Editorial: The President’s popularity
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France needs help to rise
But industrial and financial revolution will be required
By Dorothy Pickles in BBC broadcast
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Stowe: The liquidation of feudalism
Soviet Russia liberating 15 million peasants in Poland, Hungary, East Prussia and Rumania, and improving lot of as many more
By Leland Stowe
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Rev. Kinder: Take vacation from religion?
We need spiritual exercise more than the other kinds
By the Rev. William R. Kinder
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U.S. State Department (July 15, 1945)
Log of the President’s Trip to the Berlin Conference
Sunday, July 15:
. . . . . . . . . . . . . .
1004: The Augusta moored (port side to) to the municipal dock (Compagnia Maritime dock) at Antwerp. (Total distance traveled, Newport News to Antwerp – 3837 miles.) The Philadelphia tied up astern of the Augusta.
Waiting on the dock to welcome the President were a delegation of Belgian officials, General of the Army Dwight D. Eisenhower, AUS (the Allied Supreme Commander), Admiral Harold R. Stark, USN (Commander, U.S. Naval Forces Europe), Lieutenant General John C. H. Lee, AUS (Commanding General, Communications Zone, European Theatre), Major General G. Surtees (Commanding General, British Base and Lines of Communication), Brigadier General E. F. Koenig, AUS (Commanding General, Chanor Section), Ambassador Charles Sawyer and Mrs. Sawyer, Major DeWitt Greer, Supervising Agent Anheier, Agents Rowley, Waters, Holmes, Campion, Torina, Boring, Kauffman, and Behn. …
1110: The President, accompanied by his party, left the ship…
1115: The President and party embarked in waiting motor cars and departed for Brussels. There were approximately forty automobiles in the long motor car caravan. Riding with the President were Secretary Byrnes and Ambassador Sawyer.
1230: The President and party arrived at the Brussels-Evere airport (B-58), several miles northwest [northeast?] of the city of Brussels. (Approximate distance traveled, Antwerp to airfield – 35 miles.) General Eisenhower, Admiral Stark and General Lee accompanied the President to the airfield.
Awaiting us at the field were Supervising Agent McGrath and Agents Barry, Gorham and Walker.
The President was accorded honors here by a band and 400 picked men of the 137th Infantry Regiment. He then reviewed the honor guard. Each man in the guard was a “five-star” combat man. The President spoke with some of them before boarding his plane.
Plane No. 2 (a C-54 – Major Jesse Hayes pilot) was the first to take to the air and departed Brussels at 1245. Passengers were: Secretary Byrnes, Mr. Cohen, Mr. Matthews, Mr. Bohlen, Brigadier General E. S. Hoag, AUS (ATC representative), Lt-Colonel A. M. McIntire, AUS (ATC liaison), Commander Tyree, Lieut. Elsey, Lieut. Edelstein, Lieut. Rigdon, Captain Graham, and Secret Service Agents Anheier, Hipsley, Torina, Waters, Holmes, McGrath and Boring.
At 1300 the President’s plane (C-54, the “Sacred Cow”, piloted by Lt-Colonel Henry T. Myers) departed for Berlin. Passengers were: The President, Admiral Leahy, Mr. Ross, General Vaughan, Captain McMahon, Captain Vardaman, Mr. Canfil, and Secret Service Agents Maloney, Drescher, O’Driscoll and Rowley.
At 1315 plane No, 3 (C-54) departed Brussels for Berlin. Embarked were: Ensign Fleener, Ship’s Clerk Hoying, Chief Pharmacist’s Mate Preston C. Taylor, USN (of the Augusta, who accompanied us to the Conference as Captain McMahon’s assistant), Chief Photographer’s Mate Belknap, Chief Stewards Prettyman, Abiba, Bautista, Calinao, Custodio and Estrada, and Chief Cooks Floresca, Olivares, Ordona, Orig, Palomaria and Licodo, Sergeant Philler, Secret Service Agents Behn, Kellerman, Gorham, Barry, Haman and Weir, and Lieutenant C. D. Sherman (ATC liaison).
Our baggage was transported in two C-47s. A third C-47 was dispatched to Tempelhof Airport, Berlin with the seven White House newspaper correspondents and photographers accompanying the Presidential party. They proceeded on to Berlin despite the knowledge that, by agreement between the Big Three, they were not to be permitted to enter conference area.
The route followed by our flight was from Brussels to Liege, thence to Frankfurt, to Kassel, to Magdeburg and to Berlin (Gatow airport). We picked up a fighter escort (P-47s) at Frankfurt that accompanied us on to Berlin. Twelve fighters covered the President’s plane and four each, planes No. 2 and No. 3. From Frankfurt to Berlin we were over Kussian-controlled territory and were required to stay within a ten-mile air corridor.
Plane No. 2 arrived at Gatow at 1558. (Distance traveled, Antwerp to Berlin, 460 miles.) Plane No. 1 arrived at 1613. Plane No. 3 arrived at 1628.
The President disembarked at once and was greeted here by a large delegation including Secretary Stimson, Assistant Secretary McCloy, Assistant Secretaries Clayton and Dunn, Ambassadors Harriman, Pauley and Murphy, Fleet Admiral King, Minister Lubin, Lieutenant General Clay, Major General Floyd Parks (Commanding General, Headquarters Berlin District), Soviet Ambassador Gromyko and Soviet Ambassador Gusev.
Honors were accorded the President here by a detachment from the Second Armored Division (“Hell on Wheels”). The President then inspected the honor guard.
At 1630 the President and party departed Gatow for his quarters in Babelsberg, approximately 10 miles distant. Secretary Byrnes, Ambassador Pauley, General Vaughan and Captain Vardaman rode in the car with the President.
We passed through a section of Potsdam en route from Gatow to Babelsberg. Part of the route was guarded by American and British troops, but the greater part of the route was patrolled by green-capped Soviet frontier guardsmen as this was a Soviet-controlled area. The American and British delegations to the conference were housed in Babelsberg in little territorial “islands” within the Soviet-occupied zone [sector] of Greater Berlin.
1700: The President and party arrived at his assigned quarters in Babelsberg. Babelsberg is a suburb of Berlin, about 12 miles southwest of the city, between Berlin and Potsdam. It lies along winding Griebnitz Lake and is in a thickly wooded area. It has a pleasant climate at this time of the year, with an average mean temperature in the low 60’s. The town was quite popular with the Germans as a summer resort and was also the seat of Germany’s movie colony.
The President’s quarters at No. 2 Kaiser Strasse (called the “Little White House”) was a three-story stucco residence which was formerly occupied by the head of the German movie colony, who is now with a labor battalion somewhere in Russia. It is right on Lake Griebnitz and is surrounded on three sides by groves of trees and shrubbery forming a very beautiful garden that reaches down to the lake. The house was stripped of its furnishings during the war but had been refurnished by the Russians. It was nicely furnished during our stay but, like most European homes, the bathroom and bathing facilities were wholly inadequate. Nor was it screened, so that the mosquitoes gave us a “working over” during our first few nights there until the weather had cooled somewhat.
The President occupied a suite on the second floor (north side), consisting of bedroom, sitting room, office and breakfast room. He also had a private sunporch outside his office. Secretary Byrnes occupied a suite (bedroom, sitting room and office) on the first floor. Also in residence here were Admiral Leahy, Mr. Ross, General Vaughan, Captain McMahon, Captain Vardaman, Mr. Bohlen, Mr. Matthews, Lieutenant Rigdon, Ensign Fleener, Ship’s Clerk Hoying and Chief Warrant Officers Caldwell and Stoner.
The President maintained his own mess at Babelsberg, employing Filipino cooks and stewards brought from the Potomac. Messing with the President were Secretary Byrnes, Admiral Leahy, Mr. Ross, General Vaughan, Captain McMahon and Captain Vardaman. Food supplies and bottled water were brought from Washington and from the Augusta. Additional supplies were obtained through the Army Mess Officer at Babelsberg. Other members of the party messed in various Army officer messes in the area.
The Joint Chiefs of Staff and State Department parties also lived in Babelsberg in close proximity to the Little White House.
A map room and communications center was installed in the President’s house with direct wire service to Frankfurt and Washington. The center was staffed by Colonel Bowen, Commander Tyree, Major Greer, Lieutenant Elsey, Captain Graham, Ship’s Clerk Hoying, Warrant Officers Caldwell and Stoner and Sergeant Philler. The White House party had its own telephone exchange (“Amco”). The switchboard was set up in the basement of the President’s house and was operated by WACs, Cpl. Alma Bradley, Cpl. Mary Whiteus, Cpl. Charlotte Szostek, and Cpl. Eleanor Moynihan, of the WAC Detachment, Headquarters Command, USFET (Main).
The Prime Minister lived at 23 Ringstrasse in Babelsberg – about two blocks from the Little White House. His was a similarly large house but perhaps a bit better furnished than the President’s. Generalissimo Stalin also resided in Babelsberg, about one mile from the Little White House, on the route from the White House to Cecilienhof where the conference meetings were held. This arrangement required that the President and the Prime Minister make a three-mile drive for each session of the conference, while the Generalissimo had a much shorter distance to travel.
The Filipino messmen went into action immediately on arrival at the Little White House and at 1800 dinner was served the President and his party. Mr. Cohen, Mr. Matthews and Mr. Bohlen dined at the Little White House as guests of the President. Mr. Maloney, Mr. Drescher and Mr. Rowley were subsisted from the President’s mess during our stay at Babelsberg. They ate in a separate dining room, however.
After dinner, Ambassadors Harriman and Pauley called on the President.
Having had a full day, the President and most members of the party retired early this evening. It was still light at midnight, as this country has but about four hours of darkness each night at this time of the year. This was not conducive to much rest as one seemed to forget to go to bed until it was dark.
The Syonan Shimbun (July 16, 1945)
Ternate invaders completely encircled, being mopped up
Enemy troops trying desperately to escape
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Truman, Churchill in Potsdam
LISBON (Domei, July 15) – American President Harry Truman and British Prime Minister Winston Churchill have arrived at Potsdam for their conference, according to a Berlin dispatch. There are no indications, however, that Soviet Premier Josef Stalin, who has left Moscow, has yet arrived in Berlin.
The conference is expected to get formally underway tomorrow.
The American President, accompanied by James Byrnes, American Secretary of State, Admiral William Leahy, presidential adviser, and other staff members, earlier today arrived at Antwerp aboard the American cruiser Augusta. The party motored to Brussels, where a special plane was waiting to take them to Potsdam.
Churchill left Chateau de Bordaberry, near Hendaye, where he has been vacationing, for Bordeaux by car today to board a special plane which took him to Potsdam.
Salzburger Nachrichten (July 16, 1945)
Potsdam unter günstigen Vorzeichen
Neue liberal-demokratische Partei Deutschlands gegründet
LONDON, 15. Juli (Reuters) – Churchill und Truman trafen heute nach einem Reuters-Bericht aus Berlin in Potsdam ein, um die vorbereitenden Besprechungen zur historischen Konferenz abzuhalten. Auch Generalissimus Stalin ist auf der Fahrt nach Berlin. Montag soll die Konferenz beginnen. Churchill kam von Bordeaux, während Präsident Truman zusammen mit General Eisenhower von Antwerpen nach Berlin geflogen war.
„Alle Anzeichen deuten auf einen Erfolg der Dreierkonferenz hin,“ schreibt der Philadelphia Record in seinem Leitartikel. Die Zeitung führt weiter aus: „Schon vor dem Zusammentritt der Konferenz ist eine Reihe von wichtigen, grundsätzlichen Abkommen zwischen den großen Alliierten getroffen worden.“ Am 13. d.M. fand das erste Treffen der Spitzen der Viermächteverwaltung Berlins statt. Die Vertreter der Vereinigten Staaten, Großbritanniens Russlands und Frankreichs einigten sich in allen Punkten und die Verhandlungen gingen in einer sehr freundschaftlichen Atmosphäre vor sich.
General Eisenhower erließ eine Verordnung mit dem Inhalt, dass Angehörigen der amerikanischen Besatzungsmacht in Deutschland in Zukunft der persönliche Umgang mit Deutschen auf der Straße und an öffentlichen Orten gestattet ist. In der Verordnung heißt es:
Die alliierte Politik der Austilgung des Nationalsozialismus und Entfernung prominenter Nationalsozialisten aus verantwortlichen Stellen des deutschen öffentlichen Lebens hat große Fortschritte gemacht. Es erscheint wünschenswert und an der Zeit, allen Angehörigen meines Verbandes zu gestatten, sich auf der Straße und an öffentlichen Orten mit erwachsenen Deutschen zu unterhalten.
Die Milderung des Umgangsverbotes für britische Soldaten wurde in einem Befehl bekanntgegeben, der heute vom Hauptquartier Feldmarschall Montgomerys erlassen wurde. Der Wortlaut des Befehls deckt sich mit dem General Eisenhowers.
BERLIN, 15. Juli (OWI) – Eine Reihe von Neuernennungen im alliierten Kontrollrat für Deutschland und in der britisch-französischen Besatzungszone werden nach der Auflösung des alliierten Hauptquartiers im Westen und unmittelbar vor dem Zusammentritt der Dreimächtekonferenz bekanntgegeben. Zum französischen Vertreter im alliierten Kontrollrat wurde General König ernannt. General König war vor der Befreiung Frankreichs Oberbefehlshaber der französischen Freischärlerverbände. Er ist jetzt Nachfolger des Generals Lattre de Tassigny, der Generalinspekteur der französischen Armee wird. In der amerikanischen Sektion des alliierten Kontrollrates wurde zum Leiter der Heeresabteilung „Erdtruppen“ Generalmajor Barker ernannt, zum Leiter der Marineabteilung Kommodore
In Berlin wurde die neueste politische Organisation Deutschlands, die liberal-demokratische Partei gegründet. Sie richtete einen Aufruf an das deutsche Volk in allen Besatzungszonen. Die liberal-demokratische Partei ist gemäßigt du steht politisch rechts von den Kommunisten und Sozialdemokraten. Sie hat acht Programmpunkte, die vor allem die Achtung vor den Rechten des einzelnen ohne Unterschied des Alters, der Rasse und des Geschlechtes fordern. Ferner enthalten sie das Verlangen auf die Wiederherstellung des deutschen demokratischen Lebens, die uneingeschränkte Unterstützung aller Bewegungen, die sich für friedliche Beziehungen zwischen den Völkern einsetzen und Deutschland als Mitglied der Völkerfamilie sehen wollen. Ein weiterer Programmpunkt ist der Verzicht auf Militarismus und die Formel, dass Macht Recht schaffe. Der Aufruf ist von Waldemar Koch als Parteivorsteher, von Wilhelm Külz, früheren Oberbürgermeister von Dresden, dem deutschen Innenminister Dr. Eugen Schiffer und Prof. Dr. Paul Hoffmann unterzeichnet.
Der Berliner Gemeinderat beschloss, das Eigentum aller Personen, di sich aktiv a der nationalsozialistischen Propaganda beteiligt haben, zu beschlagnahmen und nicht nur jenes der Parteimitglieder oder solcher Personen, die den verschiedenen angegliederten Organisationen angehört haben.
U.S. State Department (July 16, 1945)
Meeting of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, 10 a.m.
Cecilienhof Palace, Potsdam
| Present | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Fleet Admiral Leahy | Brigadier General Jamison | ||||
| General of the Army Marshall | Brigadier General Lincoln | ||||
| Fleet Admiral King | Brigadier General Esposito | ||||
| General of the Army Arnold | Captain McDill | ||||
| General Somervell | Captain Stroop | ||||
| Lieutenant General Hull | Captain Oster | ||||
| Vice Admiral Cooke | Colonel Peck | ||||
| Rear Admiral Flanigan | Colonel Dean | ||||
| Rear Admiral Gardner | Colonel Stone | ||||
| Major General Gross | Colonel Cary | ||||
| Major General Norstad | Lieutenant Colonel Woodward | ||||
| Brigadier General Cabell | |||||
| Secretariat | |||||
| Brigadier General McFarland | Captain Moore |
JCS Minutes
Potsdam, July 16, 1945, 10 a.m.
Top secret
[Extracts]
Plan of Joint Chiefs of Staff for TERMINAL Meetings (JCS 1422 and Memorandum by the Secretaries)
Admiral Leahy said that JCS 1422 expressed the idea that the Russians should bring up the subjects they wish to discuss and that they should take the initiative in the conversations with the United States Chiefs of Staff.
General Marshall said that there were some subjects which we might wish to bring up also and that it was his understanding that we were not restricted to subjects proposed by the Russians.
In reply to a question by General Marshall, Admiral King said that we should not commit ourselves to completing work with the British before undertaking our discussions with the Russians.
Admiral Leahy suggested that the Secretaries inform the British Secretaries that it would be necessary for the Joint Chiefs of Staff to meet with the Russians at the convenience of the latter and that this might interfere with meetings of the Combined Chiefs of Staff.
The Joint Chiefs of Staff: Approved:
a. The arrangements and attendance for conference meetings recommended by the Secretaries.
b. The memorandum for the President in the Enclosure to JCS 1422.
. . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Proposed Agreement Affecting the Participation of Two French Colonial Infantry Divisions in Far Eastern Operations (JCS 1013/7 and 1013/8)
Admiral Leahy read the recommendations in the subject papers and said that he considered it wise to get the Combined Chiefs of Staff reaction in regard to the employment of the French troops.
General Marshall stated that the French had offered the troops to the United States for use in the Pacific and expressed the view that if this question was discussed with the British, the question of overall command might arise.
Admiral Leahy said, in connection with the use of the French troops in Indo-China, that that area was considered under Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek.
General Marshall said that the use of the French troops involved the question of shipping and the quality of the troops. In reply to a question by Admiral Leahy, he stated that the troops were armed but additional equipment would have to be supplied.
. . . . . . . . . . . . . .
The Joint Chiefs of Staff: Approved the memorandums in Enclosures “A” and “B” of JCS 1013/7 and agreed that the memorandum for the Chief of the French Military Mission to the United States should be presented to the Combined Chiefs of Staff for comment or concurrence before any further action on JCS 1013/7. (Subsequently circulated as CCS 895)
. . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Chairmanship of Conference Meetings
General Marshall brought up the question as to who would preside at the Combined Chiefs of Staff meetings in view of the fact that neither U.S. nor British members were in their home territory.
Admiral Leahy stated that he might not always be able to be present and might have to leave before a meeting was finished. He suggested that if he were not present that Field Marshal Brooke should be asked to preside.
General Marshall suggested that the British and United States Chiefs should alternate in presiding.
Admiral King’s view was that when Admiral Leahy was not present Field Marshal Brooke should preside.
Admiral Leahy expressed the view that the British and U. S. members should alternate in presiding. He thought that in meetings of the Joint Chiefs of Staff with the Russian Chiefs of Staff the Russians should be asked to preside and that in tripartite meetings the Chiefs of Staff of the three nations should preside in turn.
The Joint Chiefs of Staff: Agreed:
a. To propose that for meetings of the Combined Chiefs of Staff at Terminal, the British Chiefs of Staff and the United States Chiefs of Staff should preside alternately.
b. To invite the Soviet Chiefs of Staff to preside at any meetings with the United States Chiefs of Staff at TERMINAL.
c. To propose that, for tripartite meetings at TERMINAL, the chiefs of staff of each participating nation preside in turn.
Interpretation of the Presidential Policy on Lend-Lease
Admiral Leahy said that he had discussed with the President the recent policy established in regard to Lend-Lease since he had been informed that it was impossible to provide British and French forces employed in the occupation of Germany under the terms of the President’s policy. The President stated that there was no objection to using Lend-Lease for the redistribution of forces to the zones of occupation. He had tried to get the President to interpret his directive to cover this movement but the President had not desired to do this formally since a paper had been presented by the civilian agencies concerning the use of Lend-Lease for “proportional reconversion” by the British. The President had declined to approve this paper. He had said, however, that there was no objection to the use of Lend-Lease for the redistribution of forces to the zones of occupation.
General Marshall said that the question was not only that of redistribution to the zones of occupation but involved also the use of French and British service units for the redeployment to Japan.
General Somervell said this would continue for general items until 1 September and for petrol, oil and lubricants until 1 October. He said that General Eisenhower was attempting to get the French to provide for themselves by 1 August by loan or credit in place of Lend-Lease.
Admiral Leahy said that the idea of the President in establishing the Lend-Lease policy was to prevent the provision of arms and ammunition through Lend-Lease unless such equipment was to be used for the war against Japan.
Admiral King suggested that Admiral Leahy take up with the President as soon as possible the question of Lend-Lease to Russia.
Admiral Leahy said that the question of Lend-Lease to Russia was involved with the date that Russia might enter the war against Japan and that the date might not be determined at this conference since it might depend upon agreement between Russia and China.
The Joint Chiefs of Staff: Took note that Admiral Leahy would consider the memorandum on this subject presented to him by General Marshall, with a view to presenting to the President the memorandum contained therein.
Relations of the United States Chiefs of Staff with the Chiefs of Staff of Nations Participating in the War Against Japan
General Marshall brought up the question of the command relationship in the Pacific as regards the British and inquired as to the views of the Joint Chiefs.
Admiral King stated that there should be no change in status in regard to the Pacific Theater, that the Joint Chiefs of Staff should control all operational matters in that area.
. . . . . . . . . . . . . .
740.00119 PW/7-1645
The British Embassy to the Department of State
Washington, July 16, 1945
Aide-Mémoire
On July 15th the Foreign Office received the following message from the United States Embassy:
The State Department was recently told by the Italian Ambassador at Washington that Italy had decided to declare war on Japan and that her declaration would be published on July 15th. The State Department would accordingly announce on July 17th (Tuesday) the intention of the United States Government to support officially Italy’s admission in due course to the World Security Organization. The United States Embassy was instructed to inform the Foreign Office and to express the hope that His Majesty’s Government would feel able to support the United States decision.
After considering the matter, the Foreign Office that afternoon made the following oral communication to a member of the United States Embassy.
The State Department’s communication had created a somewhat unfortunate impression both as regards method of procedure and substance.
As regards method of procedure, Italy’s intention to declare war on Japan had been known for several weeks. There was therefore no reason why the State Department should present His Majesty’s Government with this statement of their intentions at such short notice and on a more or less take it or leave it basis, to expect [basis. To expect] His Majesty’s Government to give a snap decision on an important question of principle at a time when the Prime Minister and Secretary of State were known to be out of the country was bad enough. It was even worse when a matter concerning Italy was at stake. His Majesty’s Government had always been at pains to try to co-operate most closely with the United States Government on all questions of principle concerning Italy, and they thought that in view of all Great Britain had had to put up with from Italy during the war, they were entitled to more consideration from the United States authorities.
As regards the substance of the State Department’s proposals it seemed in the first place that they were attaching altogether too much importance to Italy’s declaration of war on Japan. In the second place, the question of Italy’s admission to the World Security Organisation was closely connected with the question of making a peace treaty with Italy. His Majesty’s Government had consistently maintained in their discussions with the United States Government that it would be a mistake to make a preliminary peace treaty, merely giving Italy all the jam and none of the powder. They were still of this opinion and were convinced that it would be most unfortunate to make any definite concessions or promises to Italy about her future status until it was possible to agree among the Allied Governments on the complete peace treaty. His Majesty’s Government therefore saw serious objections to giving Italy a formal undertaking here and now that her candidature for admission to the World Security Organisation would be supported by the Allied Governments.
. . . . . . . . . . . . . .
His Majesty’s Government hoped, therefore, that the State Department would agree to take no further action in the matter until the question had been discussed at TERMINAL and until it had been decided whether any statement would be issued there on the subject of the conclusion of the peace treaty.
The Foreign Office would inform the United Kingdom Delegation at TERMINAL of the position and hoped that the United States Delegation might be similarly informed by the State Department.
740.00119 PW/7-1645
The British Embassy to the Department of State
Washington, July 16th, 1945
[Extract]
Aide-Mémoire
. . . . . . . . . . . . . .
On the other hand, His Majesty’s Government were as anxious as [the] United States Government to proceed to the conclusion of the Italian peace treaty as soon as possible. They were also disposed to think that a public statement by the United States, United Kingdom and Soviet Governments at TERMINAL that they were in favour of the early conclusion of a Peace Treaty would be desirable and have a useful effect in Italy and intended to recommend this course to the other interested Allied Powers. His Majesty’s Government had, therefore, already suggested that in any tripartite discussions on Italy at TERMINAL, the United Kingdom Delegation should propose that some such statement should be issued at the end of the Conference. We felt, however, that it was highly important that any such statement about the desirability of the early conclusion of an Italian peace treaty should be made in the names of all three Governments and that any unilateral statement by one of the Governments – and a fortiori any unilateral statement on the lines suggested by the State Department – would be most unfortunate.
His Majesty’s Government hoped, therefore, that the State Department would agree to take no further action in the matter until the question had been discussed at TERMINAL and until it had been decided whether any statement would be issued there on the subject of the conclusion of the peace treaty.
The Foreign Office would inform the United Kingdom Delegation at TERMINAL of the position and hoped that the United States Delegation might be similarly informed by the State Department.
500.CC/7-1645 Telegram
The Acting Secretary of State to the Secretary of State
[Washington,] July 16, 1945
Secret
32.
London’s 7146, July 15 reports Eden is to discuss with you our proposed announcement of support for Ital admission to World Security Organization (our 16, July 11), Brit meanwhile urging we withhold announcement until Ital status discussed at Big Three meeting.
We still feel that it is important both here and abroad to announce our support as soon as possible after Ital declaration of war on Japan (officially announced yesterday). Moreover in the light of SAC’s report (Caserta’s 2964, July 15) on Brit FonOff position re Italy … we believe it even more necessary to issue following statement without awaiting Big-Three discussions.
Begin Statement. The Govt of the US is convinced time has come to recognize new democratic Italy – allied with UNations in war against Germany and now in war against Japan – as member of family of nations. It therefore intends to support Italy’s admission to World Security Organization as soon as that Organization is in position to consider this application for membership.
This decision does not spring from the consideration that Italy has already paid heavily – and will long continue to pay – for the fascist crimes conceived on Ital soil. It is motivated by conviction that cause of world freedom, peace, and progress requires bringing into World Security Organization the energies of every nation as soon as it can prove dedication to that cause; and it is based on spirit and achievements of Ital people in this sense during past two years of grave moral and material suffering. The people of Italy have thrown off Fascism, established democratic laws and procedures, formed a representative govt, fought courageously and well against Germans, joined in struggle against Japan. They merit the recognition of the UNations for their contribution as cobelligerents and the support of the UNations in their earnest efforts to build a sound democratic pol and econ order so that they will not again be brought through confusion into totalitarianism. End Statement.
Do you approve of issuing this statement July 18? We would likewise inform the other permanent members of the Security Council of our proposed announcement.
[GREW]
740.0011 PW/7-1645
The Secretary of War to the President
[Babelsberg,] 16 July 1945
Top secret
[Extract]
Memorandum for the President
. . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Trusteeship for Korea
I understand this matter was not the subject of a formal agreement at Yalta although the matter was discussed orally.
It was the late President’s view, I am informed, that there should be an international trusteeship of Korea, pending such time as the Koreans are prepared to govern themselves.
The Russians, I am told, have agreed to a four-way trusteeship but no further details have been agreed upon. I understand that. Stalin has urged that no foreign troops be stationed in Korea.
The Russians, I am also informed, have already trained one or two divisions of Koreans, and, I assume, intend to use them in Korea. If an international trusteeship is not set up in Korea, and perhaps even if it is, these Korean divisions will probably gain control, and influence the setting up of a Soviet dominated local government, rather than an independent one. This is the Polish question transplanted to the Far East.
My suggestion is that the trusteeship be pressed. I suggest also that at least a token force of American soldiers or marines be stationed in Korea during the trusteeship.
. . . . . . . . . . . . . .
HENRY L STIMSON