Editorial: ‘Nuernberg experiment’
A turning point has been reached in what Associate Justice Jackson calls the “Nuernberg experiment.”
Eleven of the Nazi leaders have forfeited their lives. Hermann Goering cheated the gallows by swallowing poison at the last hour. The others were hanged. It may be said of them that they went to their deaths as brave men. With the possible exception of Joachim von Ribbentrop, the condemned revealed no consciousness of guilt, no sign of remorse. Instead, they seemed in their final statements to be appealing to the opinion of the world against the judgment of the court and against the principles upon which their conviction rested.
Nevertheless, Mr. Jackson is amply justified in his contention that the prosecutors, in the short-range sense, “have done what we set out to do.” They have established in international law the principle that it is a punishable crime for any individual to plan or conduct aggressive war. They have also made it a punishable crime to persecute minorities in connection with such a war, or in preparation for such a war, or as a policy toward inhabitants of occupied countries.
This is the principal fruit of the Nuernberg experiment and it can become a significant landmark in the progress of mankind. Yet, as Mr. Jackson so plainly recognizes both in his recent address at the University of Buffalo and in his report to the President, what the world has here is a mere beginning and not an end. The Nuernberg experiment, as such, is successfully concluded. Now the question is whether the people of the world will build upon it to the end that the principles established will serve not only to punish the vanquished architects of the Nazi conspiracy, but also to deliver people everywhere from persecution and oppression and slavery.
It is an unhappy fact that, even as the Nazi conspirators mounted the gallows, offenses kindred to those for which they were condemned were being practiced with impunity throughout numerous countries of the world. In Russia, whose representative sat in judgment on the German offenders, there is the familiar array of concentration camps, secret police, intolerance of dissenters and many of the other tools of tyranny which served Hitler’s purposes. Nor is this true of Russia alone, for there are other countries in which those who dissent from the will of the majority live in constant dread of the tap on the shoulder which signals the beginning of the march to the concentration camp or worse.
All of this, of course, is well known to Mr. Jackson, and it is because of this, perhaps, that he says “we are too close to the Nuernberg trial to appraise its long-range effects.” Yet, as he puts it, the possibility is real that in the present depressing world outlook the trial may constitute the most important “moral advance” to grow out of the war.
This cannot possibly be so, however, without a wealth of intelligent sacrifice, courage and effort. The principles of Nuernberg will wither and die if the men of the free countries shrink from the implications of future tyrannies as they shrank from that of Hitler’s. This time, in the last analysis, the danger that is inherent in any ruthless dictatorship must be recognized and somehow dealt with before the inevitable evolution of totalitarianism touches off another war.