
He dropped through several thousand feet of clouds, still holding his pulled ripcord, for he knew if he saved it, he would become a member of some club, although he couldn’t remember its name – the Caterpillar Club. Anyhow his hand finally got so cold he threw the ripcord away.
The mountains where he landed were very rocky. His head struck as he came down, and he bled a good deal. He was conscious, but couldn’t get up for about five minutes.
He says the mountains were full of Arabs, working in the fields. He walked a short way and spoke to one, but not knowing the language, he didn’t get very far. So the Arab took him to a village and they went to a stone house, apparently the home of the village chief. The whole village clustered around to stare at him.
The chief was friendly and brought Tom a mattress, and also gave him an Arab nightgown to keep him warm. It was only 4:30 in the afternoon, but Tom lay down and went to sleep. Pretty soon the Arab brought in what Tom supposed was tea, though he wasn’t sure. Then he went to sleep again. About 8:30, the Arab came in with dinner – goat meat. It wasn’t too good.
Four other Arabs slept on the floor in the same room with Tom that night. Their snoring kept him awake. So did the fleas – he’s still got the welts. A sheep slept in the same room too. Tom didn’t sleep a wink all night.
Next morning, they fed him three fried eggs and some fried potatoes, and wound a turban around his injured head. Then they went out and killed the sheep that had slept in the same room. They butchered it and cooked its heart in the same coals where the Arabs had been warming their feet. They gave the heart to Tom, and he figured then that he was safe for sure.
After all this they got six donkeys, lashed the sheep’s carcass on top of one of them, put Tom on another, and started out. The donkeys over here are very small, and Tom is very big. When they would ride along the edge of a chasm, on a little shelf just wide, enough for a donkey, Tom could feel his long legs itching for the ground.
He finally arrived at a French garrison. He tried to pay them for taking care of him, but they wouldn’t take any money. However, some photographs from his wallet fascinated them, and they indicated a desire for some of them. So, Miss Mary Scott of Shelbyville, Indiana, will be interested to know that her photograph now reposes on a French soldier’s mantle.
At any rate, Tom says he’s going to marry Mary the day he gets home and then start farming and never stop.
For a while Tom was pretty sore about the others not jumping too, but he was all over it by the time he got back to the airdrome. They say he’s the best-natured guy in the outfit. Nobody had ever seen him really mad, so they decided to rib him. One man rushed up and shook hands and said:
Tom, you made a mistake. The captain didn’t say “Bail out.” He said, “Look, hail out.”
They had him fooled for a minute.
Tom’s dad used to be county auditor back home. He had one term and then got defeated last fall for by only 133 votes. The boys kid Tom and say that if he’d only had the gumption to make his spectacular jump a couple of months earlier, his father could no doubt have been re-elected on the strength of it.
Völkischer Beobachter (February 9, 1943)
Von unserer Stockholmer Schriftleitung
Stockholm, 8. Februar –
Die Mitteilung des amerikanischen Marineministers Knox, daß jetzt mehr deutsche Unterseeboote im Atlantik wirksam seien als im Juni des vorigen Jahres, der bekanntlich der Rekordmonat für die Versenkung von gegnerischen Handelsschiffen war, hat, wie Svenska Dagbladet schreibt, die englische Kritik über die unzureichende U-Boot-Bekämpfung nicht gerade beruhigen können. Man sei sich durchaus darüber im klaren, daß die deutsche U-Boot-Bedrohung das größte Hindernis für eine umfassende anglo-amerikanische Offensive in diesem Jahre sein könne und fordere darum ein schnelles Beseitigen dieser ungeheuren Gefahr.
Immerhin ist das – wie die britische Admiralität zu ihrem Kummer merken muß – leichter gefordert als verwirklicht, und die verschiedensten Londoner Berichterstatter wissen zu melden, daß nun auch die konservative Admiralität durch die „Verheerungen der U-Boote in der letzten Zeit“ in den Alarmzustand versetzt wurde, zumal die immer schärfer werdende Kritik der englischen Presse und der Parlamentsmitglieder den Marineminister Alexander und seine engsten Mitarbeiter nicht mehr zur Ruhe kommen läßt.
Diese Kritik richtet sich in erster Linie gegen die unzureichenden Waffen im Anti-U-Bootkrieg der Westmächte. Im vorigen Weltkrieg setzte Großbritannien 400 Fahrzeuge für den Geleitschutzdienst ein, im Jahre 1939 aber besaß England – so stellen Londoner Marinesachverständige fest – noch nicht einmal die Hälfte davon, und das Küstenkommando der britischen Luftwaffe sei auch heute noch das „Aschenbrödel“ unter den englischen Luftstreitkräften. Marineminister Alexander habe zwar versichert, daß es gar keinen Grund zur Unruhe gäbe, da der Flotte nun endlich das Vorzugsrecht bei der Materialbelieferung zugesichert sei und zahlreiche neue Handelsfahrzeuge und Kriegsschiffe in Kürze eingesetzt würden, doch sei zu bezweifeln, ob die Anzahl der Begleitschiffe selbst dann ausreichend sein werde.
Die Unruhe des englischen Volkes, die durch noch so hoffnungsfrohe Versicherungen des Ersten Lords der Admiralität nicht beseitigt werden kann, spiegelt sich besonders deutlich in den nicht abreißenden Eingaben im Unter- und Oberhaus wieder. Die Bombardierung deutscher U-Boot-Werften und U-Boot-Stützpunkte wird darin als viel zu wirkungslos bezeichnet. „Diese Art der Politik ist allzu langsam,“ stellen diese Kritiker fest, und da die Häfen der deutschen U-Boot-Flotte viel zu gut geschützt seien, müßte man die U-Boote draußen auf dem Meer bekämpfen. Das aber stoße wieder auf die noch immer nicht gelöste Schwierigkeit, daß die englische Flotte über zu wenig eigene Luftstreitkräfte verfüge. Die heute zum Einsatz kommenden Bombenflugzeuge der Marine vom Typ „Albacore“ und „Swordfish,“ seien außerdem bei Tageslicht unanwendbar, wenn sie auf feindliche Flugzeuge stießen, und die Jagdflugzeuge der Flotte seien mit wenigen Ausnahmen viel zu langsam.
Der bekannte Luftwaffensachverständige Peter Masefield in der Sunday Times schreibt:
Die Admiralität hat nicht eingesehen, daß den Luftstreitkräften der Flotte ein beherrschender Anteil in der Kriegführung zur See zukommt. Die Flugzeuge sind konstruiert worden, um auf die Flugzeugmutterschiffe zu passen und nicht umgekehrt, und die Flotte müßte Mal für Mal auf veränderte Flugzeugkonstruktionen zurückgreifen, die ursprünglich für andere Zwecke vorgesehen waren.
Masefield schlägt dann vor, einen kombinierten Flotten- und Flugstab innerhalb der Admiralität zu bilden.
Höhepunkt steht noch bevor
„Der Krieg kann auf See verloren werden,“ stellt auch der Londoner Economist fest, und bemerkt, die Versuche der Gegner, Großbritannien völlig von Übersee zu isolieren, seien bisher noch nicht gescheitert. Im Gegenteil: Immer neue und wachsende Erfolge könne der Feind im U-Boot-Krieg für sich buchen. Dem Laien fehlten zwar genaue Zahlenangaben über die Schiffsverluste, doch fühle er, daß die seinem Lande drohende Gefahr von Tag zu Tag größer werde.
Die Alliierten befänden sich heute in der eigentümlichen Lage, daß sie, selbst wenn sie den gesamten Schiffsraum der Welt besäßen, nichts Entscheidendes gegen den Feind unternehmen könnten. Aus dieser Tatsache ergebe sich ihre Hilflosigkeit. So viel man auch über ihre Produktionsstärke schreiben und reden möge, sie sei nicht entscheidend.
Monat für Monat seien die Schiffsverluste „katastrophal hoch“ gewesen, während immer neue U-Boot-Schwärme die Meere für die anglo-amerikanische Schifffahrt unsicherer machten. Man könne aber nicht nur eine zahlenmäßige Verstärkung der feindlichen U-Boot-Flotte feststellen, sondern auch eine Verbesserung und technische Fortentwicklung der U-Boot-Waffe selbst.
Fachleute fragten sich, ob die U-Boot-Gefahr im Augenblick ihren Höhepunkt erreicht habe. Fast jeder von ihnen verneine diese Frage. Der Höhepunkt der U-Boot-Drohung stehe vielmehr noch bevor. Unterdessen müsse jeder zur Einsparung von Schiffsraum den Bauchriemen so eng wie möglich schnallen, ohne sich aber dabei einzubilden, daß diese defensive Maßnahme allein eine äußerst bedrohliche Situation retten könnte.
Fleischeinfuhr eingeschränkt
Wie soeben gemeldet wird, wurde auf Weisung des Ernährungsministers für die nächsten fünf Wochen der Gefrierfleischimport aus Argentinien eingestellt, da jedes, auch das kleinste Schiff für die Versorgung des nordafrikanischen Kriegsschauplatzes gebraucht wird.
vb. Wien, 8. Februar –
In einer Hinsicht kann Stalin mit seinen Helfershelfern in London und Washington zufrieden sein: sie geben sich alle Mühe, den Bolschewisten die Hasen in die Küche zu treiben. Das gilt nicht zuletzt für Roosevelts Bemühungen, Litwinow bei der Anknüpfung diplomatischer Beziehungen zu den iberoamerikanischen Ländern vorzuarbeiten. Manche dieser Staaten, die ja sozial in sich nicht festgefügt sind, haben früher schon peinliche Erfahrungen mit bolschewistischer Wühlarbeit machen müssen, die von Moskau geleitet wurde und die meisten von ihnen haben daher niemals Sowjetvertretungen zugelassen oder ihnen nach kurzer Zeit wieder den Stuhl vor die Tür gesetzt, sobald sie sich als Agitationszentralen der bolschewistischen Weltrevolution betätigten.
So war es auch in Uruguay. Montevideo war früher ein beliebter Stützpunkt der Sowjets. Jetzt muß die uruguayische Regierung wieder eine Gesandtschaft der UdSSR. aufnehmen. Der dollarschwere Außenminister Guani, eine der wichtigsten Figuren Roosevelts auf dem südamerikanischen Schachbrett, hat nach einem Besuch in Washington die entsprechenden Schritte unternommen und sucht nun, diese Handlungsweise in eigentümlicher Form zu rechtfertigen. Er gab zu, daß die Sowjetgesandtschaft in Montevideo früher eine Verteilungszentrale für Agitationsstoff in Brasilien und Argentinien war und es nunmehr wieder sein würde. Als waschechter und getreuer Demokrat sei er aber „der Forderung des Volkes nachgekommen.“ Es dürfte sich dabei aber weniger um das uruguayische Volk handeln, als um das „auserwählte Volk,“ dessen Hampelmann Franklin Roosevelt ist, Guani folgt also auch diesmal der Stimme seines Herrn und nicht der seiner Nation; ganz ähnlich liegen die Dinge im Fall Kolumbien. Was von Roosevelts „Politik der guten Nachbarschaft“ zu halten ist, haben die Länder der westlichen Halbkugel in den letzten Jahren zur Genüge erfahren, so jetzt wieder Paraguay, das mit dem Besuch einer USA.-Landwirtschaftskommission beglückt wird. Sie soll für „Anpassungen“ und „Umstellungen“ in der Agrarwirtschaft Paraguays sorgen, also auch diesen Staat dem Dollarimperialismus unterwerfen. Man kann sich also unschwer vorstellen, was der jüdische Publizist Walter Lippmann, der dem Roosevelt-Klüngel nahesteht, meint, wenn er den Völkern Osteuropas empfiehlt, sich auf eine „gute Nachbarschaft“ mit den Sowjets einzurichten. England und die USA. müßten diesen Nationen:
…den bestimmten Rat geben, sich Rußland anzupassen und die Vorstellung aufzugeben, daß sie irgendwelche antibolschewistische Kombinationen mit Hilfe der Westmächte oder Deutschlands zustande bringen könnten.
Sie seien überhaupt nicht in der Lage, militärischen Widerstand zu leisten, „und Großbritannien und Amerika werden nicht eingreifen, um ihnen zu helfen,“ wenn sie das begreifen, würde ihnen Moskau „ein guter Nachbar“ sein.
U.S. Navy Department (February 9, 1943)
South Pacific.
On February 7 and 8, U.S. ground forces on Guadalcanal Island lengthened the forward line along the Umasani River. Consolidation of our recently established position at Titi was completed. Thirty-four Japanese were killed and one prisoner was taken during these operations.
On February 8, U.S. air forces bombed Japanese positions at Munda on New Georgia Island.
Brooklyn Eagle (February 9, 1943)
Resistance ended, says Knox – Tokyo admits evacuation
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100 at large after $1,000,000 blaze sweeps asylum in Indiana, killing woman attendant
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Stabilization chief will broadcast tonight on inflation war
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Washington (UP) –
The five Sullivan brothers who fought and died together on the cruiser Juneau when it was sunk in the Solomons will fight again.
Their name will be perpetuated in a new destroyer – USS The Sullivans.
President Roosevelt, the Navy revealed today, has approved the unusual name to honor the sons of Mr. and Mrs. Thomas F. Sullivan. The parents, who yesterday visited the Todd shipyards in Brooklyn, are making a national tour of war plants.
It was a year ago today that the former luxury liner Normandie, taken over by the Navy as a troop transport and renamed the Lafayette, caught fire and capsized at her Hudson River pier at the foot of W. 47th St.
She is still on her side, although Navy officials said 12 airtight bulkheads were in place. An additional 31-ton bulkhead is needed. Capt. W. A. Sullivan, in charge of salvage operations, said he expected the ship to be righted “sometime this year.” Seventy-five percent of the 100,000 tons of water that flooded the ship have been pumped out and 3,000 tons of metal have been removed.
The Pittsburgh Press (February 9, 1943)
By Ernie Pyle
At the frontline in Tunisia – (Feb. 9)
We drive our jeep in under a tree, camouflaged it by covering it with limbs, and then walked up the side of a hill for about 500 yards. Half a mile to the south of us, the battle for Ousseltia Pass in central Tunisia was going on.
We stopped in what is known as a forward command post, from which a battle is directed. This one consisted of a tent 20 feet square, well hidden under a tree. However, the whole tent had been dropped down and simply lay like a tarpaulin covering the officers’ bedrolls and bags. All the work was being done around two field telephones lying in their leather cases on the ground ten feet from the tent.
The rocky hillside was covered with little bushes and small fir trees. The sun was out and the day was rather warm. There were no papers or desks or anything – just three or four officers standing and sitting on a hillside near two telephones on the ground. One officer had a large map case. That’s all the paraphernalia there was for directing the battle.
Our troops were on top of a ridge about a quarter of a mile above us. The enemy was in the valley beyond, and on a parallel ridge a mile farther on. We could walk up and look over, but we couldn’t see anything. Both sides were well hidden in the brush. Every minute or two our nearby artillery would fire, and then half a minute or so later we could hear faintly the explosion of the shells far away. An officer said:
Nobody’s doing much damage right now, but at least we’re getting in ten shots to their one.
Now and then a louder and much nearer blast interrupted us. When I asked what size gun this was, an officer said it wasn’t a gun – it was enemy mortar shells exploding. I supposed they were three or four miles away, but he said they were falling only 800 yards from us.
Once in a while we could hear machine-gun fire in the distance. A young second lieutenant stood near the phones and did all the talking over them. In fact, he appeared to be making all the decisions. And he impressed me as knowing his business remarkably well.
The highest officer around was a lieutenant colonel, but he seemed to leave everything to his lieutenant, and at every signal of approaching planes, he ran to a nearby foxhole and stayed there till the planes had gone. Other officers commented about him in terms not meant for mixed company, but the young lieutenant said nothing.
The phone rang every few minutes. Other command posts would be calling in to report or to ask instructions. Now and then the chief post, some 15 miles back, would call and ask how things were going. Officers and enlisted men kept appearing from down below or over the hill, asking about things. One sergeant came to inquire where a certain post was, saying he had two jeep tires and a tire for an antitank gun that he was supposed to deliver.
Another sergeant, wearing an overcoat, came up the hill, saluted formally, and reported that a certain battery setup was ready to fire. They told him to go ahead. A phone rang. The captain of an ack-ack battery said the enemy had his range and asked permission to move. He was told to go ahead. All the conversation was informal and unexcited.
A phone rang again. An officer at another command post was asking for a decision on whether to move forward. The young lieutenant, apparently not wishing to give direct orders to a higher officer, solved the problem by putting his words in the form of advice, sprinkling two or three “sirs” in every sentence. I thought he handled it beautifully.
Now and then the lieutenant would phone some other post. All the posts have code terms such as “Hatrack” and “Monsoon” and “Chicago.” I’ve just made those up as examples, since naturally I can’t print the real codenames.
Once the lieutenant phoned to a rear command post and told them to send more trucks to a town where two trucks had been disabled that morning. Several times he phoned other posts to check up on a colonel who was wandering around the battle area in a jeep. You could tell they were very fond of the colonel, and that he apparently paid little attention to danger.
There were no planes in the sky when we arrived, but that morning the Germans had been over and bombed and strafed our troops badly. The command post had called for air support, but somebody at the other end said the planes were busy on other missions and:
You’ll just have to grin and bear it.
The men around our post spoke cynically about that remark all afternoon. They would say:
Grin and bear it, eh? Well, we’ll bear it but we won’t guarantee to grin.
But in the late afternoon, our planes did come. First, we didn’t know they were ours, so we all took to the foxholes. Finally, after they had flown overhead a couple of times without doing anything, somebody yelled:
They’re definitely ours!
So, we came out. The planes circled for about 10 minutes hunting for the correct spot in the bush-covered mountainside. They seemed to take their time at it, to make sure, and then finally they started peeling off one at a time and came diving down at a hillside a mile away.
They’d dive and then wheel back high into the sky and dive against. Apparently, there was no enemy attack, for there were no black puffs around the planes. We could hear their machine guns, and their cannon shells bursting.
They kept on diving and shooting for about 15 minutes. Pretty soon an officer came running up the hill and said:
Do you see that? Those damned Germans are mixed up and strafing hell out of the Italians!
When we told him they were our planes, he said “Oh!” and went back down the hill.
Völkischer Beobachter (February 10, 1943)
dnb. Vigo, 9. Februar –
Eine der interessantesten Begleiterscheinungen des Krieges ist die Massenabwanderung des USA.-Kapitals in die benachbarten Länder. So werden zum Beispiel mexikanische Banken mit Anfragen überschwemmt über Anlagemöglichkeiten nordamerikanischer Kapitalien. Bezeichnend hierfür sei, wie aus Mexiko gemeldet wird, daß kürzlich ein USA.-Multimillionär mit einem Riesenvermögen in Banknoten nach Mexiko gekommen sei. Dieser erklärte der Presse unumwunden, daß er keine Lust verspüre, weiterhin lediglich für Onkel Sam zu arbeiten. Die Steuern seien:
…derart ungeheuerlich, daß irgendwelche Gewinne nicht mehr in Frage kämen.
U.S. Navy Department (February 10, 1943)
North Pacific.
On February 8, Liberator heavy bombers (Consolidated B-24) and Mitchell medium bombers (North American B-25) dropped bombs on the enemy camp area at Kiska and on installations at North Head. Seven float-type Zeros were observed on the water but no attempt intercept was made. All U.S. planes returned.
South Pacific.
On February 9:
Airacobra fighters (Bell P-39) strafed and sank an enemy barge off Hooper Bay in the northern Russell Islands. A number of floating drums of fuel oil were destroyed in the same vicinity.
During the evening, a force of Marauder medium bombers (Martin B-26), with Airacobra and Lightning (Lockheed P-38) escort, bombed Japanese positions on Kolombangara Island in the New Georgia group. Results were not reported.
During the evening, Dauntless dive bombers (Douglas), with Lightning and Wildcat (Grumman F4F) escort, attacked Japanese positions at Munda on New Georgia Island. A large fire was started.
U.S. ground forces on Guadalcanal Island advanced to positions one-half mile west of the Segilau River in the vicinity of Doma Cove. On the northwest coast of the island, U.S. troops advanced to the northeast as far as Visale. No opposition was encountered. A large amount of enemy equipment was captured.