America at war! (1941–) – Part 5

Rapporteur’s Report of the Meeting of Foreign Ministers

Potsdam, July 18, 1945, 11 a.m.

The Foreign Ministers agreed that they would recommend to the Heads of Governments that the subjects for discussion at the meeting this afternoon, July 18th, should be the following:

  1. The question of procedure and machinery for peace negotiations and territorial settlements.

  2. The question of the authority of the Control Council for Germany in political questions.

  3. The Polish question, particularly the problems having to do with the liquidation of the former London Polish Government and with the implementation of the Yalta Agreement on Poland.

I. Procedure for peace settlements

  1. The draft proposal for the establishment of a Council of Foreign Ministers, presented by the United States, was approved in principle.

  2. The following redraft of paragraph 3 of the United States draft was approved:

  1. As its immediate important task, the Council would be authorized to draw up, with a view to their submission to the United Nations, treaties of peace with Italy, Rumania, Bulgaria, Hungary and Finland, and to propose settlements of territorial questions outstanding on the termination of the war in Europe. The Council shall be utilized for the preparation of a peace settlement for Germany to be accepted by the Government of Germany when a government adequate for the purpose is established.

For the discharge of each of these tasks the Council will be composed of the Members representing those States which were signatory to the Terms of Surrender imposed upon the enemy State concerned.

Other matters may from time to time be referred to the Council by agreement between the States Members thereof.

  1. The Soviet Delegation reserved the right to suggest a change in the first paragraph of the United States draft.

  2. It was agreed that the meetings of the three Foreign Ministers approved at the Yalta Conference would not be affected by the establishment of the new Council of Foreign Ministers, though they might at times be held simultaneously with meetings of the Council.

  3. It was agreed that the functions of the European Advisory Commission would, after agreement with France, be transferred to the Allied Control Councils (for Germany and Austria).

II. Political authority of the Control Council for Germany

  1. The political section of the proposed agreement, presented by the United States, on the political and economic principles to govern the treatment of Germany in the initial control period was discussed by the Foreign Ministers. A number of amendments were suggested which were referred to a drafting subcommittee named by the Foreign Ministers. The subcommittee has not yet completed its work but the Foreign Ministers agreed that it would be desirable for the Heads of Governments at this afternoon’s meeting to have a preliminary and exploratory discussion of the authority of the Control Council for Germany in political matters.

  2. The Foreign Ministers agreed that the economic questions connected with Germany are of such a difficult nature that they should be referred in the first instance to a subcommittee of experts. This subcommittee will at the earliest possible time report back to the Foreign Ministers those questions upon which the subcommittee is unable to reach agreement. The Foreign Ministers will then determine which of these questions they will recommend that the Heads of Governments will discuss and decide.

  3. The Foreign Ministers agreed that, while they would not discuss today the question of the disposition of the German fleet and merchant ships, they would take up this question at an early date.

III. Polish question

The Foreign Ministers agreed that they would recommend that the Heads of Governments discuss at this afternoon’s meeting the Polish question. They suggested two aspects of this question as requiring consideration: (1) all of the various problems connected with the liquidation of the former London Polish Government; and (2) the questions connected with the continued implementation of the Yalta Declaration on Poland, especially the arrangements for the early holding of free and unfettered elections.

740.00119 (Potsdam)/7-1845

Report by the Subcommittee on the Council of Foreign Ministers

[Potsdam, July 18, 1945]
Top secret

I. Procedure for Peace Settlements

  1. The draft proposal for the establishment of a Council of Foreign Ministers, presented by the United States, was approved in principle.

  2. The following redraft of paragraph 3 of the United States draft was approved:

  1. As its immediate important task, the Council would be authorized to draw up, with a view to their submission to the United Nations, treaties of peace with Italy, Rumania, Bulgaria, Hungary and Finland, and to propose settlements of territorial questions outstanding on the termination of the war in Europe. The Council shall be utilized for the preparation of a peace settlement for Germany to be accepted by the Government of Germany when a government adequate for the purpose is established.

For the discharge of each of these tasks the Council will be composed of the Members representing those States which were signatory to the Terms of Surrender imposed upon the enemy State concerned.

Other matters may from time to time be referred to the Council by agreement between the States Members thereof.

  1. The Soviet Delegation reserved the right to suggest a change in the first paragraph of the United States Draft.

  2. It was agreed that the meetings of the three Foreign Ministers approved at the Yalta Conference would not be affected by the establishment of the new Council of Foreign Ministers, though they might at times be held simultaneously with meetings of the Council.

  3. It was agreed that the functions of the European Advisory Commission would, after agreement with France, be transferred to the Allied Control Councils (for Germany and Austria).

[Annex]

Council of Five Foreign Ministers

Alternative Drafts Considered by Drafting Committees

A. (Accepted by U.S. and British members of Drafting Committee).
For the discharge of each of these tasks the conclusions of the Council will be prepared for submission to the United Nations by those members who represent States which are at war with the enemy State concerned, but other members may be invited to participate in the Council’s discussions.

B. (Proposed by Soviet member of Drafting Committee).
For the discharge of each of these tasks the Council will be composed of the members representing those States which were signatory to the terms of surrender imposed upon the enemy State concerned, but other members may be invited to participate in the Council’s discussions.

C. (Possible compromise).
For the discharge of each of these tasks the Council will be composed of the members representing those States which were signatory to the terms of surrender imposed upon the enemy State concerned. For the purposes of the peace settlement for Italy, France shall be regarded as a signatory to the terms of surrender for Italy.

Other members should be invited to participate when matters of interest to them are under discussion.

881.00/7-1845: Telegram

The Ambassador in Spain to the Acting Secretary of State

Madrid, July 18, 1945 — 1 p.m.
Confidential
1548

British Chargé has been advised by Castillo that Alba was last week instructed to inform British FonOff that Spanish Govt considers that Russia by refusing to associate itself with statutory regime in Tangier forfeited its rights under act of Algeciras and that present Soviet claim to participation is consequently without juridical basis, for which reason Spain cannot consent to such participation. (My 1452 July 5 repeated London 433 Paris 366 Tangier 79) Castillo admitted however Spain could in fact do nothing to prevent Russian participation but stated that should USSR be admitted to Tangier only course open to Spain, in view of large Spanish colony and extensive Spanish interests in that zone (repeated to London as 456 Paris as 398 Tangier as 82), would be to renounce statute and revert to capitulatory regime.

ARMOUR

865.01/7-1545

Memorandum by the Special Assistant to the Director of European Affairs

Washington, July 18, 1945

Memorandum of Conversation

Participants: Mr. George H. Middleton, Secretary of British Embassy
Mr. Samuel Reber, EUR

Mr. Middleton called this morning at my request to discuss the appended aide-mémoire from the British Embassy concerning the British Government’s objections to any announcement at this time that Italy, in due course, would be admitted to the World Security organization.

As regards the substance of their objection I explained we felt that a simple announcement that in due course the United States would favor Italy’s admission to the World Security organization did not preclude discussions of the proposed peace treaty with Italy along the lines which the British Government had proposed.

After pointing out that in our opinion the tone of the note did not seem calculated to produce the most helpful results, I invited Mr. Middleton’s attention to a telegram from our Embassy at Rome dated July 15th to the effect that the Italian press had published, apparently with the knowledge and consent of the government and the Soviet Embassy, a statement indicating that the Soviet Ambassador had informed the Prime Minister that Russia would be the first to take the initiative at the Potsdam meeting and would unconditionally support the admission of Italy to the United Nations. I said I assumed that in view of the British communication to us they had made a similar one to the Soviet Government which had taken this step without informing either the United States or British Governments. I then explained to Mr. Middleton that should we delay all steps relating to Italy’s future status until after agreement on the peace treaty, many months would have elapsed and conditions in Italy would have deteriorated to a point which we could not now foresee.

Mr. Middleton then said he would communicate the foregoing observations to London and added that whereas he felt the British Government was in general agreement with our aims and future policy toward Italy it did not always agree on the timing of proposed steps and announcements. The British felt the peace treaty should precede any other steps.

S[AMUEL] REBER

The Supreme Allied Commander, Mediterranean to the Combined Chiefs of Staff

Caserta, 18 July 1945
[Paraphrase]
Top secret
urgent

Naf 1042, FX 24640. Cite Fhgct. Sent to the Special Signals Office of the Air Ministry for the British Chiefs of Staff, and to the Adjutant General, War Department, for the Combined Chiefs of Staff. Repeated for information to the Berlin Conference for the personal attention of Field Marshal Alexander.

There follows an outline, for your information, of a report which the Commanding General of the Eighth Army, General McCreery, has made concerning contacts of recent date with Soviet officers.

On July 16, 1945, Eighth Army representatives, accompanied by representatives of France and the United States, held two meetings in Vienna with the Soviet authorities. The British, French, and United States parties left Vienna the following day.

The Soviet authorities refused to discuss such questions as civilian supplies, railways, roads, and signal communications, despite the fact that Marshal Konev, in writing to McCreery, had agreed to hold the meeting and had stated his belief that the meeting could settle many questions. The reaction of the Allied representatives to the uncooperative Soviet attitude forced the referral of the matter by the Soviet representative to Konev, who agreed that a quadripartite discussion, by specialist officers, should take place at once concerning these questions.

The meeting then made good progress on most of the abovementioned subjects. Guarantees were received for telegraph and telephone facilities both (a) between Vienna and the occupation zones and (b) within the city itself. The meeting reached agreement on establishing combined signals and railways boards, which will not function, of course, until we have reached agreement on moving advance parties into Vienna. Agreement was also reached on road communications.

The Soviet authorities claimed that, since the European Advisory Commission agreements have not been approved at the governmental level, they lacked authorization from Moscow to reach any decisions to implement those agreements. Therefore they could not discuss the movement into Vienna of advance parties of the three Allies or the occupation of Styria on the part of the Eighth Army. Unless steps are taken at the highest level to ensure that Moscow sends the necessary instructions to Konev, it is clearly possible for the Soviet authorities to continue to block any move into Styria or Vienna. Our belief is that we can accomplish nothing more through local contacts. We approached the Soviet authorities on July 1 with respect to the occupation of Styria, and we believe that it would be undesirable to run the risk of a third rebuff on the part of the local Soviet commander.

The Chief of Staff to Konev stated that the Marshal would extend invitations to the three Allied commanders for staff meetings, to be followed by a meeting of the commanders, as soon as he had received instructions from Moscow.

ALEXANDER

740.00119 Control (Hungary)/7-1845: Telegram

The Representative in Hungary to the Acting Secretary of State

Budapest, July 18, 1945 — 12 p.m.
Secret
priority

304

Mytel 291, July 16.

Key has telegraphed War Department reporting substance of discussion at last night’s meeting of ACC which indicates that new procedure more satisfactory to US is actually contemplated and has begun without formal agreement. Key did not press for formalization of new procedure.

. . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Sent to Dept, repeated to USPolAd Frankfort as 8 and to Moscow as 30.

SCHOENFELD

881.00/7-1845: Telegram

The Representative in the Conversations Concerning Tangier to the Acting Secretary of State

Paris, July 18, 1945 — 1 p.m.
Secret
4310

From Childs.

Meyrier informed British Counselor Holman and me today that he had made an unofficial communication to Soviet Representatives of Embassy yesterday concerning Soviet participation in Tangier conference and had mentioned August 3 as a tentative date for official opening (my 4262, July 16).

At Meyrier’s request Holman agreed to endeavor to obtain acquiescence of British Govt in date proposed as soon as possible. Meyrier stated he wished to open entirely informal conversations with US and British on July 30 to which no publicity of any kind would be given, such informal talks to continue to August 1, inclusive. (Sent Dept 4310; repeated Madrid 272; London 525; Tangier 22)

It appears to me that USSR might legitimately take exception to participation of American Representatives in such informal talks to which Russian Representatives were not also invited. Accordingly, I believe it might be preferable for such informal discussions in advance of conference to be confined to British and French Representatives whose invitations to US and to Soviet Union are based on their original sponsorship of 1923 statute.

Absence of American Representative from preliminary discussions would not preclude our being kept currently informed of developments of those conversations.

740.00119 EW/7-1845: Telegram

The Chief of the Division of Eastern European Affairs and the Acting Director of the Office of Financial and Development Policy to the Director of the Office of Financial and Development Policy

[Washington,] July 18 [1945]
Secret
us urgent

51

For Collado from Durbrow and Phelps.

If subject matter of Department’s document on “American and Russian Economic Relationship in Countries of Eastern Europe” should come up for discussion Department suggests emphasis on three points not made explicit in recommendations:

  • First. Distinction between property wholly or substantially owned by United States nationals, and lesser property interests, is not to be construed as meaning that payment is not to be made for such lesser interests. While we may not be in a position, on the basis of the interests of American nationals, to oppose removals of property in which those nationals have less than a substantial interest, we should state our position so as to avoid any implicit waiver of right to compensation in any case merely because of degree of interest.

  • Second. Our objection to removals of property wholly or substantially owned by our nationals covers removals either as war booty or for reparation.

  • Third. Our right to compensation for value, regardless of size, of interest in property removed in past or future includes removals both as war booty and for reparation.

Truman-Churchill luncheon meeting, about 1:30 p.m.

23 Ringstrasse, Babelsberg

Present
United States United Kingdom
President Truman Prime Minister Churchill

Churchill describes the luncheon meeting as follows:

“On July 18 I lunched alone with the President, and we touched on many topics. I spoke of the melancholy position of Great Britain, who had spent more than half her foreign investments for the common cause when we were all alone, and now emerged from the war with a great external debt of three thousand million pounds. This had grown up through buying supplies from India, Egypt, and elsewhere, with no Lend-Lease arrangement, and would impose upon us an annual exportation without any compensatory import to nourish the wages fund. He followed this attentively and with sympathy, and declared that the United States owed Great Britain an immense debt for having held the fort at the beginning. ‘If you had gone down like France,’ he said, ‘we might be fighting the Germans on the American coast at the present time. This justifies us in regarding these matters as above the purely financial plane.’ I said I had told the election crowds that we were living to a large extent upon American imported food, for which we could not pay, but we had no intention of being kept by any country, however near to us in friendship. We should have to ask for help to become a going concern again, and until we got our wheels turning properly we could be of little use to world security or any of the high purposes of San Francisco. The President said he would do his very utmost; but of course I knew all the difficulties he might have in his own country.

“I then spoke about Imperial Preference, and explained that it might cause a split in the Conservative Party if it were not wisely handled. I had heard that America was making great reductions in her tariff. The President said it had been reduced by 50 percent, and he now had authority to reduce it by another 50 percent, leaving it at one-quarter of its pre-war height. I replied that this was a great factor, and would have a powerful influence on our Dominions, especially Canada and Australia.

“The President raised the subject of air and communications.1 He had great difficulties to face about airfields in British territory, especially in Africa, which the Americans had built at enormous cost. We ought to meet them on this, and arrange a fair plan for common use. I assured him that if I continued to be responsible I would reopen the question with him personally. It would be a great pity if the Americans got worked up about bases and air traffic and set themselves to make a win of it at all costs. We must come to the best arrangement in our common interest. President Roosevelt knew well that I wished to go much further on this matter of airfields and other bases, and would have liked to have a reciprocal arrangement between our two countries all over the world. Britain was a smaller Power than the United States, but she had much to give. Why should not an American battleship calling at Gibraltar be able to get the torpedoes to fit her tubes and the shells to fit her guns? Why should we not share facilities for defence all over the world? We could add 50 percent to the mobility of the American Fleet.

“Mr. Truman replied that all these sentiments were very near his own heart. Any plan would have to be fitted in, in some way, with the policy of the United Nations. I said that was all right so long as the facilities were shared between Britain and the United States. There was nothing in it if they were made common to everybody. A man might propose marriage to a young lady, but it was not much use if he were told that she would always be a sister to him. I wanted, under whatever form or cloak, a continuation of the existing war-time system of reciprocal facilities between Britain and the United States about bases and fuelling points.

“The President seemed in full accord with this, if it could be presented in a suitable fashion, and did not appear to take crudely the form of a military alliance à deux. These last were not his words, but give the impression I got of his mind. Encouraged by this, I went on with my long-cherished idea of keeping the organisation of the Combined Chiefs of Staff in being, at any rate until the world calmed down after the great storm and until there was a world structure of such proved strength and capacity that we could safely confide ourselves to it.

“The President was replying to this in an encouraging way when we were interrupted by his officers reminding him that he must now start off to see Marshal Stalin. He was good enough to say that this had been the most enjoyable luncheon he had had for many years, and how earnestly he hoped the relations I had had with President Roosevelt would be continued between him and me. He invited personal friendship and comradeship, and used many expressions at intervals in our discussion which I could not easily hear unmoved. I felt that here was a man of exceptional character and ability, with an outlook exactly along the lines of Anglo-American relations as they had developed, simple and direct methods of speech, and a great deal of self-confidence and resolution.”

The following notes by Churchill also relate to the meeting:*

“I said that the Japanese war might end much quicker than had been expected, and that the eighteen months period which we had taken as a working rule required to be reviewed. Also, Stage III might be upon us in a few months, or perhaps even earlier. I imparted to the President the disclosure about the offer from the Mikado, made to me by Marshal Stalin the night before; and I told him he was quite free to talk it over with the Marshal, as I had informed him at the Marshal’s expressed desire.…

“The President also thought the war might come to a speedy end. Here I explained that Marshal Stalin had not wished to transmit this information direct to him for fear he might think the Russians were trying to influence him towards peace. In the same way I would abstain from saying anything which would indicate that we were in any way reluctant to go on with the war against Japan as long as the United States thought fit. However, I dwelt upon the tremendous cost in American life and, to a smaller extent, in British life which would be involved in forcing ‘unconditional surrender’ upon the Japanese. It was for him to consider whether this might not be expressed in some other way, so that we got all the essentials for future peace and security, and yet left the Japanese some show of saving their military honour and some assurance of their national existence, after they had complied with all safeguards necessary for the conqueror. The President countered by saying that he did not think the Japanese had any military honour after Pearl Harbour. I contented myself with saying that at any rate they had something for which they were ready to face certain death in very large numbers, and this might not be so important to us as to them. He then became quite sympathetic, and spoke, as Mr. Stimson had to me two days [one day?] earlier, of the terrible responsibilities that rested upon him in regard to the unlimited effusion of American blood.”

It also seems probable that the following note by Churchill for the British War Cabinet to this meeting:

“The President showed me telegrams about the recent experiment, and asked what I thought should be done about telling the Russians. He seemed determined to do this, but asked about the timing, and said he thought that the end of the Conference would be best. I replied that if he were resolved to tell it might well be better to hang it on the experiment, which was a new fact on which he and we had only just had knowledge. Therefore he would have a good answer to any question, ‘Why did you not tell us this before?’ He seemed impressed with this idea, and will consider it.

“On behalf of His Majesty’s Government I did not resist his proposed disclosure of the simple fact that we have this weapon. He reiterated his resolve at all costs to refuse to divulge any particulars.…”

Byrnes-Eden luncheon meeting, about 1:30 p.m.

Present
United States United Kingdom
Secretary Byrnes Foreign Secretary Eden

While Truman was having luncheon with Churchill, Byrnes was a luncheon guest at Eden’s quarters in Babelsberg. No record of the substance of the conversation at this meeting has been found.

840.70/7-1845: Telegram

The Ambassador in the United Kingdom to the Acting Secretary of State

London, July 18, 1945 — 1 p.m.
secret
us urgent

7236

With regard to suggested procedure for reconvening EIT conference given in Department’s 5808, July 14 Ronald has now suggested that matter could be more advantageously taken up in Berlin. FonOff has telegraphed its delegation at Berlin Conference to consult with US delegation and if agreed discuss with Russians problem of reconvening EIT conference as part of larger discussion of Russian copperation in European economic organizations. Ronald stated Weston is in Berlin and would be able to give both delegations technical background information if necessary.

WINANT

Meeting of the Combined Chiefs of Staff, 2:30 p.m.

CCS 195th Meeting

Present
United States United Kingdom
General of the Army Marshall Field Marshal Brooke
Fleet Admiral King Marshal of the Royal Air Force Portal
General of the Army Arnold Admiral of the Fleet Cunningham
General Somervell Field Marshal Wilson
Lieutenant General Hull General Ismay
Vice Admiral Cooke Lieutenant-General Macready
Major General Norstad Major-General Laycock
Captain Oster Major-General Hollis
Captain McDill
Secretariat
Brigadier General McFarland Captain Moore
Brigadier Cornwall-Jones Lieutenant-Colonel Haddon

CCS Minutes

Potsdam, July 18, 1945, 2:30 p.m.
Top secret

Approval of the Minutes of the CCS 194th Meeting

The Combined Chiefs of Staff: Approved the conclusions of the CCS 194th Meeting and approved the detailed report of the meeting subject to the substitution in the first paragraph on page 3 of the words “dispatch of a corps commander and staff to the Pacific” for “above” and subject to any-later minor amendments.

French and Dutch Participation in the War Against Japan (CCS 842, 842/1, and 842/2)

The Combined Chiefs of Staff: Approved the memorandum in the enclosure to CCS 842/2 and directed the Secretaries to forward it separately to the French and Netherlands Representatives to the Combined Chiefs of Staff.

Staff Conversations With Portugal (CCS 462/25 and 462/26)

The Combined Chiefs of Staff: Approved the letter to the Department of State and Foreign Office in the Enclosure to CCS 462/25, as amended in CCS 462/26.

Southeast Asia and Southwest Pacific Area (CCS 890/2)

The Combined Chiefs of Staff considered paragraphs 2, 3, and 4 of CCS 890/2.

In regard to paragraph 2, GENERAL MARSHALL asked the British Chiefs of Staff if they would express their reaction to dividing Indo-China into two parts, leaving the northern part in the China Theater.

ADMIRAL CUNNINGHAM pointed out that the line dividing Indo-China would be dependent to some extent on contemplated operations through Thailand.

ADMIRAL KING stated that the division of Indo-China along the latitude of 15 degrees north was an arbitrary division and might be changed to suit contemplated operational requirements.

The British Chiefs of Staff expressed the view that they should like to study the question of the dividing line before making any proposals in regard to the matter.
The proposals contained in paragraph 3 were accepted by the Combined Chiefs of Staff without discussion.

In the discussion of paragraph 4, SIR ALAN BROOKE explained that the British Chiefs of Staff were in doubt as to the commitment which they would be undertaking if they agreed to the transfer on a particular date. They did not know when the operations in Borneo were scheduled to be completed nor what sort of liability they would be accepting in the form of maintenance and support for those operations.

In reply, GENERAL MARSHALL referred to the United States Chiefs of Staff reply to the questionnaire which the British Chiefs of Staff had submitted (CCS 852 and 852/1), and described the extent to which the United States Chiefs of Staff were proposing to support operations in the new British command. He said that most of the U.S. troops had been withdrawing from the area of the proposed new British command and that no further operations were scheduled in Borneo. He added that in any event there would be no question of “leaving the Borneo operations in the lurch.”

GENERAL MARSHALL then went on to point out that it would be a great advantage to the United States Chiefs of Staff if the transfer of the area to Admiral Mountbatten could take place at an early date. General MacArthur is fully occupied with operations to the northward and it would be a considerable benefit to him if he could be relieved of these responsibilities as soon as possible.

SIR CHARLES PORTAL said that Admiral Mountbatten also was fully occupied in his present and contemplated operations in the Southeast Asia Command, and since General MacArthur was familiar with and is dealing with the Australians at the present, it might be best to continue that procedure until Admiral Mountbatten was in a better position to undertake these new responsibilities.

The British Chiefs of Staff agreed that it was desirable to effect a transfer of command in the Southwest Pacific Area at an early date, but considered that it would be necessary for them to study the matter before a definite time could be agreed upon.

GENERAL MARSHALL suggested that as Admiral Mountbatten was about to visit General MacArthur in Manila, that he and General MacArthur might discuss the timing of the transfer of command.

The Combined Chiefs of Staff:

a. Agreed in principle that that part of the present Southwest Pacific Area lying south of the boundary proposed in paragraph 2 of CCS 852/1, should pass from United States to British command as soon as possible.

b. Took note that the British Chiefs of Staff would investigate and report to the Combined Chiefs of Staff the earliest possible date on which the transfer of the above area could be effected.

c. Took note that the British Chiefs of Staff would consider where the dividing line might lie in the event that approximately half of French Indo-China should be included in the new British command.

At this point the Combined Chiefs of Staff went into closed session.

Command and Control in the War Against Japan (Paragraphs 5 and 6, CCS 890/2)

GENERAL MARSHALL said that he wished to explain the point of view of the United States Chiefs of Staff.

He pointed out that the general concept of operations in the Pacific had been approved by the Combined Chiefs of Staff and that the control of operational strategy lay with the United States Chiefs of Staff. He recognized that in the past the British Chiefs of Staff had not had all the information that they wanted and assured them that this would be remedied in the future. He felt, however, that the operational strategy in the Pacific must remain the responsibility of the United States Chiefs of Staff. He explained the extensive difficulties in the conduct of the strategy of the Pacific arising from the great distances involved and the enormous land, sea, and air forces employed. He said that the United States Chiefs of Staff felt that they could not, in addition to these problems, shoulder the burden of debating the “pros” and “cons” of operational strategy with the British Chiefs of Staff.

The United States Chiefs of Staff would be glad to give the British Chiefs of Staff timely information of U.S. plans and intentions and to hear their comments. But they felt bound to retain freedom to decide ultimately what should be done. If then the British Chiefs of Staff felt that they could not commit British troops to the operations decided upon, then they would of course be at liberty to withdraw British forces from those operations; but he desired to make it clear that if this were done, it would be necessary for the United States Chiefs of Staff to be given ample warning of British intentions so that plans of United States Chiefs of Staff could be adjusted accordingly.

SIR ALAN BROOKE said that the British Chiefs of Staff had felt that they had been rather left out of the picture but confirmed that the British Chiefs of Staff entirely supported the strategy which the United States Chiefs of Staff had so far developed. For the future, they hoped that they would be consulted on the further development of strategy but had no wish to suggest that they should interfere in any way with the operational strategy.

ADMIRAL CUNNINGHAM asked if the British Chiefs of Staff would be consulted in regard to the strategy that would be adopted in the event of the Russians coming into the war.

GENERAL MARSHALL said that the strategy to be adopted in these circumstances would be considered on a tripartite basis.

ADMIRAL KING said that the United States Chiefs of Staff would consult with the British Chiefs of Staff, of course, but must reserve the final decision to themselves.

GENERAL MARSHALL said that in the event of any disagreement, the British Chiefs of Staff would certainly be given the opportunity of convincing the United States Chiefs of Staff that they were wrong.

The Combined Chiefs of Staff: Agreed that with respect to the strategic control of the war against Japan:

a. The control of operational strategy in the Pacific Theater will remain in the hands of the United States Chiefs of Staff.

b. The United States Chiefs of Staff will provide the British Chiefs of Staff with full and timely information as to their future plans and intentions.

c. The United States Chiefs of Staff will consult the British Chiefs of Staff on matters of general strategy, on the understanding that in the event of disagreement, the final decision on the action to be taken will lie with the United States Chiefs of Staff.

d. In the event the British Chiefs of Staff should decide that they cannot commit British troops in support of a decision made by the United States Chiefs of Staff as indicated in c. above, the British Chiefs of Staff will give to the United States Chiefs of Staff such advance notice of their decision as will permit them to make timely rearrangements.

e. In the event the USSR enters the war against Japan, the strategy to be pursued should be discussed between the parties concerned.

Memorandum by the U.S. Chiefs of Staff

[Babelsberg,] 18 July 1945
Top secret
CCS 889/2

British Participation in the War Against Japan

The following extracts of a message from General MacArthur to the War Department under date of 9 July 1945 concerning British participation in the war against Japan are furnished for the information of the British Chiefs of Staff:

The scope of the British proposal for participation in CORONET presents problems not heretofore encountered when the Canadian and French contingents were considered.

These problems must be viewed in their proper perspective as they relate to the specific operation in contemplation unless complexity, particularly as applies to logistics, and lack of homogeneity of forces destroy combat effectiveness or require a delay in target date.

This operation, as at present visualized, is confined to narrow limits. There will be no opportunity to assign separate sectors of responsibility along national lines.

The assault is to be made into heavily defended areas and calls for the closest coordination of air, naval, and ground forces, and within the ground forces themselves. Acceptance of the British in the assault with the differences in organization, composition, equipment, training procedures, and doctrines will complicate command, operations, and logistic support. Redeployment geared to the support of homogeneous forces and now well advanced, would have to undergo a large-scale readjustment, particularly taking into consideration a parallel line of British logistic channels, including separate bases, storage, issuance and maintenance facilities, and personnel therefor.

British forces participating in operations against Singapore in November could not be prepared for the assault phase in Coronet. It is considered doubtful that these forces could participate even in the follow-up. Certainly, to utilize considerable numbers of troops without adequate opportunity on the part of higher commanders of this area to exercise command functions prior to their use would be a most dangerous expedient.

Moreover, it would be entirely unsatisfactory to have the availability of troops scheduled for Coronet dependent in any way upon their release from another campaign. Availability of these troops as well as all others committed must be certain for a fixed date.

The following general plan is suggested as being one which will obviate the full impact of the objectionable features indicated above.

This plan takes into consideration previous communications relating to the use of Australian forces as well as Canadian forces.

a. Limit British Empire participation to one corps of three divisions; one British, one Canadian, and one Australian.

b. Re-equip British division and corps troops and Australian division with American equipment, logistic support to be provided by the United States on the same scale as provided for our troops.

c. The Australian division to be either the 7th or 9th Division, now concentrated in the Borneo-Morotai area.

d. British division and corps troops to be concentrated by 1st December in the Borneo-Morotai area or, as an alternate, in the United States, if these units can be equipped there.

e. Amphibiously train one British division and one Canadian division prior to arrival in concentration area. The Australian division is already amphibiously trained.

f. Lift this corps on assault shipping to be provided by the British to arrive in the objective area about Y plus 10. It will there be used as the AFPac assault reserve afloat. Canadian division to be lifted directly from the United States, Australian division from the Borneo-Morotai area, and British division and corps troops from either area depending on where it is concentrated.

g. Fight this corps as an integral corps within a United States Army. Utilize divisions separately within American corps if the exigencies of the situation so demand.

I doubt the advisability of employing troops of native origin in this complex operation where homogeneity of language within the corps is required.

Likewise, there is a question of the advisability of utilizing troops of tropical origin in a temperate zone without an extended period of acclimatization. Hence, the acceptance of Indian troops is not concurred in. The British division should be Anglo-Saxon.

The foregoing comments are equally applicable to Allied air components, aggravated by the difficulties of integrating relatively small air forces in tactical operations under the restrictions imposed by a comparatively limited air deployment potential. There are ample American air forces in or projected for this area to support all troops in CORONET operation.


Memorandum by the U.S. Chiefs of Staff

[Babelsberg,] 18 July 1945
Top secret
CCS 842/2

French and Dutch Participation in the War Against Japan

The United States Chiefs of Staff recommend that the Combined Chiefs of Staff forward the enclosed memorandum to the French and Netherlands Representatives to the Combined Chiefs of Staff in lieu of the memorandum in the Enclosure to CCS 842/1.

[Enclosure]
Top secret
Draft

Memorandum to the French and Netherlands Representatives to the Combined Chiefs of Staff

The Combined Chiefs of Staff have given consideration to the question of French/Netherlands participation in the war against Japan and wish to inform you of their views which are as follows:

a. While it is at present impracticable due chiefly to logistical difficulties for French or Netherlands armed forces to take a major part in the immediate operations in the Far East, the provision of such assistance which may be synchronized with operations will be taken into account by the Combined Chiefs of Staff. The use of such forces will depend solely on military considerations. French or Netherlands forces so accepted must operate under the complete control of the commander in chief concerned.

b. In implementing this policy the Combined Chiefs of Staff undertake to give the French/Netherlands representatives timely information of their intentions in respect of any operations that will directly affect French/Netherlands territories or armed forces in the Far East.


Memorandum by the U.S. Chiefs of Staff

[Babelsberg,] 18 July 1945
Top secret
CCS 679/6

Disposition of Captured German Passenger Ships

  1. The United States Chiefs of Staff have indicated in papers of the CCS 679 series an urgent need for 39,000 troop spaces in captured enemy shipping to supplement the trooplift available for carrying out redeployment plans.

  2. Since the publication of CCS 679/1, U.S. requirements for trooplift in the Pacific have materially increased. Deficits now are serious.

  3. Drastic action has been taken to augment United States resources by conversion of cargo ships, increasing air-lift, and curtailing withdrawals of U.S. troops from Europe. In spite of every possible adjustment in United States resources, the trooplift situation in the Pacific will remain serious during the last half of this year.

  4. The Combined Shipping Adjustment Board (CSAB) has had the matter of distribution of captured German shipping under discussion for several weeks. Certain agreements as to manning and operation have been reached, but the United States view that the seven vessels under consideration should be allocated for the carriage of U.S. troops during the current emergency period has been opposed on the British side of the CSAB pending decision by the Combined Chiefs of Staff.

  5. The United States Chiefs of Staff recommend that in order to meet emergency requirements for the movement of U.S. troops necessary for forthcoming operations, the Combined Chiefs of Staff agree to the allocation for United States purposes, so long as an emergency exists, of the following seven vessels:

Europa, Caribia, Vulcania, Patria, Potsdam, Pretoria and Milwaukee.

  1. Arrangements as to manning, operation, repair and conversion can be determined by the CSAB, and it is understood that the agreement proposed in paragraph 5 above in no way prejudices ultimate disposition of these vessels.

Memorandum by the British Chiefs of Staff

[Babelsberg,] 18 July 1945
Top secret
CCS 890/2

Control and Command in the War Against Japan

  1. The British Chiefs of Staff have considered the memorandum by the United States Chiefs of Staff (CCS 890/1) on Control and Command in the War against Japan. They have the following comments to make.

  2. They fully understand that it will ultimately be necessary to obtain the agreement of the Generalissimo to the inclusion of Indo-China in Southeast Asia Command. They are anxious, however, that the United States Chiefs of Staff should support them in recommending to the President and the Prime Minister that they should press the Generalissimo to agree to this transfer. They suggest, therefore, that a recommendation to this effect should be included in the final report of the Terminal Conference.

  3. The British Chiefs of Staff note that the United States Chiefs of Staff consider it necessary to retain control of the Admiralty Islands. They, therefore, withdraw their proposal for the inclusion of these islands in the Australian command. They also agree not to press for the eastward extension of the present boundary of the Southwest Pacific Area until United States activities are cleared from the area. They note that the United States Chiefs of Staff would offer no objection to British operations against Ocean and Nauru Islands.

  4. The British Chiefs of Staff realize the advantages of an early transfer of the Southwest Pacific Area but are up against two difficulties. The first is the fact that Admiral Mountbatten is now fully engaged on planning further operations. The assumption of further responsibilities at this particular stage must inevitably embarrass him. Secondly, we have no idea what degree of assistance the United States Chiefs of Staff are at present providing to the Borneo operations nor when those operations are due to be completed. On present information, therefore, we cannot assess the commitment we should be undertaking if we agree to the transfer on any particular date. We should like, therefore, to discuss this further with the United States Chiefs of Staff.

  5. On the question of the higher strategic control of the war against Japan, the British Chiefs of Staff wish to reiterate and amplify their view that they should now be given a larger share of control of strategy on the lines suggested in CCS 890. They desire to bring to the notice of the United States Chiefs of Staff the following particular considerations:
    a. The United States and Great Britain are the two major powers allied against Japan, and thus jointly responsible for the prosecution of the war. It is most desirable that they should consult freely on all matters of major strategic importance relating to the conduct of the war.

    b. The British Chiefs of Staff have an inescapable responsibility to advise His Majesty’s Government on the use to which British forces are put in all theatres of war.

    c. Although the United States are of course providing the major share, the war against Japan, like that against Germany, is being fought with pooled United States and British resources, particularly shipping. It is right, therefore, that the British should have full understanding and knowledge of the proposed methods of applying these resources.

  6. The British Chiefs of Staff wish to make it clear that the full extent of what they are asking is that they should be consulted on major strategic policy. They have no intention of suggesting interference with the operational control now accorded to General MacArthur and Admiral Nimitz in whom they have the utmost confidence.

    The British Chiefs of Staff ask, therefore, that the United States Chiefs of Staff should reconsider their attitude on this question.


Memorandum by the British Chiefs of Staff

[Babelsberg,] 18 July 1945
Top secret
CCS 895/1

Participation of Two French Colonial Infantry Divisions in Far Eastern Operations

  1. We have examined the proposals by the United States Chiefs of Staff for the employment of two French colonial infantry divisions in Far Eastern operations, as set out in CCS 895.

  2. In the light of the discussion at CCS 194th Meeting held on 17 July 1945, we suggest it would be preferable for the two French divisions to be employed in due course in French Indo-China.

  3. The question of under whose command this force would operate would, we suggest, be decided in the light of the situation at the time.


Memorandum by the British Chiefs of Staff

[Babelsberg,] 18 July 1945
Top secret
CCS 462/26

Staff Conversations with Portugal

  1. We have considered the memorandum (CCS 462/25) by the United States Chiefs of Staff and are in general agreement with the draft letter to the Department of State and Foreign Office attached as the Enclosure thereto.

  2. We propose, however, two minor amendments as follows:
    a. In subparagraph b. of the proposed letter, it is stated that “the larger force is acceptable and can be trained in the theater.” The situation in this respect is that the Australian authorities have informed us that they cannot accept any Portuguese force. An inquiry has now been addressed to the Commander in Chief, Ceylon, asking him whether he can accept the Portuguese and, if so, the size of force he can accommodate, pointing out that we prefer the larger force.

No reply has yet been received. We cannot, therefore, be certain which of the two forces we can accept or where the training area will be.

We, therefore, propose that subparagraph b. of the draft letter should read as follows:

As between the two military forces offered by Portugal (a regimental combat team of 4,000 or a battalion combat team of 2,200, both including 400 native troops), the larger force is likely to be the more acceptable. Steps are being taken to allocate a suitable training area.

. . . . . . . . . . . . . .

  1. Subject to the above amendments, we recommend that the Combined Chiefs of Staff approve the despatch of the letter to the Department of State and the Foreign Office as proposed in CCS 462/25.

The Combined Chiefs of Staff to the Department of State and the British Foreign Office

Washington [Babelsberg], 18 July 1945
Top secret

Memorandum for the Department of State

Foreign Office:
The Combined Chiefs of Staff on 2 September 1944 appointed an Anglo-American Military Mission to enter into conversations with Portuguese military authorities to discuss Portuguese proposals for participation in such operations as may be conducted eventually to expel the Japanese from Portuguese Timor. The Combined Chiefs of Staff have arrived at the following conclusions on the report of this mission:

a. The Combined Chiefs of Staff are agreed on the acceptance of Portuguese assistance in such operations as may be conducted eventually to expel the Japanese from Portuguese Timor. While they have made no agreement with the Portuguese military authorities as to the direct use of Portuguese forces, they have recognized the possibility of such use and agreed that plans will be worked out as a result of the studies conducted in staff conversations in Lisbon.

b. As between the two military forces offered by Portugal (a regimental combat team of 4,000 or a battalion combat team of 2,200, both including 400 native troops), the larger force is likely to be the more acceptable. Steps are being taken to allocate a suitable training area.

c. The air component offered by Portugal should under no circumstances be included in the acceptance of the Portuguese offer in view of the small number of planes available and the state of the training of the pilots, mechanics and radio specialists.

d. There is no objection from the military viewpoint to Portugal receiving munitions when they can be spared but negotiation as to the basis for transfer is an action to be taken on a governmental level.

e. The Combined Chiefs of Staff in accepting Portuguese participation do not intend to enter into a commitment for the retaking of Portuguese Timor. Neither is acceptance to be construed as a commitment to use Portuguese troops in any other area.

f. Military operations against Portuguese Timor must for the present await the completion of operations against higher priority Japanese-held objectives. The Combined Chiefs of Staff will notify the Portuguese military authorities of impending operations against Portuguese Timor in time for them to prepare their troops for participation therein. Details as to the assembly, shipment, training and equipping of the Portuguese force will be decided by the Combined Chiefs of Staff at the appropriate time.

The Combined Chiefs of Staff have no objection to the disclosure of any of the above information to the Portuguese if the Department of State or Foreign Office deem it necessary in diplomatic conversations. …

For the Combined Chiefs of Staff:
A. T. CORNWALL-JONES
Brigadier

A. J. MCFARLAND
Brigadier General, USA. Combined Secretariat

840.6362/7-1845: Telegram

The Deputy to the Assistant Secretary of State for Economic Affairs to the Assistant Secretary of State and the Adviser on German Economic Affairs

[Washington,] July 18 [1945]
Secret
52

For Clayton and Despres from Thorp. Proposed coal directive, as revised in Aide-Mémoire to the British dated July 10, copy of which you have with you, has not been submitted to Russians, nor has any comment been received from British, and therefore program is not yet in effect. Blaisdell and Winant suggested from London that directive, and proposal to use ECO as allocating body for surplus coal available in Germany for Western Europe should be referred to Russians in connection with Potsdam Meeting agenda. This suggestion came after you left, and it was felt that presentation to Russians here would not reach Moscow in time for any action. We also considered asking Moscow Embassy to present both directive and ECO proposal to Russians but decided that since Harriman and members of his staff would be coming to Berlin, the matter could more appropriately be raised there. Therefore no communication on coal has been given to Russians. Please advise if you wish action taken.


740.00119 (Potsdam)/7-1845: Telegram

The Assistant Secretary of State and the Adviser on German Economic Affairs to the Deputy to the Assistant Secretary of State for Economic Affairs

Babelsberg, July 18, 1945
Secret
Victory 56

For Thorp from Clayton and Despres.

Please advise us whether Soviet [Union] has been informed of U.S. proposal for directive on German coal production and exports.


740.00119 Potsdam/7-1845: Telegram

The Secretary of State to the Ambassador in the United Kingdom

Babelsberg, July 18, 1945
Top secret
Victory 68

For Ambassador Winant, London, repeated to State Department, Washington from Secretary of State, Berlin.

U.S. and U.K. military authorities in Germany agree that French Berlin area of occupation will be formed from existing U.K. and U.S. areas.

As soon as U.K. representative EAC have [has] received similar instructions, you are authorized accept Soviet July 12th [11th] proposal for final sentence report accompanying agreement on French Zone in Germany and conclude agreement.

BYRNES


740.00119 EW/7-1845: Telegram

The Director of the Office of Financial and Development Policy to the Acting Chief of the Division of Financial Affairs and the Acting Chief of the Division of Economic Security Controls

Babelsberg, July 18, 1945
Secret
Victory 77

To Acting SecState Washington for Reinstein and Oliver from Collado.

The Soviets have touched on subject of Italian reparations (ref Lubin’s telegram to Kindleberger). My tentative view is no reparation claim against Germany and no current or productive capital goods payments by Italy.

We should allow restitution from Germany limited to works of art, et cetera, and should require restitution by Italy of such articles. Perhaps we should allow some token deliveries to Greece and Ethiopia. Presumably Latin American and other nations will satisfy claims for ship sinkings, et cetera, by holding on to Italian external assets.

What are your views on U.S. position on this point, and your comments on entire Italian reparations and restitution problem?

Send immediately background information on Italy’s relief, rehabilitation, and reconstruction needs, her overseas assets, her shipping position, et cetera. Also background material on our attitude and actions with respect to Finnish, Hungarian, Bulgarian, and Rumanian reparations, none of which was included in my papers.


740.00119 Potsdam/7-1845: Telegram

The Deputy Director of the Office of Near Eastern and African Affairs to the Director of Near Eastern and African Affairs

Babelsberg, July 18, 1945
Secret
Victory 82

To Acting Secretary of State for Loy Henderson from George Allen.
Sent to Department. Repeated to Paris and Tangier for Villard and Ailing.

Russians have proposed addition of Tangier and the Levant states to the agenda for the conference.

There is, as yet, no indication of Russian attitude regarding either question.

The Commanding General, Manhattan District Project to the Secretary of War

Washington, 18 July 1945
Top secret

Memorandum for the Secretary of War

Subject: THE TEST

  1. This is not a concise, formal military report but an attempt to recite what I would have told you if you had been here on my return from New Mexico.

  2. At 0530, 16 July 1945, in a remote section of the Alamogordo Air Base, New Mexico, the first full scale test was made of the implosion type atomic fission bomb. For the first time in history there was a nuclear explosion. And what an explosion! … The bomb was not dropped from an airplane but was exploded on a platform on top of a 100-foot high steel tower.

  3. The test was successful beyond the most optimistic expectations of anyone. Based on the data which it has been possible to work up to date, I estimate the energy generated to be in excess of the equivalent of 15,000 to 20,000 tons of TNT; and this is a conservative estimate. Data based on measurements which we have not yet been able to reconcile would make the energy release several times the conservative figure. There were tremendous blast effects. For a brief period there was a lighting effect within a radius of 20 miles equal to several suns in midday; a huge ball of fire was formed which lasted for several seconds. This ball mushroomed and rose to a height of over ten thousand feet before it dimmed. The light from the explosion was seen clearly at Albuquerque, Santa Fe, Silver City, El Paso and other points generally to about 180 miles away. The sound was heard to the same distance in a few instances but generally to about 100 miles. Only a few windows were broken although one was some 125 miles away. A massive cloud was formed which surged and billowed upward with tremendous power, reaching the sub-stratosphere at an elevation of 41,000 feet, 36,000 feet above the ground, in about five minutes, breaking without interruption through a temperature inversion at 17,000 feet which most of the scientists thought would stop it. Two supplementary explosions occurred in the cloud shortly after the main explosion. The cloud contained several thousand tons of dust picked up from the ground and a considerable amount of iron in the gaseous form. Our present thought is that this iron ignited when it mixed with the oxygen in the air to cause these supplementary explosions. Huge concentrations of highly radioactive materials resulted from the fission and were contained in this cloud.

  4. A crater from which all vegetation had vanished, with a diameter of 1200 feet and a slight slope toward the center, was formed. In the center was a shallow bowl 130 feet in diameter and 6 feet in depth. The material within the crater was deeply pulverized dirt. The material within the outer circle is greenish and can be distinctly seen from as much as 5 miles away. The steel from the tower was evaporated. 1500 feet away there was a four-inch iron pipe 16 feet high set in concrete and strongly guyed. It disappeared completely.

  5. One-half mile from the explosion there was a massive steel test cylinder weighing 220 tons. The base of the cylinder was solidly encased in concrete. Surrounding the cylinder was a strong steel tower 70 feet high, firmly anchored to concrete foundations. This tower is comparable to a steel building bay that would be found in typical 15 or 20 story skyscraper or in warehouse construction. Forty tons of steel were used to fabricate the tower which was 70 feet high, the height of a six-story building. The cross bracing was much stronger than that normally used in ordinary steel construction. The absence of the solid walls of a building gave the blast a much less effective surface to push against. The blast tore the tower from its foundations, twisted it, ripped it apart and left it flat on the ground. The effects on the tower indicate that, at that distance, unshielded permanent steel and masonry buildings would have been destroyed. I no longer consider the Pentagon a safe shelter from such a bomb. Enclosed are a sketch showing the tower before the explosion and a telephotograph showing what it looked like afterwards.3 None of us had expected it to be damaged.

  6. The cloud traveled to a great height first in the form of a ball, then mushroomed, then changed into a long trailing chimney-shaped column and finally was sent in several directions by the variable winds at the different elevations. It deposited its dust and radioactive materials over a wide area. It was followed and monitored by medical doctors and scientists with instruments to check its radioactive effects. While here and there the activity on the ground was fairly high, at no place did it reach a concentration which required evacuation of the population. Radioactive material in small quantities was located as much as 120 miles away. The measurements are being continued in order to have adequate data with which to protect the Government’s interests in case of future claims. For a few hours I was none too comfortable about the situation.

  7. For distances as much as 200 miles away, observers were stationed to check on blast effects, property damage, radioactivity and reactions of the population. While complete reports have not yet been received, I now know that no persons were injured nor was there any real property damage outside our Government area. As soon as all the voluminous data can be checked and correlated, full technical studies will be possible.

  8. Our long-range weather predictions had indicated that we could expect weather favorable for our tests beginning on the morning of the 17th and continuing for four days. This was almost a certainty if we were to believe our long-range forecasters. The prediction for the morning of the 16th was not so certain but there was about an 80% chance of the conditions being suitable. During the night there were thunder storms with lightning flashes all over the area. The test had been originally set for 0400 hours and all the night through, because of the bad weather, there were urgings from many of the scientists to postpone the test. Such a delay might well have had crippling results due to mechanical difficulties in our complicated test set-up. Fortunately, we disregarded the urgings. We held firm and waited the night through hoping for suitable weather. We had to delay an hour and a half, to 0530, before we could fire. This was 30 minutes before sunrise.

  9. Because of bad weather, our two B-29 observation airplanes were unable to take off as scheduled from Kirtland Field at Albuquerque and when they finally did get off, they found it impossible to get over the target because of the heavy clouds and the thunder storms. Certain desired observations could not be made and while the people in the airplanes saw the explosion from a distance, they were not as close as they will be in action. We still have no reason to anticipate the loss of our plane in an actual operation although we cannot guarantee safety.

  10. Just before 1100 the news stories from all over the state started to flow into the Albuquerque Associated Press. I then directed the issuance by the Commanding Officer, Alamogordo Air Base of a news release as shown on the inclosure. With the assistance of the Office of Censorship we were able to limit the news stories to the approved release supplemented in the local papers by brief stories from the many eyewitnesses not connected with our project. One of these was a blind woman who saw the light.

  11. Brigadier General Thomas F. Farrell was at the control shelter located 10,000 yards south of the point of explosion. His impressions are given below:

    The scene inside the shelter was dramatic beyond words. In and around the shelter were some twenty-odd people concerned with last minute arrangements prior to firing the shot. Included were: Dr. Oppenheimer, the Director who had borne the great scientific burden of developing the weapon from the raw materials made in Tennessee and Washington and a dozen of his key assistants – Dr. Kistiakowsky, who developed the highly special explosives; Dr. Bainbridge, who supervised all the detailed arrangements for the test; Dr. Hubbard, the weather expert, and several others. Besides these, there were a handful of soldiers, two or three Army officers and one Naval officer. The shelter was cluttered with a great variety of instruments and radios.

    For some hectic two hours preceding the blast, General Groves stayed with the Director, walking with him and steadying his tense excitement. Every time the Director would be about to explode because of some untoward happening, General Groves would take him off and walk with him in the rain, counselling with him and reassuring him that everything would be all right. At twenty minutes before zero hour, General Groves left for his station at the base camp, first because it provided a better observation point and second, because of our rule that he and I must not be together in situations where there is an element of danger, which existed at both points.

    Just after General Groves left, announcements began to be broadcast of the interval remaining before the blast. They were sent by radio to the other groups participating in and observing the test. As the time interval grew smaller and changed from minutes to seconds, the tension increased by leaps and bounds. Everyone in that room knew the awful potentialities of the thing that they thought was about to happen. The scientists felt that their figuring must be right and that the bomb had to go off but there was in everyone’s mind a strong measure of doubt. The feeling of many could be expressed by “Lord, I believe; help Thou mine unbelief.” We were reaching into the unknown and we did not know what might come of it. It can be safely said that most of those present – Christian, Jew and Atheist – were praying and praying harder than they had ever prayed before. If the shot were successful, it was a justification of the several years of intensive effort of tens of thousands of people – statesmen, scientists, engineers, manufacturers, soldiers, and many others in every walk of life.

    In that brief instant in the remote New Mexico desert the tremendous effort of the brains and brawn of all these people came suddenly and startlingly to the fullest fruition. Dr. Oppenheimer, on whom had rested a very heavy burden, grew tenser as the last seconds ticked off. He scarcely breathed. He held on to a post to steady himself. For the last few seconds, he stared directly ahead and then when the announcer shouted “Now!” and there came this tremendous burst of light followed shortly thereafter by the deep growling roar of the explosion, his face relaxed into an expression of tremendous relief. Several of the observers standing back of the shelter to watch the lighting effects were knocked flat by the blast.

    The tension in the room let up and all started congratulating each other. Everyone sensed “This is it!” No matter what might happen now all knew that the impossible scientific job had been done. Atomic fission would no longer be hidden in the cloisters of the theoretical physicists’ dreams. It was almost full grown at birth. It was a great new force to be used for good or for evil. There was a feeling in that shelter that those concerned with its nativity should dedicate their lives to the mission that it would always be used for good and never for evil.

    Dr. Kistiakowsky, the impulsive Russian, threw his arms around Dr. Oppenheimer and embraced him with shouts of glee. Others were equally enthusiastic. All the pent-up emotions were released in those few minutes and all seemed to sense immediately that the explosion had far exceeded the most optimistic expectations and wildest hopes of the scientists. All seemed to feel that they had been present at the birth of a new age – The Age of Atomic Energy – and felt their profound responsibility to help in guiding into right channels the tremendous forces which had been unlocked for the first time in history.

    As to the present war, there was a feeling that no matter what else might happen, we now had the means to insure its speedy conclusion and save thousands of American lives. As to the future, there had been brought into being something big and something new that would prove to be immeasurably more important than the discovery of electricity or any of the other great discoveries which have so affected our existence.

    The effects could well be called unprecedented, magnificent, beautiful, stupendous and terrifying. No man-made phenomenon of such tremendous power had ever occurred before. The lighting effects beggared description. The whole country was lighted by a searing light with the intensity many times that of the midday sun. It was golden, purple, violet, gray and blue. It lighted every peak, crevasse and ridge of the nearby mountain range with a clarity and beauty that cannot be described but must be seen to be imagined. It was that beauty the great poets dream about but describe most poorly and inadequately. Thirty seconds after the explosion came first, the air blast pressing hard against the people and things, to be followed almost immediately by the strong, sustained, awesome roar which warned of doomsday and made us feel that we puny things were blasphemous to dare tamper with the forces heretofore reserved to The Almighty. Words are inadequate tools for the job of acquainting those not present with the physical, mental and psychological effects. It had to be witnessed to be realized.

  12. My impressions of the night’s high points follow:

    After about an hour’s sleep I got up at 0100 and from that time on until about five I was with Dr. Oppenheimer constantly. Naturally he was nervous, although his mind was working at its usual extraordinary efficiency. I devoted my entire attention to shielding him from the excited and generally faulty advice of his assistants who were more than disturbed by their excitement and the uncertain weather conditions. By 0330 we decided that we could probably fire at 0530. By 0400 the rain had stopped but the sky was heavily overcast. Our decision became firmer as time went on. During most of these hours the two of us journeyed from the control house out into the darkness to look at the stars and to assure each other that the one or two visible stars were becoming brighter. At 0510 I left Dr. Oppenheimer and returned to the main observation point which was 17,000 yards from the point of explosion. In accordance with our orders I found all personnel not otherwise occupied massed on a bit of high ground.

    At about two minutes of the scheduled firing time all persons lay face down with their feet pointing towards the explosion. As the remaining time was called from the loud speaker from the 10,000-yard control station there was complete silence. Dr. Conant said he had never imagined seconds could be so long. Most of the individuals in accordance with orders shielded their eyes in one way or another. There was then this burst of light of a brilliance beyond any comparison. We all rolled over and looked through dark glasses at the ball of fire. About forty seconds later came the shock wave followed by the sound, neither of which seemed startling after our complete astonishment at the extraordinary lighting intensity. Dr. Conant reached over and we shook hands in mutual congratulations. Dr. Bush, who was on the other side of me, did likewise. The feeling of the entire assembly was similar to that described by General Farrell, with even the uninitiated feeling profound awe. Drs. Conant and Bush and myself were struck by an even stronger feeling that the faith of those who had been responsible for the initiation and the carrying on of this Herculean project had been justified. I personally thought of Blondin crossing Niagara Falls on his tight rope, only to me this tight rope had lasted for almost three years and of my repeated confident-appearing assurances that such a thing was possible and that we would do it.

  13. A large group of observers were stationed at a point about 27 miles north of the point of explosion. Attached is a memorandum written shortly after the explosion by Dr. E. O. Lawrence which may be of interest.

  14. While General Farrell was waiting about midnight for a commercial airplane to Washington at Albuquerque – 120 miles away from the site – he overheard several airport employees discussing their reaction to the blast. One said that he was out on the parking apron; it was quite dark; then the whole southern sky was lighted as though by a bright sun; the light lasted several seconds. Another remarked that if a few exploding bombs could have such an effect, it must be terrible to have them drop on a city.

  15. My liaison officer at the Alamogordo Air Base, 60 miles away, made the following report:

    There was a blinding flash of light that lighted the entire northwestern sky. In the center of the flash, there appeared to be a huge billow of smoke. The original flash lasted approximately 10 to 15 seconds. As the first flash died down, there arose in the approximate center of where the original flash had occurred an enormous ball of what appeared to be fire and closely resembled a rising sun that was three-fourths above a mountain. The ball of fire lasted approximately 15 seconds, then died down and the sky resumed an almost normal appearance.

    Almost immediately, a third, but much smaller, flash and billow of smoke of a whitish-orange color appeared in the sky, again lighting the sky for approximately 4 seconds. At the time of the original flash, the field was lighted well enough so that a newspaper could easily have been read. The second and third flashes were of much lesser intensity.

    We were in a glass-enclosed control tower some 70 feet above the ground and felt no concussion or air compression. There was no noticeable earth tremor although reports overheard at the Field during the following 24 hours indicated that some believed that they had both heard the explosion and felt some earth tremor.

  16. I have not written a separate report for General Marshall as I feel you will want to show this to him. I have informed the necessary people here of our results. Lord Halifax after discussion with Mr. Harrison and myself stated that he was not sending a full report to his government at this time. I informed him that I was sending this to you and that you might wish to show it to the proper British representatives.

  17. We are all fully conscious that our real goal is still before us. The battle test is what counts in the war with Japan.

  18. May I express my deep personal appreciation for your congratulatory cable to us and for the support and confidence which I have received from you ever since I have had this work under my charge.

  19. I know that Colonel Kyle will guard these papers with his customary extraordinary care.

L R GROVES

[Enclosure 3]

Bulletin

Alamogordo, N.M., July 16 – William O. Eareckson, commanding officer of the Alamogordo Army Air Base, made the following statement today:

Several inquiries have been received concerning a heavy explosion which occurred on the Alamogordo Air Base reservation this morning.

A remotely located ammunition magazine containing a considerable amount of high explosive and pyrotechnics exploded.

There was no loss of life or injury to anyone, and the property damage outside of the explosives magazine itself was negligible.

Weather conditions affecting the content of gas shells exploded by the blast may make it desirable for the Army to evacuate temporarily a few civilians from their homes.

[Enclosure 4]
[Near Alamogordo Air Base?], July 16, 1945.
Top secret

Thoughts by E. O. Lawrence

Our group assembled at a point 27 miles from the bomb site about two in the morning. We were on a plain extending all the way to the bomb and although I did not notice carefully the mountains seemed to be some miles away. We could see in the distance lights defining the position of the bomb and at about four a.m. our radio picked up conversations between the B-29s and the ground organization.

We soon learned that zero hour was 5:30 a.m. which was just break of dawn. Naturally our tenseness grew as zero hour approached. We were warned of the probable brilliance of the explosion – so bright it would blind one looking directly at it for sometime and there was even danger of sunburn!

I decided the best place to view the flame would be through the window of the car I was sitting in, which would take out ultraviolet, but at the last minute decided to get out of the car (evidence indeed I was excited!) and just as I put my foot on the ground I was enveloped with a warm brilliant yellow white light – from darkness to brilliant sunshine in an instant and as I remember I momentarily was stunned by the surprise. It took me a second thought to tell myself, “this is indeed it!!” and then through my dark sun glasses there was a gigantic ball of fire rising rapidly from the earth – at first as brilliant as the sun, growing less brilliant as it grew boiling and swirling into the heavens. Ten or fifteen thousand feet above the ground it was orange in color and I judge a mile in diameter. At higher levels it became purple and this purple afterglow persisted for what seemed a long time (possibly it was only for a minute or two) at an elevation of 20-25,000 feet. This purple glow was due to the enormous radioactivity of the gases. (The light is in large part due to nitrogen of the air and in the laboratory we occasionally produce it in miniature with the cyclotron.)

In the earlier stages of rise of the flame the clouds above were illuminated and as the flame rose it was a grand spectacle also to see the great clouds immediately above melt away before our eyes.

The final phases was the column of hot gases smoke and dust funneling from the earth into the heavens to 40,000 feet. The column was to me surprisingly narrow until high elevations were reached when it foamed out considerably. The great funnel was visible a long time. We could still make it out as we drove away a half hour later.

But to retrace, a little over two minutes after the beginning of the flash the shock wave hit us. It was a sharp loud crack and then for about a minute thereafter there were resounding echoes from the surrounding mountains. The pressure of the shock wave was not great enough to be disturbing but the noise was very loud and sharp, indeed. The noise of the shock wave was a sharp crack like that of a giant firecracker set off a few yards away – or perhaps like the report of 37 mm artillery at a distance of about one hundred yards.

A number of observers near me were looking right at the explosion through welders goggles (or the same dark glass) and they told me the light through these glasses was so bright as to blind them for an instant.

As I was not actively concerned with the problems of Y, I had on occasions asked my colleagues there what the event would be like and their predicted picture of the event was borne out completely. I am amazed that the whole business went off so exactly as their calculations had predicted.

The grand, indeed almost cataclysmic proportion of the explosion produced a kind of solemnity in everyones behavior immediately afterwards. There was restrained applause, but more a hushed murmuring bordering on reverence in manner as the event was commented upon Dr. Charles Thomas (Monsanto) spoke to me of this being the greatest single event in the history of mankind, etc. etc.

As far as all of us are concerned although we knew the fundamentals were sound and that the explosion could be produced, we share a feeling that we have this day crossed a great milestone in human progress.

ERNEST O. LAWRENCE

Truman-Stalin meeting, 3:04 p.m.

Stalin’s quarters, Babelsberg

Present
United States Soviet Union
President Truman Generalissimo Stalin
Secretary Byrnes Foreign Commissar Molotov
Mr. Bohlen
740.00119 Potsdam/7-1845

Bohlen notes

Potsdam, July 18, 1945, 3:04 p.m.

3 p.

S: [blank]

M [blank]

Pres—lakes—Black

S—I must tell you they the news—hands Pres note from Sato & message from the Emperor

B—I remember that H— H—

S—worthwhile answer to answer—

Pres no respect.

S—not a war—will want lull—might answer as follows no specific—don’t know character—of K Mission—can’t—answer=a refusal

Pres satisfactory

M—factual

B—what [one word illegible] ins inspired it—fear of what you will do—

M—I think they guess

S—Can see our forces tanks etc

M—not only to USSR

S—to US. Eng & [one word illegible]

Pres—we had indicati[on] from Sweden

800.515/7-545

The Director of the Office of Financial and Development Policy to the Assistant Secretary of State and the Secretary of State

[Babelsberg, July 18, 1945]

War Department Responsibility for German Interim Financing

  1. On July 5 the Secretary transmitted a memorandum to the President, a copy of which is attached, outlining policy agreed in Washington for U.S. participation in German interim financing. The short annex included in the German political and economic policy directive put forward yesterday by the President follows this line exactly.

  2. It is essential that responsibility be clearly fixed upon one U.S. Agency for all U.S. financing with respect to all imports into Germany for which the Government of the United States assumes responsibility. The memorandum of July 5 recommends that the responsibility be placed upon the War Department.

  3. No reply has been received from the President. Since problems relating to responsibility for financing certain types of imports into the U.S. Zone have already arisen, and the necessity for handling the United States’ share of any combined financing should soon arise if the President’s proposals are adopted, it is important that an early decision be sought.

E[MILIO] G C[OLLADO]

Prime Minister Churchill to the Secretary of War

Berlin, 18.7.45
Top secret
and personal

Mr. Secretary Stimson: I enclose a photostat record of the Hyde Park Agreement on T.A., for which you asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer.

This photograph was taken by a special photographic section of the Air Ministry, and flown out here in the charge of a trusted officer.

W[INSTON] S C[HURCHILL]

[Enclosure]
Top secret

Tube Alloys

Aide-Mémoire of Conversation Between the President and the Prime Minister at Hyde Park, September 18, 1944

  1. The suggestion that the world should be informed regarding Tube Alloys, with a view to an international agreement regarding its control and use, is not accepted. The matter should continue to be regarded as of the utmost secrecy; but when a “bomb” is finally available, it might perhaps, after mature consideration, be used against the Japanese, who should be warned that this bombardment will be repeated until they surrender.

  2. Full collaboration between the United States and the British Government in developing Tube Alloys for military and commercial purposes should continue after the defeat of Japan unless and until terminated by joint agreement.

. . . . . . . . . . . . . .

F[RANKLIN] D R[OOSEVELT]
W[INSTON] S C[HURCHILL]