Japanese-American relations (7-24-41 – 11-30-41)

[Secret]

From: Washington
To: Tokyo
27 November 1941
(Purple)
#1204 

Re your #842*

The United States has been conferring with the Netherlands on subjects pertaining to U.S. claims and because we asked them to do so. In the midst of these talks, the White House suddenly came forth with the announcement on the 24th, that the United States is occupying Dutch Guiana, with the agreement of the government of the Netherlands, for the purpose of protecting it.

As was made plain in the text of this announcement, the main objective of this occupation was to guarantee accessibility to aluminum produced there, which is vital to the national defense of the United States. Ordinarily, the Netherlands Government would dispatch its armed forces stationed in the Netherlands East Indies for this purpose, but she is unable to do so at present because of the present situation in the southwest Pacific area. For this reason, the U.S. Army is being used to protect the aluminum mines in that area. At the same time, at the invitation of the Netherlands Government, Brazil is also taking part in protecting them.

The Netherlands Foreign Minister stopped in the United States en route to visiting the Netherlands East Indies, and conferred with U.S. government officials. Since then, there has been a considerable increase in the amount of military supplies being shipped to the Netherlands East Indies; the traffic of technicians and experts between the United States and NEI, has swung up sharply. From these indications as well as from the history of the Netherlands East Indies, it is believed, that depending upon the atmosphere at the time the Japanese-U.S. negotiations break off, Britain and the United States may occupy the Netherlands East Indies. They will do this, probably, much in the same manner as U.S.-Brazil joint occupation of Netherlands Guiana, in the name of protecting the products of the NEI which are vital to national defense, tin and rubber.

I feel that it is essential that we give careful consideration to this possibility. I made reference to this point in my message #1180**. The gist of this message does not differ from that contained in that message.

25535
JD-1: 6914                                  (D) Navy Trans. 11-29-41 (X)
 
*Not available.
**JD-1: 6891 (S.I.S. #25435-36).

[Secret]

From: Washington.
To: Tokyo.
27 November 1941
(Purple)
#1206 (In 4 parts, Part 4 not available)

On the 27th, I, together with Ambassador Kurusu, called on the President. (Secretary Hull was also present.) The resume of our talks follows:

President:

In the last Great War, Japan and the United States were together on the side of the Allies. At that time, both Japan and the United States were given ample proof that Germany failed to comprehend the way the people of other countries think.

Since these conversations were begun, I am aware of the fact that much effort has been made by the Japanese side, too, by those who cherish peace. I am highly appreciative of this fact. It is clear that the majority of the American people are anxious to maintain peaceful relations with Japan. I am one of those who still harbors much hope that Japanese-U.S. relations will be settled peacefully.

I:

Your recent proposal will no doubt be the cause of painful disappointment to the Japanese Government.

The President:

To tell you the truth, I, too, am very disappointed that the situation has developed in the manner that it has. However, during the several months that these conversations were being conducted, cold water was poured on them when Japan occupied southern French Indochina. According to recent intelligences, there are fears that a second cold water dousing may become an actuality.

(He apparently meant the increase in our troops to French Indochina and our occupation of Thai.) (See my message #1205*.)

I fully understand that the general public in Japan who has been living in war conditions for the past year, cannot see a parallel with conditions in the United States, which is living under peaceful conditions.

During all of the time, however, that Your Excellency and Secretary Hull have been conversing, we have never heard of or seen concrete proof of any peaceful intention by the leading elements of Japan. This has made these talks an exceedingly difficult undertaking.

Even the suggestion that the present situation be overcome by a modus vivendi would be without any value if in the final analysis the basic principles of international relations of Japan and the United States do not agree. If there is a basic difference, no stop gap measure could carry any weight, it seems to me.

In my conversations with Churchill on the high seas, for example, it was predetermined that our respective basic policies coincided. Moreover, even the subjects which were to be agreed upon had been clearly defined in advance.

Kurusu:

Judging from the records of the developments of our negotiations in the past, the differences of opinions between Japan and the United States were not differences in the basic principles of each. Rather, the differences arose in the practical applications thereof. For a very simple example Japan has no disagreements to the principle of non-discriminatory treatment of commerce, strongly advocated by the United States.

However, it is when we consider the immediate application of this principle in China, bringing about a radical and sudden change in the economic situation there, it is only natural that Japan insists upon certain special conditions. I feel that this difference may have been the source of some misunderstanding.

Hull:

By your frequent explanations, we thoroughly understand point. According to advice I have received, however, there are approximately 250,000 Japanese merchants in China at present who followed or accompanied the military. These are engaging in various business enterprises. There have been indications that various incidents have arisen involving the relations between these merchants and nationals of a third country. If you are going to consider the profits of these people, the problem of course will become an exceedingly difficult one.

Kurusu:

Japan’s claims are not based on such minor factors, but concern only the various major problems.

We then went on and brought up the subject which has reference to the President’s “suggestions”.

The President:

have not abandoned giving consideration to that matter. However, it is first essential that both Japan and China simultaneously desire that that be done.

We pointed out that from a practical standpoint that would be very difficult to accomplish. To this, the President said:

In domestic issues, I have had several experiences along the same lines. No doubt, some method will be found in this case, too.

I.

We have, as yet, received no instructions from Tokyo regarding your proposal. I, for one, hope that you, Mr. President, whose statesmanship I respect highly after over thirty years of close acquaintance with it, will find some way that will lead to a settlement.

The President:

To tell you the truth, I have since the end of last week, twice postponed a trip which I was going to take for my health, because of a critical domestic issue, and because of the arrival of Ambassador Kurusu to the United States. I am leaving tomorrow afternoon, Friday, for the country for a rest.

(He looked very tired).

I plan to return next Wednesday. I would like to talk with you again then. It would be very gratifying, however, if some means of a settlement could be discovered in the meantime.

(Part 4 not available.)

25495
JD-1: 6915                                  (D) Navy Trans. 11-29-41 (X)
 
*Not available.

[Secret]

From: Washington 
To: Tokyo 
27 November 1941 
(Purple) 
#1206 (Part 4 of 4) (Parts 1, 2, and 3 previously translated)

In the middle of our talks, Hull, with reference to the cause for the failure to agree upon a modus vivendi, said:

There are other factors other than those pointed out by the President. Japan has sent vast numbers of troops to French Indochina with which to keep the military powers of other countries checked. With this advantage on her side, Japan carries in one hand, the Tripartite Pact, and in the other, the Anti-Communism Pact. Armed with these, she demands of the United States that petroleum be made available to her.

It would be absolutely impossible to reconcile the people of the United States to granting such a demand. As I stated during our last conversations, while we here are putting forth our best efforts in attempting to bring about peaceful settlements of Japanese-U.S. differences, your Premier nor your Foreign Minister nor any other influential person utters not a single word nor moves one finger to facilitate these talks of ours. On the contrary, they insist upon promoting the establishment of a New Order through might. This is an exceedingly regrettable state of affairs.

Parts 1, 2, & 3 see S.I.S. 25495.
 
25608
JD-1: 6915                                   (D) Navy Trans. 12-2-41 (2)

From: Manila (Nihro)
To: Tokyo
27 November 1941
(Purple)
#797

The Portland, BUKKU*, 2 destroyers, 10 submarines, left port on the 26th (?). Destination unknown.

JD-1: 7082 25782                          (H) Navy Trans. 12-5-41 (6-AR)
 
*Probably Black Hawk.

U.S. State Department (November 28, 1941)

892.24/90

Memorandum of Conversation, by the Assistant Chief of the Division of Far Eastern Affairs

Washington, November 28, 1941.

The Thai Minister called on his own initiative on Mr. Hamilton on November 28. He referred to recent newspaper reports in regard to increased Japanese troop movements to Indochina and stated that he was apprehensive that a Japanese attack on Thailand was imminent. He expressed the opinion that of the several possible areas in which the Japanese might attack, Thailand appeared to be the most logical; he commented that a Japanese attack on Siberia would bring Soviet air attacks on Japan, an attack from Indochina against the Burma Road would have to go through very difficult terrain, while an attack on Malaya or the Netherlands East Indies would be met by strong opposing forces. He said that the situation of Thailand was very different from that of China where the great extent of the country had permitted the Chinese to withdraw far into the interior in the face of Japanese attack. Thailand, however, was a very small country and retreat into the interior was not possible.

He continued in substance as follows: A Japanese attack on Thailand would probably be carried out by a drive of land forces through Cambodia, and by a simultaneous Japanese naval attack in the Gulf of Siam which would meet with only feeble resistance from the few small gunboats constituting the Thai navy. The Cambodian area is chiefly jungle, but one good paved road cuts through it; Japanese mechanized forces could proceed along that road. Conscription for military service exists in Thailand, but while the army includes some 200,000 men, only about 40,000 are properly trained and equipped. A part of the Thai army, including most of the small mechanized force, is now stationed in the area ceded to Thailand by Indochina in May 1941. During the dry season, mechanized forces can operate without difficulty through the plains of Thailand where Bangkok is located; Bangkok is the nerve center of Thailand and its occupation by an invader would practically put a stop to resistance. Thailand has only one first-class airport (at Bangkok) where heavy bombers can operate; there are two or three other small air fields in Thailand but these can accommodate only small planes, such as fighters. The capture of the Bangkok area would cut off the transportation route for relief supplies coming by railroad over the narrow peninsula from Malaya and there would remain only a few rough roads over the mountains into Burma which could not be used except in the dry season.

The Minister stated that in the event of a Japanese attack, Thailand would resist with all its forces. He expressed the hope that the United States could now supply a number of airplanes to Thailand, as this would have a very important effect on Thai morale and would “raise their spirits” immensely. Referring to statements made to him by the Department that, in case of attack on Thailand by an aggressor the United States would place Thailand in the same category as China and would offer assistance, he suggested that immediate consideration be given to the problem of making such supplies available in Thailand, and suggested in particular that the question of transportation of supplies to the Thai military forces be carefully studied and plans made so that supplies could go forward without delay in the event that hostilities occur. Mr. Hamilton informed the Minister that this matter would promptly be brought to the attention of the appropriate authorities of this Government.

In discussing the general situation, the Minister remarked that Thailand has a non-aggression pact with Great Britain in which Great Britain promises to respect the territorial integrity of Thailand, but that this is not the case in Thailand’s treaty with Japan; Japan merely promises to promote cordial relations, exchange information, and cooperate in economic matters. This fact, he commented, increased his apprehension in regard to a Japanese attack on Thailand.

711.94/2087: Telegram

The Ambassador in China to the Secretary of State

Chungking, November 28, 1941 — 10 a.m.
[Received November 28 — 10 a.m.]

463.

I called on the Minister for Foreign Affairs last evening at his request. He asked me whether I was informed with regard to the course of the discussions in Washington. I replied that I was informed of the Secretary’s remarks to Dr. Hu Shih on November 18. He commented that matters had moved along quite far since then and proceeded to translate to me from a telegram in Chinese received from Dr. Hu nine points of a proposed arrangement between the United States and Japan providing for a 3 months’ modus vivendi which had been discussed by the Secretary with the representatives of the other ABCD powers. He said that General Chiang and he had instructed Dr. Hu to represent to our Government that China’s attitude toward the arrangement was “negative”; that Dr. Hu had done this on November 25 and that he had at that time been assured that the United States Government had no intention of sacrificing China’s interests and the Chinese had been requested to impose implicit confidence in the intentions of the administration in this regard.

Dr. Quo then spoke frankly and forcefully of what he and General Chiang considered would be the psychological effects of the modus vivendi on the Chinese public and the Chinese will to continue resistance. He said that the proposals had occasioned not only apprehension but resentment (presumably in high official circles since they are not known elsewhere at this time).

He recalled that China had undergone over four years of war; admitted that at present the economic and military strain is great; and expressed fear that the breaking point might be near. He doubted that Chinese morale would withstand the shock of a Japanese-American modus vivendi such as reported. He referred to the feeling aroused last year by the closing of the Burma Road and said that official and popular Chinese reaction to the modus vivendi would be much more severe because China placed great confidence and hope in the United States and the feeling of being “let down” would be correspondingly bitter. He was particularly concerned over point 7 contrasting the wording thereof with past statements of principle in the nine power treaties and in our 1937 declaration of American foreign policy.

Dr. Quo repeatedly stressed the seriousness of the situation from the standpoint of potential Chinese reaction and stated that the “damage” caused by a modus vivendi might be “irreparable”. He commented that the Japanese in their radio broadcasts from occupied territory are already inferring that America is prepared to appease Japan at China’s expense, and he added confidentially that the Chinese Government is already aware that the Japanese are again bringing pressure on General Yen Hsi Shan whose loyalty has been suspected.

I told Dr. Quo that I had endeavored to keep Washington faithfully informed on reactions here and that I would not fail to report our conversations.

As this telegram is being encoded, I have just received the Department’s 274, November 27 [26], 9 p.m., which leads me to believe that Chinese apprehension here is not well founded, if as I infer from the message the modus vivendi discussed with Dr. Hu was of Japanese origin.

GAUSS

711.94/2559½

Memorandum of Conversation, by the Adviser on Political Relations

Washington, November 28, 1941.

Sir Ronald Campbell called on me at his request.

In the course of the conversation he stated that the British armed authorities have received a message from our armed authorities stating that in as much as the United States–Japan negotiations have “broken down”, it now becomes necessary to issue certain instructions to the armed forces; and that the British Government wishes to inquire of us whether the negotiations have “broken down”. I said in reply that so far as I am aware neither the American Government nor the Japanese Government has declared or indicated that the negotiations are terminated, but that I was not in a position to confirm or deny statements attributed to any American official agency that the negotiations have “broken down”. I called attention to statements attributed in the press to Mr. Kurusu and I mentioned a story brought me by one of the correspondents to the effect that in the course of the conversation when Admiral Nomura and Mr. Kurusu called on the President yesterday, the President had remarked that he hoped to see his callers again after his return from Warm Springs. [This story, I understand, is alleged to have emanated from the Japanese Embassy.]

STANLEY K. HORNBECK

711.94/2490a: Telegram

The Secretary of State to the Ambassador in Japan

Washington, November 28, 1941 — noon.

793.

In the light of the attitude of Admiral Nomura and Mr. Kurusu when they were handed on November 26 for consideration the document described in a separate telegram and of such indications as we have cumulatively had of the general attitude of the Japanese Government, it appears that the discussions up to the present time have not yet afforded any basis which gives much promise of a satisfactory comprehensive settlement. It is of course too early to adopt any definitive opinion whether the discussions will continue or will lapse, but the probability that they may lapse should not be lost sight of.

The existence of such probability makes it appear advisable that we give some advance consideration to various problems which may as a consequence arise in connection with our Foreign Service establishments in Japanese territory. As lapse of the conversations might result in withdrawal of our diplomatic and consular representation from Japan, it would seem to us that, without any intention of being alarmist or of too hastily envisaging serious contingencies, this question should be brought to your attention so that you may have it well in mind in case it should become necessary for the Department to consult you in regard to the making of arrangements for the packing of official and personal effects and the expeditious handling of other matters which would be involved in the closing of our Embassy and Consulates. It is, of course, desired that all phases of the matter be considered confidential and that discussion of it be kept to a minimum.

HULL

711.94/2490b: Telegram

The Secretary of State to the Ambassador in Japan

Washington, November 28, 1941 — 7 p.m.

796.

For the Ambassador and the Counselor only.

Following the Japanese proposals of November 20, the Department gave consideration to a number of alternate proposals and countersuggestions or combinations thereof which suggested themselves to the Department for possible presentation to the Japanese Government. At one time the Department considered the question of presenting to the Japanese Government simultaneously with the proposal which was actually given them on November 26, an alternate plan for a temporary modus vivendi. The draft under consideration at that time called for a temporary modus vivendi to be in effect for a period of 3 months during which time conversations would continue toward the working out of a comprehensive peaceful settlement covering the entire Pacific area. At the end of the period of the term of the modus vivendi both Governments would confer at the request of either to determine whether the extension of the modus vivendi was justified by the prospects of reaching a settlement of the sort sought.

The draft modus vivendi which we were considering contained mutual pledges of peaceful intent, a reciprocal undertaking not to make armed advancement in northeastern Asia and the northern Pacific area, southeast Asia and the southern Pacific area, an undertaking by Japan to withdraw its forces from southern French Indochina, to limit those in northern Indochina to the number there on July 26, 1941, which number should not be subject to replacement and Japan should not in any case send additional naval, military or air forces to Indochina. This Government would undertake to modify its freezing orders to the extent to permit exports from the United States to Japan of bunkers and ship supplies, food products and pharmaceuticals with certain qualifications, raw cotton up to $600,000 monthly, a small amount of petroleum within categories now permitted general export on a monthly basis for civilian needs, the proportionate amount to be exported from this country to be determined after consultation with the British and Dutch Governments. The United States would permit imports in general provided that raw silk constitutes at least two-thirds in value of such imports. The proceeds of such imports would be available for the purchase of the designated exports from the United States and for the payment of interest and principal of Japanese obligations within the United States. This Government would undertake to approach the British, Dutch and Australian Governments on the question of their taking similar economic measures.

At a certain point in our consideration of the draft modus vivendi the representatives in Washington of the British, Dutch, Australian and Chinese Governments were consulted.

After careful consideration of all factors in the situation within the United States and in the general world situation, including the reaction and replies of the Governments mentioned above, it was decided that we should drop the draft modus vivendi which we had had under consideration. That draft modus vivendi was not handed to the Japanese, and the fact that this Government had considered a modus vivendi was not mentioned to them.

The Department has informed you in separate telegrams of the documents handed the Japanese Ambassador on November 26 and of the conversation which took place on that date.

HULL

762.9411/330½

Memorandum Received by the Adviser on Political Relations From a Newspaper Correspondent

Washington, November 28, 1941.

Ambassador Nomura took the position that the main problem is to find a formula which would enable Japan to withdraw gracefully from effective participation in the Axis, and at the same time bring about a cessation of American aid to China.

Japan considers the United States has a de facto alliance with China which, in effect, is far more effective than Tokyo’s alliance with the Axis.

The American note makes the situation very difficult. Kurusu probably will return home shortly.

However, the President expressed the hope he would see them both again next week.


711.94/11–2841

Memorandum of Conversation, by the Under Secretary of State

Washington, November 28, 1941.

The British Ambassador called to see me this evening.

The Ambassador began the conversation by saying that he had expected to spend the week end in Philadelphia, but, since he had heard from his Embassy here that his Government was “greatly excited”, he had returned to Washington. He read to me a telegram from his Government which indicated that our naval officials in London had been informed by the Navy Department that negotiations between Japan and the United States had been broken off and that an immediate movement by Japan was anticipated, and that consequently precautionary measures must at once be undertaken. The Ambassador inquired whether this was in fact the case. I replied that the situation so far as I knew was exactly as it was last night, namely, that the Japanese Ambassadors had submitted a statement of the position of this Government, handed to them by the Secretary of State, to their Government and that no reply from the Government of Japan had as yet been submitted to this Government through them. I said that consequently I could not say technically that negotiations had been broken off, although it was, of course, the assumption on the part of the Government of the United States that the Japanese Government would not accept the bases proposed by the Government of the United States. I told the Ambassador of the various reports which had reached the Department of State regarding the situation in the Far East today.

The Ambassador then said that his Government was annoyed with him because he had not reported the conversation which had taken place yesterday between the two Japanese Ambassadors and the President and the Secretary of State. He asked me if I could give him a report on that subject. I informed the Ambassador consequently of the substance of the memorandum by the Secretary of State of the conversation which had taken place at the White House.

SUMNER WELLES

Japanese Foreign Office (November 28, 1941)

From: Washington (Nomura)
To: Tokyo
November 28, 1941
Purple
#1214 
To be handled in Government Code.

Re my #1190.

So far silence has been maintained here concerning our talks with the United Staten; however, now the results of our conference of the 26th are out and headlines like this are appearing in the papers “Hull Hands Peace Plan to Japanese,” and “America Scorns a Second Munich.” The papers say that it is up to Japan either to accept the American proposal with its four principals, or face war, in which latter case the responsibility would be upon Japan.

This we must carefully note.


[Secret]

From: Tokyo
To: Washington
November 28, 1941.
Purple (CA)
#844

Re your #1189 [a]

Well, you two Ambassadors have exerted superhuman efforts but, in spite of this, the United States has gone ahead and presented this humiliating proposal. This was quite unexpected and extremely regrettable. The Imperial Government can by no means use it as a basis for negotiations. Therefore, with a report of the views of the Imperial Government on this American proposal which I will send you in two or three days, the negotiations will be de facto ruptured. This is inevitable. However, I do not wish you to give the impression that the negotiations are broken off. Merely say to them that you are awaiting instructions and that, although the opinions of your Government are not yet clear to you, to your own way of thinking the Imperial Government has always made just claims and has borne great sacrifices for the sake of peace in the Pacific. Say that we have always demonstrated a long-suffering and conciliatory attitude, but that, on the other hand, the United States has been unbending, making it impossible for Japan to establish negotiations. Since things have come to this pass, I contacted the man you told me to in your #1180 [b] and he said that under the present circumstances what you suggest is entirely unsuitable. From now on do the best you can.

Army 25445 
JD 6898                                              Trans. 11-28-41 (S)
 
[a] S.I.S. # 25441, # 25442.
[b] S.I.S. # 25435, # 25436.

[Secret]

From: Tokyo (Togo)
To: Honolulu
November 28, 1941
J 19 (Priority)
#118

Re your #232 [a],
To be handled in government code.

Anticipating the possibility of ordinary telegraphic communication being severed when we are about to face the worst of situations, these broadcasts are intended to serve as a means of informing the diplomats in the country concerned of that situation without the use of the usual telegraphic channels. Do not destroy the codes without regard to the actual situation in your locality, but retain them as long as the situation there permits and until the final stage is entered into.

Army 25859                                            Trans. 12/7/41 (S) 
 
[a] Not available
[b] S.I.S #25432 in which Tokyo sends a circular giving hidden-meaning words which will be broadcast in the event that code communication is cut off.

[Secret]

From: Rio
To: Santiago
November 28, 1941
J-19
Circular #326 (Message from Tokyo Circular #2416)

(To be handled in Government code)

Concerning Japanese-American negotiations, the counter proposal presented to us by the United States on the 27th, overlooks all we stand for; therefore, of course we disregard it. There is nothing to do but break off negotiations, and our relations with England and the United States within the next few days will assuredly take a critical turn. The above is for your information only.

Army 26000                                            Trans. 12/9/41 (7)

[Secret]

From: Washington (Nomura)
To: Tokyo 
November 28, 1941 
Purple (Priority) 
#1209. To be handled in Government Code.

What the Imperial Government must, of course, consider is what Great Britain, Australia, the Netherlands and China, egged on by the United States, will do in case the Imperial forces invade Thailand. Even supposing there is no armed collision with British forces, in the Oral Statement of President ROOSEVELT on the 17th of this month he prophesied that suitable action would be taken immediately in case Japan carries on any further penetration beyond French Indochina. Moreover, newspaper reports at present would tend to lead to the conclusion that, even though England and the United States might not oppose us militarily within Thai, the United States assisting all nations concerned would adopt the policy of so-called joint defense throughout the whole southwestern Pacific area; thus, as I said in my #1204 [a], there is no slight possibility that she might occupy the Netherlands Indies on the excuse that this action would be necessary for purposes of defense. I am sure you already have all these things in your mind, but in view of the gravity of the present situation, I just wanted to remind you again.

25793                                                 Trans. 12-6-41 (X)
 
[a] S.I.S. #25535 in which Ambassador NOMURA discusses the United States' occupation of Dutch Guiana and says it is believed that, depending upon the atmosphere at the time the Japanese-American relations break off, Britain and the United States may occupy the Netherlands East Indies. He says it is essential that the Japanese give careful consideration to this possibility.

[Secret]

From: Hsinking
To: Tokyo
November 28, 1941
Purple
#781. Strictly Secret

To be handled in Government Code.

In view of the situation, after conferring with the competent authorities, the following measures having to do with the treatment of British and American nationals in Manchukuo in the event that war breaks out with England and the United States are as outlined below. We are unanimously agreed on these matters. Should there be any questions regarding them, please wire me at once.

I. Policy. On the outbreak of war with England and the United States, after you have at the appropriate time gathered all these nationals together, they are to be returned each to his own homeland at as early a date as possible. However, until this return can be arranged, they are to be interned in places of concentration in Manchukuo.

The control of such property as they might leave behind will be administered by the Manchukuo Government.

II. Detailed outline.
1. Persons to be interned:
a. British nationals — 839.
b. American citizens — 81.
c. Of these, consular officials and Catholic missionaries are
to be given preferential treatment.
d. Nationals of the Soviet or other third powers observed to be
obnoxious characters with pro-British and American leanings
are to be suitably taken care of.
2. Time and Method of Internment.
a. Persons mentioned in the paragraph above are to be advised
to get in touch with the Japanese Chief of Detention. They
are to be concentrated in the three areas, Harbin, Mukden
and Chokinshu. [a]
b. Then, depending on negotiations, they will be returned each
to his own country. When evacuation is through the Soviet,
we will release them at Manchuli, and when they are to be
transported to Shanghai, they will be released in Dairen.
c. This will be carried out by the Manchukuo Police
authorities. (In Kwantung Province the procedure will be
controlled by the Provincial Police Office.)
d. All property left behind is to be administered through legal
measures by the Manchukuo Government.

Army 25572                                            Trans. 12-2-41 (5)
 
[a] Kana spelling.
From: Tokyo (Togo)
To: Honolulu
November 28, 1941
J19-K9
#119

Re your message #243. [a]

Secret outside the Department.

Intelligences of this kind which are of major importance, please transmit to us in the following manner:

  1. When battleships move out of the harbor if we report such movement but once a week the vessels, in that interval, could not only be in the vicinity of the Hawaiian Islands, but could also have travelled far. Use your own judgment in deciding on reports covering such movements.

  2. Report upon the entrance or departure of capital ships and the length of time they remain at anchor from the time of entry into the port until the departure.

[a] Available in code under study.

ARMY 25880 JD-7158                                    Trans. 12/8/41 (S)

From: Honolulu
To: Tokyo
November 28, 1941
J-19
#238

Military report:

  1. There are eight “B-17” planes at Midway and the altitude range of their anti-aircraft guns is (5,000 feet ?).

  2. Our observations at the Sand Island maneuvers are: number of shots – 12; interval of flight – 13 seconds; interval between shots – 2 minutes; direct hits – none.

  3. 12,000 men (mostly marines) are expected to reinforce the troops in Honolulu during December or January.

  4. There has usually been one cruiser in the waters about (15,000 feet?) south of Pearl Harbor and one or two destroyers at the entrance to the harbor.

ARMY 25928 JD-7212 Trans. 12-8-41 (7)

From: Manila (Nihro)
To: Tokyo
November 28, 1941
Purple
#799

Recently they have utilized a group of nine planes (one flight of six and another of three planes) in high-level scouting patrols over the city of Manila from four o’clock in the morning. In addition, three other planes fly over the city independently. Though in the morning and evening the weather is clear and windless, squalls come once a day.

ARMY 25764                                           Trans. 12/5/41 (6)

Japanese Foreign Office (November 29, 1941)

[Secret]

From: Bangkok
To: Tokyo
29 November 1941
(Purple)
#872 (In 2 parts, complete)

Re my #855.*

As a result of my conversation with PIBUN**, I have been able to ascertain his attitude to a large degree, and therefore through Yoshioka who as the outside agency of the Naval Attaché’s office, we have suggested to SIN and WANITTO*** that, in the event of Thai’s abandoning her neutrality policy in the future, it would be better both from the standpoint of face and also for material reasons for her to go through the formality herself of requesting cooperative action from the nation concerned, rather than to be put in the position of being compelled to consent to it because of pressure brought to bear. The shifts within the government mentioned in my caption message, are a result of the above. When SIN heard this from Yoshioka, he said that this is a matter he has been concerned over the past two years and as he feels that he himself is the most suitable person to handle the matter he promised to put forth every effort for its realization. He is also said to have told WANITTO that the matter should be left to him. WANITTO and SIN are keeping in touch with us through Yoshioka in regard to subsequent developments within the government, and we are giving them appropriate guidance under cover. The main points of the same are as follows: (Yoshioka’s mediation in this puts him in a “delicate” position in relation to the army attaché, so this should be kept absolutely confidential within the department).

  1. Whenever there is discussion in the cabinet the points raised are, the real intentions of Japan, that is, the meaning of the East Asia Co-prosperity plan, the involvements of the southward expansion policy, the extent of commodity supplying, and the duration of the time of stationing troops. Great Britain seizes upon these points and furnishes all kinds of contradictory material with which to keep the pro-British elements busy. To meet this WANITTO presents the absolute necessity of union between Japan and Thai and this has already become the firm conviction of the pro-Japanese group, and there thus is no need for further discussion as far as they are concerned. However the opposition have been bringing up troublesome arguments and hold tenaciously thereto. Since it was so difficult to convince them an appeal was made to us for material with which to counter them and their arguments.

  2. Since then the pro-Japanese group have been having better success in their attempts, and their position has become more favorable. As a result the opposition, since about the 25th has kept silent. However, the matter has not been concluded.

(Part 2 being translated)

From: Bangkok
To: Tokyo
29 November 1941
(Purple)
#872 (Part 2 of 2)
  1. The question of joint military action between Thai and Japan has already been brought up by the pro-Japanese faction, but up to date, they have expressed a desire to pursue a course of strict neutrality. They had taken a fairly firm stand that the first one, regardless of whether this be Britain or Japan, who makes the first move shall be considered Thai’s enemy. Therefore, for Japan to be looked upon as Thai’s helper, she should put Britain in a position to be the first aggressor. For the purpose of accomplishing this, Japan should carefully avoid Thai territory, and instead, land troops in the neighborhood of KOTAPARU in British territory, which would almost certainly force Britain to invade Thailand from PATANBESSA. The consequence would be Thai’s declaration of war on Britain.

This strategy is being given careful consideration. Apparently this plan has the approval of Chief of Staff BIJITTO. Our naval Attaché has advised the Naval General Staff, also, I think.

  1. WANITTO and SIN are both considerably concerned of the weak character of PIBUN. As a means of making PIBUN make a decision, they think that it would be well to have some outside pressure brought to bear on him. As one means, they suggest that some undesirable Japanese be forcibly removed from Thai by Japan, and then to publicize this as the forerunner of a general evacuation of Japanese nationals from Thai.

From the above and from other considerations, including that of the tone of PIBUN’s radio broadcast which was reported in my message #871****, the situation here may show some unexpectedly speedy and favorable developments. I feel that we should not fumble this situation, but should proceed carefully and take the best advantage of it.

25499
JD-1: 6923                                (D) Navy Trans. 12-1-41 (S-TT)
 
*JD-1: 6881 (S.I.S. #25417). 
**Premier and Foreign Minister. 
***Actively in charge of Foreign Office. 
****Not available.

U.S. Department of State (November 29, 1941)

740.0011 Pacific War/655: Telegram

The Consul at Saigon to the Secretary of State

Saigon, November 29, 1941 — 10 a.m.
[Received November 29 — 5:45 a.m.]

151.

Arrivals of Japanese troops at Saigon were heavy during the past week and their numbers in southern Indochina are now estimated as follows: Cambodia 55,000, Saigon area 10,000, Cochinchina apart from Saigon area 20,000, southern Annam 5,000, total 90,000. These figures may be far from accurate; the most competent observers admit that they now have no reliable data. Statements from government sources are no longer considered trustworthy.

It is widely felt that if the Japanese threat against Thailand has so far been a bluff such is no longer the case. Factors contributing to this feeling are the efficient appearance of the recent arrivals, their superior equipment, the taking over by the Japanese of the large hospital in Chợ Lớn and the increase in air activity.

Sent to Cavite for repetition to the Department, Chungking, Beiping, Hong Kong, Shanghai. Shanghai please repeat to Tokyo. Repeated to Bangkok.

BROWNE

740.0011 Pacific War/660: Telegram

The Consul at Hanoi to the Secretary of State

Hanoi, November 29, 1941 — 2 p.m.
[Received November 29 — 1:51 p.m.]

194.

Although during the last few days there has been no great increase in the number of Japanese troops in Indochina the French military report that the number of planes has increased considerably during the same period, estimating somewhat over 300 Japanese planes in all of Indochina. Both civilian and military circles consider the situation in the Far East very grave, a number of these contacts making allusion to the charges referred to in the first paragraph of my telegram No. 187, November 25, 5 [6] p.m.

Sent to Cavite for repetition to the Department, Chungking, Beiping, Hong Kong. Shanghai please repeat to Tokyo. Repeated to Bangkok.

REED

711.94/2539

Memorandum of Conversation, by the Secretary of State

Washington, November 29, 1941.

The British Ambassador called at his request and I soon discovered that he had no special business except to check on the aftermath of the conversations between the President and myself and the Japanese with special reference to the question of the proposed modus vivendi. This caused me to remark in a preliminary way that the mechanics for the carrying on of diplomatic relations between the governments resisting aggressor nations are so complicated that it is nearly impossible to carry on such relations in a manner at all systematic and safe and sound. I referred to the fact that Chiang Kai-shek, for example, has sent numerous hysterical cable messages to different Cabinet officers and high officials in the Government other than the State Department, and sometimes even ignoring the President, intruding into a delicate and serious situation with no real idea of what the facts are. I added that Chiang Kai-shek has his brother-in-law, located here in Washington, disseminate damaging reports at times to the press and others, apparently with no particular purpose in mind; that we have correspondents from London who interview different officials here, which is entirely their privilege to do, except that at times we all move too fast without fully understanding each other’s views, et cetera, et cetera. I stated that this was well illustrated in the case of the recent outburst by Chiang Kai-shek. In referring to this I remarked that it would have been better if, when Churchill received Chiang Kai-shek’s loud protest about our negotiations here with Japan, instead of passing the protest on to us without objection on his part, thereby qualifying and virtually killing what we knew were the individual views of the British Government toward these negotiations, he had sent a strong cable back to Chiang Kai-shek telling him to brace up and fight with the same zeal as the Japanese and the Germans are displaying instead of weakening and telling the Chinese people that all of the friendly countries were now striving primarily to protect themselves and to force an agreement between China and Japan, every Chinese should understand from such a procedure that the best possible course was being pursued and that this calls for resolute fighting until the undertaking is consummated by peace negotiations which Japan in due course would be obliged to enter into with China.

I expressed the view that the diplomatic part of our relations with Japan was virtually over and that the matter will now go to the officials of the Army and the Navy with whom I have talked and to whom I have given my views for whatever they are worth. Speaking in great confidence, I said that it would be a serious mistake for our country and other countries interested in the Pacific situation to make plans of resistance without including the possibility that Japan may move suddenly and with every possible element of surprise and spread out over considerable areas and capture certain positions and posts before the peaceful countries interested in the Pacific would have time to confer and formulate plans to meet these new conditions; that this would be on the theory that the Japanese recognize that their course of unlimited conquest now renewed all along the line probably is a desperate gamble and requires the utmost boldness and risk.

I also said to the Ambassador that a calm deliberate Japanese Government would more than ever desire to wait another thirty days to see whether the German Army is driven out of Russia by winter. I added that the extremist fire-eating elements in Japan, who have preached a general forward movement supported by the Army and Navy have influenced a vast portion of the Japanese public to clamor for such a movement, would probably take no serious notice of the Russian-German situation, but would go forward in this desperate undertaking which they have advocated for some time; that at least it would be a mistake not to consider this possibility as entirely real, rather than to assume that they would virtually halt and engage in some movements into Thailand and into the Burma Road while waiting the results on the Russian front. The Ambassador, I think, had his reservations on this latter point. He did not disagree with what I said about the badly confused mechanics for the conduct of diplomatic relations between several of our countries in these critical times.

CORDELL HULL

711.94/2561

Memorandum of Conversation, by the Secretary of State

Washington, November 29, 1941.

The Australian Minister called at his request and made some reference to the possibility that he might cause Kurusu to call on him, at which time he would discuss the pros and cons of the present relations existing between all of the governments interested in the Pacific and wind up by suggesting that Australia would be glad to act as mediator or something of the sort. I really gave this matter no serious attention except to tell him that the diplomatic stage was over and that nothing would come of a move of that kind. I interrupted him to make this conclusive comment before the Minister could make a detailed statement of the matter on the assumption that he would develop a set of facts along lines that he began to intimate.

CORDELL HULL