One out of three persons to get new phones
Bell System has 1,350,000 requests
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Roosevelt and Dewey urge Jewish commonwealth
Atlantic City, New Jersey (UP) –
The 47th annual convention of the Zionist Organization of America was assured today of the support of both President Roosevelt and Governor Thomas E. Dewey in its efforts for establishment of a Jewish commonwealth in Palestine.
The President messaged the convention that if reelected, he would help to bring about the realization of a “free and democratic Jewish commonwealth in Palestine.”
Commenting on Mr. Roosevelt’s message, Dr. Abba H. Silber of Cleveland, chairman of the executive committee of the American Zionist Emergency Council, said “only 48 hours ago we received a similar pledge from Governor Dewey and it was equally clear and forthright.”
The delegates reelected Dr. Israel Goldstein of New York as president and chose Daniel Frisch of Indianapolis chairman of the National Administrative Council.
Reelected national vice presidents were: Dr. Silver, Dr. Solomon Goldman of Chicago, Dr. James G. Heller of Cincinnati, Edmund I. Kaufmann of Washington, Judge Louis E. Levinthal of Philadelphia, and Judge Bernard Rosenblatt, Louis Lipsky, Judge Morris Rothenberg, Robert Szold and Stephen S. Wise (all of New York). Abraham Goodman of New York was reelected treasurer.
In a message from London, Dr. Chaim Weizmann, president of the World Zionist Organization and of the Jewish Agency for Palestine, called on manpower from the United States to pioneer in the building of the Jewish commonwealth.
Dr. Weizmann urged the cooperation of young men and women from America in the commonwealth movement.
Building of the commonwealth, the message said, “will call for a vast outpouring of energy, of money and of manpower.”
Address by New York Governor Thomas E. Dewey
October 16, 1944, 10:00 p.m. EWT
Broadcast from St. Louis, Missouri
Fellow Americans:
I am happy to come to Missouri tonight to carry on the battle for honest and competent government. I am happy also to salute your distinguished Republican Governor, who, next January, will become United States Senator, Forrest C. Donnell, and your next Governor, Jean Paul Bradshaw.
It is clear by now that the New Deal has been taken over by the combination of corrupt big city bosses, Communists and fellow travelers. The people of Missouri have shown their independence before by throwing off the rule of the corrupt Pendergast machine. In the light of that record, I am sure they will never permit men who are products of that machine to succeed in their current attempt to take over our national government.
The war in Europe is drawing to a close. But hard tasks remain. We must speed the drive for final victory. We must put behind our fighting men the backing of competent, effective government at home.
We must make sure that when total victory is won, those fighting men are brought home promptly. We must take the leadership in bringing about effective international cooperation to prevent a future war.
We in America face a mighty decision. Ten million heroes will be coming home, entitled to the fruits of victory – a prospering country with security and opportunity to get ahead. Millions of workers in war plants will demand their right to a good job in peace industry at good wages with security and stable employment.
The farmers of America have a right to know that their tremendous efforts in the face of inadequate help and machinery will be rewarded by a new future of freedom from regimentation with stable and good prices for the fruits of their labor.
Is the tired and quarrelsome New Deal all America has to offer? Must we go back to leaf raking and doles?
Must our returning heroes go on the same old WPA?
Must our farmers go back to detailed control by a host of New Deal agents, with falling prices to boot?
These questions will all be decided in this election. The freedom and future of our country are at stake. Never in our history was it so important that we have a government which will be respected at home and respected abroad.
Never was it so important that we choose a government which can restore our job-making machinery. Jobs and opportunity for every American and our chance for a lasting peace – all depend on this election.
Now, what kind of administration do we need for the mighty problems we shall face after the war? As never before we shall need a government that meets these simple tests:
Is it honest?
Are the people who run it trained and competent for their jobs?
Is it a government with faith in the future of America and a wholehearted determination to make our system work?
Let us apply these simple tests to what we now have so that we can find out whether it’s time for a change.
For 12 years the New Deal has treated us to constant bickering, quarreling and backbiting by the most spectacular collection of incompetent people who ever held public office. We must not trust our future to such people as Harry Hopkins, Madam Perkins and Harold Ickes. Certainly, America can do better. I propose that we will do better.
But we can never do better under the New Deal. The scars of its own failures and its own quarrels are too deep. Going right back to its beginning, if it wasn’t a free-for-all fight in the NRA, it was Messrs. Ickes and Hopkins fighting over who got four billion borrowed dollars to spend on PWA or WPA.
It was Henderson and Ickes squabbling over the right to be gasoline czar or a fight between the Rubber Director and the Under Secretary of War.
If it wasn’t the OPA fighting with itself, it was Mr. Ickes denouncing the War Labor Board for its part in what he called a “black – and stupid – chapter in the history of the home front…”
The most disgraceful performance came when Vice President Wallace accused Secretary of Commerce Jones of having “done much to harass the… effort to help shorten this war…” and Mr. Jones charged the Vice President with “malice, innuendo, half-truths and no truths at all…”
What kind of government is this that even a war cannot make it sober down and go to work? Little men rattling around in big jobs. Our country cannot afford the wasteful luxury of incompetent people in high places who spend their time fighting each other.
Even Mr. Roosevelt publicly confessed on August 21, 1942, that these conflicts within his administration have been a “direct and serious handicap to the prosecution of the war.” How costly they have been we will never know. But we do know one thing. Twelve years of this kind of government are too long. Sixteen years of it would be intolerable.
This administration has lived on conflict. They plan it that way. Listen to the President’s Executive Order No. 9334. It says in part:
The Secretary of Agriculture and the War Food Administrator… shall each have authority to exercise any and all of the powers vested in the other…
In other words, Mr. Roosevelt gives two men the same powers and then turns them loose to fight about it. He has been doing that for 12 straight years and it is one of the major reasons the New Deal failed in peacetime and would fail again if it got a chance. We can’t afford this kind of planned, noisy chaos and bungling in the days ahead. That’s why it’s time for a change.
Now there is another important reason why this New Deal administration has been one long chapter of quarreling and confusion. That reason is the consistent practice of evading responsibility. High officials issue statements. Nobody rebukes or removes them. But when the statements later prove embarrassing, they are lightly disavowed or turned aside as unauthoritative.
Last month, I challenged a statement by the National Director of Selective Service in which he said:
We can keep people in the Army about as cheaply as we could create an agency for them when they are out.
Mr. Roosevelt was quite upset. In fact, he spoke about “reckless words, based on unauthoritative sources…” and last Saturday he handed out from the White House a letter from Gen. Hershey in which the general said the idea was all his own.
Now, is Mr. Roosevelt quite accurate when he calls Gen. Hershey his own appointee, unauthoritative? The fact is that the Director of Selective Service is charged by law with the duty of helping to get jobs for returning veterans. If anybody in the country is an authority on that subject, he is the man.
Now, where did Gen. Hershey get this idea Mr. Roosevelt calls “unauthoritative”? I’ll tell you. He got it from another one of those “White House” releases put out by Mr. Roosevelt himself.
Moreover, it was submitted by Mr. Roosevelt’s own uncle, Frederick A. Delano, chairman of the National Resources Planning Board. It was the report of the conference on post-war readjustment of civilian and military personnel, appointed by the President.
This discussed the pros and cons of speedy demobilization. After saying that good reasons exist for desiring a rapid rate of military demobilization, the report goes on to say that: “despite… compelling reasons for rapid military demobilization, the prospects of economic and industrial dislocation at the close of the war are so grave and the social consequences are so far-reaching that a policy of orderly, gradual, and, if necessary, delayed military demobilization has been strongly advocated. The following reasons,” it goes on to say, “have been advanced.”
“Rapid demobilization might throw into the labor market large numbers of men just at the time when the industries might be least able to absorb them. It might create unemployment and depression. Those in the services,” this report continues, “will constitute the only large group of persons over whom the nation could, in the event of economic crisis, exercise any degree of direct control…”
Then it says:
The economic and social costs of retaining men in the services would be less than those involved in dealing with an unemployment depression through civilian relief…
So, this idea of keeping men in the Army for fear that they won’t get jobs after the war was in a report made public last year by Mr. Roosevelt himself. The New Deal has had it in mind right along.
Now, let my opponent try to pass the buck to one of his assistants. They can slip and squirm in this New Deal but when my opponent uses the word “falsification,” as he did on the radio in the Teamsters’ speech, it comes home to haunt him.
And let me add that as long ago as last April, Mr. Roosevelt remained silent while his Director of Selective Service, in a public speech in New York, said he saw no purpose in letting men out of the Army “into some kind of a WPA.”
I do not see any such purpose either. Our fighting men ought to be brought home from the armed services at the earliest possible moment after victory and to jobs and opportunity. And that will be done when we get a new, an honest and a responsible administration in Washington.
The truth is that the New Deal has been afraid all along that when the time came to let men out of the Army there would be no jobs for them – that it would be a case of back to normalcy under the New Deal with 10 million unemployed.
When the New Deal took office on March 4, 1933, the worldwide depression was already nearly four years old. In its first seven years it had more power than any government in our history. It spent nearly $58 billion.
Yet the last official figures of the League of Nations prior to the outbreak of the World War show that among the major nations of the world the United States had almost the poorest record of all. Out of 22 leading industrial nations of the world, 19 had made greater recovery than the United States from the crash of 1929.
All but five had exceeded the 1929 level of production and gone well beyond it. The fact is that the New Deal depression in the United States was actually holding back economic recovery all over the world.
It was Winston Churchill who, late in 1937, said:
The Washington administration has waged so ruthless a war on private enterprise that the United States… is actually at the present moment leading the world back into the trough of depression.
Then he added:
Those who are keeping the flag of peace and free government flying in the Old World have almost the right to ask that their comrades in the New World should… set an example of strength and stability.
But Mr. Roosevelt ignored the warning. He went on with his war on business and employment, his experimentation – his quarrels and his chaos.
The New Deal’s record at home is one long chapter of failure. But some people still tell us:
We agree that the New Deal is a failure at home but its foreign policies are very good.
Let me ask you:
Can an administration which is so disunited and unsuccessful at home be any better abroad?
Can an administration which is filled with quarreling and backbiting where we can see it be any better abroad where we cannot see it?
Well, the answer to that seeps through even the thick wall of censorship.
For example, on February 11, 1943, while we were seeking vital war materials in Brazil, an article in The New York Times told how the conflict between Mr. Wallace and Mr. Jones was being echoed among our representatives in Brazil.
It went on to say that dissension among the scores of agency representatives had actually “led the Americans to participate in departmental rows among agencies of the Brazilian government itself.”
Last year a special committee of United States Senators was sent to our war theaters overseas. Read what a Democratic Senator, Richard B. Russell, said in a report to the Senate on October 28, 1943. These are his words:
Our civil agencies abroad are numerous, but too often they are, either working at cross purposes, or, worse to relate, in some cases have no apparent purpose.
Here is a report from the July 30, 1943, issue of the United States News. It says:
…in North Africa… field agents of half a dozen agencies – the Treasury, BEW, Lend-Lease, State Department and others – are reported to have brought confusion to the brink of chaos.
Why is it that our representation in the vital areas abroad is on the brink of chaos? The answer is exactly the same as at home.
In addition to the duly constituted officers of the State Department and the Army and Navy, there are now operating wholly or partly all over the world the following agencies of this administration: The FEA, RFC, WFRA, OCIAA, OSS, OWL, WSA, WRB, OAPC, OC, OWM, PWRCB, OFAR, FRC, and the ACPSAHMWA.
There are more, but that’s enough.
Our country has a very important role to play in the world in the years to come. We can never achieve our objectives under an administration too tired and worn out to bring order out of its own chaos either at home or abroad.
This nation of ours can be an inspiration to the world. We can be a steadying influence for freedom and peace. But first we must have peace in our own government. We must set our own house in order.
That can never be done by a weary and worn-out administration. It can and must be done by a fresh and vigorous administration which will restore honesty and competence to our government.
There things we pledge to you:
An administration devoted to public service instead of public bickering.
An administration working in harmony with Congress.
An administration in which the Cabinet is restored as a responsible instrument of government.
An administration in which you will not have to support three men to do one man’s job.
An administration which will root out waste and bring order out of chaos.
An administration which will give the people of this country value received for the taxes they pay.
An administration made up of the ablest men and women in America who will receive full authority to do their jobs and will be let alone to do them.
An administration free from the influence of Communists and the domination of corrupt big city machines.
An administration in which the Constitution is respected so that the liberties of our people shall again be secure.
An administration which will devote itself to the single-minded purpose of jobs and opportunity for all.
My distinguished associate, John W. Bricker, and I are united in our determination to these ends. We know that they can be achieved.
We are united by these objectives and a firm determination under God to achieve them. America must never go back to the insecurity, unemployment and chaos of the New Deal. Because she must. America can and will go forward once again.
Völkischer Beobachter (October 17, 1944)
Italien – Republik – Sozialismus
Eine Proklamation des Duces
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500.000 t versenkt, 832 Flugzeuge vernichtet –
Die japanische Flotte greift ein
Schwere US-Verluste vor Formosa und Manila
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Rosenberg: Friedrich Nietzsche
Von Alfred Rosenberg
In einer Gedenkstunde anlässlich des 100. Geburtstages Friedrich Nietzsches sprach am Sonntag Reichsleiter Alfred Rosenberg. In seiner von tiefem Verständnis für das Werk des großen Philosophen getragenen Rede führte Reichsleiter Rosenberg folgendes aus:
Es kann sich heute nicht darum handeln, die Entwicklung aller Gedanken Friedrich Nietzsches eingehend aufzuzeigen, auch nicht das zu prüfen, was aus der mannigfaltigen, reichen Wirksamkeit gleichsam als System seines Denkens sich herausgebildet hat, sondern des Menschen selbst zu gedenken. Dies dürfen wir auch bei einem Gesamtüberblick über sein Werk heute mit umso mehr Verständnis tun, als es sich bei dem Werk Nietzsches nicht so sehr um den Auf- und Ausbau eines philosophischen Gebäudes, sondern im Wesentlichen immer wieder um das Problem der Schicksalhaltung handelt.
Die wesentliche Frage seines Lebens, die er einmal aussprach: „Ist heute Größe möglich!“ bestimmte sein ganzes Denken und Handeln. Nietzsche war der Prometheus seinerzeit, dessen Fackel auch die dunkelsten Winkel gehütetster und doch so oft vermotteter Traditionen durchleuchtete – allerdings auch eine gefährliche Fackel, die darüber hinaus auch manches noch mit Recht behütete, als Brücke von Vergangenheit zur Zukunft dienende in Brand zu stecken drohte. Nietzsche wurde hineingeboren in eine Zeit einer ungeheuren Bereicherung der Kenntnisse aus den Geschichtsepochen aller Völker. Das 19. Jahrhundert war nicht nur ein Jahrhundert der Technik, sondern auch ein Jahrhundert der Sammlung historischer Kenntnisse ältester Nationen und Kulturen, ein Jahrhundert, da alle Formen und Stile der Kunst wissenschaftlich geordnet vor dem betrachtenden Auge lagen, ein Zeitalter, das er selbst als eine Epoche der „Stilmaskeraden“ bezeichnete. Neueste Industriebauwerke verbanden sich mit dem historischen und kunstgeschichtlichen Wissen zu einer verwirrenden geistigen Kostümierung. Der „europäische Mischmasch“ aber brauchte ein solches Kostüm, denn je ärmer er innerlich wurde umso mehr glaubte er es nötig zu haben, sich mit den erborgten und erlernten Schätzen der Vergangenheit zu behängen, um diese seine immer größer werdende Leerheit zu verdecken oder zu verheimlichen.
Die europäischen Nationen bildeten sich im 19. Jahrhundert inmitten dieser Umwelt machtmäßig neu. Dieser nationalpolitische Aufschwung verband sich aber mit Problemen eines neuen Industriezeitalters, denen die liberale Weltanschauung nicht gewachsen war. Sie lehrte Freiheit der Wirtschaft, Freiheit des Handels, sie lebte in einem geistig beschränkten Optimismus dahin, als ob die Verkehrserleichterungen, der Austausch der Lebensgüter mit anderen Kontinenten die Steigerung der technischen Bequemlichkeiten usw. einen ewig dauernden, wenn auch durch manchen militärisch-politischen Konflikt gestörten, so doch im Grunde nicht aufzuhaltenden Fortschritt von Kultur und Zivilisation bedeuteten. Die auftretenden sozialen Spannungen sah man zwar auch als störende Erscheinungen des „wirtschaftlichen Fortschritts“ an, verschloss sich aber die Augen vor der Tatsache, daß die Industrie Millionen und immer wieder neue Millionen hinabdrückte in eine Schicht, die sich selbst Proletariat nennen ließ. Man übersah, daß eine solche unterdrückte, immer wachsende Schicht das Opfer von Lehren werden konnte, die sie gegen alles das emporhetzte, Was einmal wirklich Völker, Staaten und Kulturen gegründet hatte, am Horizont zeigten sich seherischen Blicken Auflösung, Zusammensturz, Kriege und Revolutionen. Warnungen und eine helfende neue Formendarstellung wurden nicht oder kaum gehört, jedenfalls aber nicht verstanden und blieben schließlich gänzlich ohne Echo.
Die Geschichte dieser Entwicklung darstellen, heißt Nietzsches Leben von innen her erzählen und sowohl sein Verhältnis zu Deutschland, zur Geschichte, zu Europa, zur Religion und zur sozialen Frage seiner Zeit verständlich machen. Er wusste sehr wohl, daß er nicht voll gehört werden konnte, er wusste auch, daß er nicht mehr dem 19. Jahrhundert angehörte, und er nannte sich und die wenigen, auf die er hoffte, die „Europäer von übermorgen,“ die „Erstlinge des zwanzigsten Jahrhunderts.“
So wie er hatten manche empfunden, die auf das heroische Deutschland von 1871 hofften und im Schatten dieses erkämpften Reiches die Bleichröders, dann die Ballins und Genossen groß werden sahen. Es hatten sich manche zu Wort gemeldet, die wir heute ebenfalls als die Propheten unserer Zeit einreihen, einige waren Nietzsche nahegetreten, die anderen hatten, ungekannt von ihm, gewirkt: eine gemeinsam sich zusammenfügende geistige und politische Macht sind sie nicht geworden. Es war etwas, was in diesem Zeitalter der geschäftigen Handelspolitik fehlte, um große Völker zum Bewusstsein ihrer selbst zu führen, nämlich das allgemeine Leid. Auch darum wusste Nietzsche sehr genau, als er schrieb: „Die Zucht des Leidens, des großen Leidens – wisst ihr nicht, daß nur diese Zucht alle Erhöhungen des Menschen bisher geschaffen hat?“ Und diese Voraussetzung für die Umsetzung seiner Prophetie in ein sich besinnendes Volk mußte Friedrich Nietzsche versagt bleiben.
Der Kreis Nietzsches verringerte sich immer mehr, und nur wenige sind es schließlich gewesen, die seine Einsamkeit, wenn auch nicht teilen, so doch wenigstens verstehen konnten. Und diese letzte Einsamkeit war schließlich mitentscheidend, um manches an der Form der Angriffe Nietzsches gegen seine Zeit, auch die Überspitzung dieser Form, zu verstehen. Diese Einsamkeit und Seherkraft zugleich ist es aber, die, über alles zeit- und traditionsbedingte hinweg, Nietzsche heute mitten hinein in das große Geschehen dieses von ihm vorhergesagten 20. Jahrhunderts stellt, mitten in die riesige Auseinandersetzung, die das deutsche Volk heute durchzukämpfen hat, mitten hinein aber auch in jenen Prozess, in dem alles das, was Nietzsche als unvornehm und niederträchtig bekämpfte, sich gegen Deutschland zusammengeschlossen hat.
Er spricht es mehr als einmal aus, daß, wo in Europa das Herdentier allein zu Ehren komme und Ehren verteile, ein gänzlich anderer Menschentyp zur Herrschaft gelangen müsse, um dieses Schicksal zu wenden. Er setzt somit eine tiefgehende Kritik des ganzen sozialen Gefüges ein, eine Kritik der marxistischen, damals schon fälschlich sozialistisch genannten Bewegung, wie sie folgerichtiger und vernichtender auch heute nicht denkbar ist. Für ihn ist der Marxismus die zu Ende gedachte Tyrannei der geringsten und dümmsten, der oberflächlichen, neidischen und Dreiviertelschauspieler, er sei in der Tat die Schlussfolgerung der „modernen Ideen" und ihres latenten Anarchismus.
Von dem nationalen Bürgertum hält Nietzsche schon damals nichts und nennt die beiden gegnerischen Parteien – die sozialistische und die nationale – oder wie immer ihre Namen in den verschiedenen Ländern Europas lauten mögen: „Einander würdig, das heißt beide unwürdig.“
Nietzsche weiß aber, daß wahrscheinlich trotz aller Erkenntnis die nun einmal eingeschlagene Entwicklung nicht in kurzer Zeit rückgängig gemacht werden kann, und deshalb sagt er voraus, daß aus diesem Gemisch von Liberalismus, Plutokratie und Anarchie die große Krise Deutschlandsunddesganzen europäischen Kontinents hervorgehen müsse.
Diese klare Erkenntnis der extremsten Entwicklungsmöglichkeiten scheidet Nietzsche als Denker und aktiven soldatisch ausgerichteten Philosophen immer deutlicher von allen Bewegungen seiner Zeit. Die Feststellung der künstlerischen Verwirrung der Stile und diese klare Erkenntnis der haltungslosen, allen möglichen sich widersprechenden Traditionen unkritisch zugewandten Gegenwart vereinigen sich dann in ihm zu einer Kritik seines ganzen Zeitalters, wie sie schärfer und ätzender nicht denkbar ist. Man darf, wie bei jeder großen Erscheinung, seitens ihrer Jüngerschaft nicht vor die Alternative gestellt werden: Alles oder nichts anerkennen zu müssen. Vielmehr wird auch Nietzsche, der nach jahrzehntelangem Missverstehen und Missverkennen heute in die Epoche seiner allgemein nationalen Anerkennung tritt, das gleiche Schicksal wie alle anderen Großen zu tragen haben: Was zeitbedingt ist, was nur aus seinem persönlichen Schicksal gedeutet werden kann, aber gerade dadurch nicht als unbedingt zu werten ist, wird vergessen werden können. Umso deutlicher aber wird der eigentliche Kern und die unerbittlich richtige Stoßrichtung seines Denkens inmitten einer oberflächlichen Welt ihre tiefe Anerkennung und Ehrfurcht finden. Und damit ist auch das Wesen der ganzen menschlichen Tragödie Friedrich Nietzsche verständlich geworden.
Viele der Besten haben unter der Gründerzeit und der vermaterialisierten Epoche gelitten. Aber mag auch auf manchen Gebieten der eine oder andere jener Propheten unserer Zeit uns besonders nahestehen, als Gesamtpersönlichkeit und als unbeirrbarer Erkenner einer ganzen Epoche, die sich anschickte unterzugehen, ist Friedrich Nietzsche wohl die größte Erscheinung der deutschen und europäischen Geisteswelt seiner Tage gewesen!
Wenn man in letzter Zeit besonders seinen „Willen zur Macht“ betont, so ist mit vollem Recht auch dieser Kern herausgeschält worden als jenes charakterliche Widerstandszentrum, aus dem sich sowohl die begründeten Abhandlungen wie die ekstatischen Proklamationen des „Zarathustra“ und die harten Angriffe seiner letzten Schriften erklären lassen. Wir müssen aber an dieser Stelle Protest einlegen gegen jene Versuche auch unserer heutigen Feinde, diese Anschauung vom Dasein gleichsam als ein Bekenntnis zu dauernden militärischen Überfällen etwa auf die so gesittete demokratische Gesellschaft des Westens, gleichsam als eine Inkarnation des ewig friedenstörenden „preußischen Militarismus“ deuten zu wollen. Was sich vielmehr hier ausspricht, ist ein Gesetz des Lebens, jede große Leistung in der Welt will zur Bedeutung kommen, jeder große Staatsgedanke will sich durchsetzen, jede wissenschaftliche Entdeckung strebt nach allgemeiner Anerkennung, jede große künstlerische Tat sucht ihr Publikum, und jeder Denker erwartet ein geistiges Echo und erhofft sich eine Gefolgschaft.
Zum Erstaunen aller erwachte jener deutsche Geist, von dem Nietzsche zu Beginn seines Wirkens ahnungsvoll und voll tiefer Hoffnung gesprochen hatte: aus dem Dunkel des Verrats von 1918 trat kämpferisch eine neue vornehme Idee vom Leben und eine die Gesetze dieses Lebens ehrfürchtig anerkennende Weltanschauung an das Tageslicht der Zeit. Dieser Lebenswille begnügte sich nicht mit anschauen und erkennen, sondern war verbunden mit einem instinktgebundenen Willen aus den Wurzeln des deutschen Wesens heraus und bildete sich gegen alle Gewalten zu einer politischen Macht.
In einem wahrhaft geschichtlichen Sinne steht die nationalsozialistische Bewegung als Ganzes heute vor der übrigen Welt, wie Nietzsche als einzelner einst vor den Gewalten seiner Zeit. An einem ungeheuren Experiment der Natur und des Lebens wiederholt sich der Kampf zweier Prinzipien.
Aber wenn damals, vor vielen, vielen Jahrzehnten, wenige Einsame die kommende Anarchie und ihre Kriege nur prophetisch erschauen konnten und schließlich an der Unmöglichkeit, gehört zu werden, zerbrachen, so steht heute das nationalsozialistische Großdeutsche Reich als ein Willensblock von 90 Millionen inmitten dieses ungeheuren Ringens, auch im vollen Bewusstsein, hier der Notwendigkeit eines großen Lebens, der Notwendigkeit eines europäischen Schicksals zu dienen.
So sehen wir Nationalsozialisten heute das Wirken jener Mächte, die, aus der Vergangenheit herüberkommend, im 19. Jahrhundert eine gefährliche Kraft der Zersetzung zu werden begannen und heute in einem großen, eitrig aufbrechenden Prozess zur fürchterlichsten Erkrankung des europäischen Wesens führen, und wir sehen zugleich inmitten dieses unheilvollen Stroms einige Propheten fordernd ihre Stimme erheben, diese schöpfungsfeindlichen Werte zu zerbrechen, um eine neue Rangordnung des Lebens verwirklichen zu helfen. Unter ihnen ehren wir heute den einsamen Friedrich Nietzsche. Nach Absteifung alles Zeitbedingten und auch allzu Menschlichen steht diese Gestalt heute geistig neben uns, und wir grüßen ihn über die Zeiten hinweg als einen nahen Verwandten, als einen geistigen Bruder im Kampf um die Wiedergeburt einer großen deutschen Geistigkeit, um die Gestaltung eines großzügigen und großräumigen Denkens und als Verkünder einer europäischen Einheit, als Notwendigkeit für das schöpferische Leben unseres alten, sich heute in einer großen Revolution verjüngenden Kontinents.
De Gaulles bittere Erkenntnisse –
Frankreich im ‚Verbannungszustand‘
Von unserem Berichterstatter in der Schweiz
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Führer HQ (October 17, 1944)
Kommuniqué des Oberkommandos der Wehrmacht
Die heftigen Kämpfe um die Westerschelde dauern an. Die Lage dort hat sich nicht wesentlich verändert. Starke feindliche Angriffe östlich Brügges wurden abgewiesen. Vorpostenboote versenkten vor der niederländischen Küste ein britisches Schnellboot und beschädigten ein weiteres schwer. Östlich Helmond wurde der Feind aus einer Einbruchsstelle geworfen.
Die schwere Materialschlacht um Aachen hat sich gestern zu einem neuen Höhepunkt gesteigert. Mit zwei frischen Infanterie- und einer Panzerdivision, die von Tieffliegern unterstützt wurden, versuchten die Amerikaner die Umfassung der Stadt zu vollenden. Es gelang ihnen, die Verbindung nach Aachen zu verengen, aber nicht abzuschneiden. 30 Amerikaner liefen zu unseren Truppen über.
Gegen die Flanken des Brückenkopfes Metz führt der Feind seit mehreren Wochen Einzelangriffe mit nur geringem Erfolg. Das Fort Driant an der Mosel südwestlich der Stadt ist nach einem Einbruch des Feindes wieder ganz in unserer Hand.
Am Parroywald östlich Épinal und beiderseits des Moselottetals südöstlich Remiremont dauern die Kämpfe um Waldstücke und Bergstellungen an. Der hartnäckig angreifende Feind blieb auch gestern nach geringen Angriffserfolgen liegen.
An der Westfront wurden in der ersten Oktoberhälfte 3259 Gefangene gemacht, 765 Panzer und Panzerspähwagen, 49 Geschütze aller Art sowie zahllose sonstige Waffen und Kriegsgerät erbeutet oder vernichtet. Unsere Küstenstützpunkte melden die Fortdauer des feindlichen Artilleriefeuers.
Der „V1“-Beschuß auf London wurde fortgesetzt.
Bei der Abwehr wiederholter feindlicher Schnellboot- und Luftangriffe auf deutsche Geleite vor der nordnorwegischen Küste wurden vier feindliche Schnellboote schwer beschädigt. Zwei von ihnen sind wahrscheinlich gesunken. Zehn der angreifenden Flugzeuge wurden abgeschossen. Ein eigenes Fahrzeug ging verloren.
Starke amerikanische Kräfte stießen auch gestern nach vorausgegangenem Trommelfeuer gegen unsere Stellungen in Mittelitalien vor. Unsere Panzergrenadiere brachten die Angriffe im Raum östlich Vergato zum Scheitern. Nördlich und nordöstlich Loiano erzielte der Feind einige Fortschritte, wurde aber in Gegenangriffen aufgefangen. Britische Angriffe im Raum südöstlich Cesena blieben erfolglos.
Vom Balkan werden aus dem Raum Nisch und westlich der mittleren Morava Kämpfe mit bulgarischen und sowjetischen Kampfgruppen gemeldet. Bei Belgrad hat sich die Lage gefestigt.
An der unteren Theiß erbeutete eine bewährte ungarische Kampfgruppe bei einem Vorstoß zahlreiche schwere Waffen und machte Gefangene. Die Schlacht im Raum südlich und südwestlich Debrecen nahm von neuem an Heftigkeit zu. Die Verteidiger einer Ortschaft schossen von 40 angreifenden Panzern 28 ab.
An der Front der Waldkarpaten ließ der feindliche Druck gegen unsere Gebirgsstellungen westlich des Czirokotals und des Duklapasses vorübergehend nach.
Nördlich Warschau und bei Seroc führten die Sowjets nach ihren schweren Verlusten in den vorangegangenen Kämpfen gestern nur schwächere erfolglose Angriffe. Dagegen setzten sie ihre Durchbruchsversuche aus dem Narew-Brückenkopf von Rozan fort. Unsere zäh kämpfenden Truppen errangen hier einen vollen Abwehrerfolg.
Beiderseits Wilkowischken sind die Bolschewisten mit zahleichen Infanterie- und Panzerverbänden auf etwa 40 Kilometer breite nach mehrstündigem Trommelfeuer und mit starker Schlachtfliegerunterstützung zum Großangriff angetreten und haben an einer Stelle die ostpreußische, Grenze erreicht. 145 feindliche Panzer wurden abgeschossen, davon allein 70 Panzer durch eine Volksgrenadierdivision. In heftigen Luftkämpfen und durch Flakartillerie verlor der Feind über diesem Kampfraum und an der Narewfront 56 Flugzeuge.
Auch südöstlich Libau und bei Doblen nahm der Gegner seine schweren Angriffe wieder auf. Sie wurden in schweren Kämpfen abgeschlagen oder aufgefangen. Nach bisherigen Meldungen verlor der Feind dort 37 Panzer.
An der Eismeerfront wiesen unsere Gebirgsjäger Angriffe des teilweisen scharf nachdrängenden Feindes ab.
Nordamerikanische Terrorflieger warfen bei Tage Bomben auf verschiedene Orte in Südostdeutschland, darunter auch auf die Stadtmitte von Salzburg. Jäger und Flakartillerie der Luftwaffe schossen 19 anglo-amerikanische Flugzeuge ab. In der vergangenen Nacht wurde Gumbinnen durch sowjetische Flugzeuge angegriffen.
Bei den Kämpfen um die Wiedergewinnung einer entscheidenden Höhe westlich Dukla hat sich der 19jährige Gefreite Grote, MG-Schütze im Pionierzug eines Grenadierregiments, durch hervorragende Tapferkeit ausgezeichnet.
An der erfolgreichen Abwehr der nunmehr fünf Wochen währenden feindlichen Angriffe in den Ostbeskiden haben die tapferen Verbände des XXIV. Panzerkorps unter Führung des Generals der Gebirgstruppe le Suire und des Generalleutnants Reichsfreiherr von Edelsheim entscheidenden Anteil. Sie vernichteten oder erbeuteten über 400 Panzer und Sturmgeschütze sowie zahlreiches anderes Kriegsmaterial.
Am dritten Jahrestag ihres Osteinsatzes erzielte die bewährte 12. Flakdivision ihren 1050. Flugzeug- und 567. Panzerabschuss.
Supreme HQ Allied Expeditionary Force (October 17, 1944)
FROM
(A) SHAEF FORWARD
ORIGINATOR
PRD, Communique Section
DATE-TIME OF ORIGIN
171100A October
TO FOR ACTION
(1) AGWAR (Pass to WND)
TO (W) FOR INFORMATION (INFO)
(2) FIRST US ARMY GP
(3) ADV HQ 12 ARMY GP
(4) FWD ECH (MAIN) 12 ARMY GP
(5) AEAF
(6) ANCXF
(7) EXFOR MAIN
(8) EXFOR REAR
(9) DEFENSOR, OTTAWA
(10) CANADIAN C/S, OTTAWA
(11) WAR OFFICE
(12) ADMIRALTY
(13) AIR MINISTRY
(14) ETOUSA
(15) SACSEA
(16) CMHQ (Pass to RCAF & RCN)
(17) COM Z APO 871
(18) SHAEF MAIN
(REF NO.)
NONE
(CLASSIFICATION)
IN THE CLEAR
Communiqué No. 192
Steady progress continues north of the Sint-Leenarts Canal. Gains of up to 1,000 yards were made against somewhat decreased enemy opposition. A small counterattack on Eede was repulsed. Fighter-bombers supporting our ground forces concentrated their attack mainly on the village of Oostburg. Many fortified buildings were destroyed. Strongpoints in Sluis and Schoondijke were also hit. Enemy counterattacks in the Woensdrecht area were held and military targets at Bergen op Zoom were bombed by fighter-bombers. On the east of the Dutch salient, we made gains in the Venray area, an enemy battery of field guns was hit by rocket-firing fighters. Fighters flew offensive patrols over the battle zones in Holland.
In Aachen, our units continue to make slow progress in house-to-house fighting. To the northeast, the vicinity of Würselen, stiff opposition of all types is being met, and near Ofden we are encountering heavy artillery and mortar fire. East of Aachen, we have repulsed several counterattacks in the area of Verlautenheide with no loss of ground. Southwest of Germeter, our forces mopped up pillboxes with no substantial changes in the line.
In France, our units have met many counterattacks in the Vosges foothills, where our gains were mostly slight. Two counterattacks were repulsed in the Lunéville sector. Northeast of Le Thillot, further progress was made east of the Moselotte River. Fighting has been heavy at several points in this sector.
COORDINATED WITH: G-2, G-3 to C/S
THIS MESSAGE MAY BE SENT IN CLEAR BY ANY MEANS
/s/
Precedence
“OP” - AGWAR
“P” - Others
ORIGINATING DIVISION
PRD, Communique Section
NAME AND RANK TYPED. TEL. NO.
D. R. JORDAN, Lt Col FA Ext. 9
AUTHENTICATING SIGNATURE
/s/U.S. Navy Department (October 17, 1944)
CINCPAC Communiqué No. 156
Carrier aircraft of the Pacific Fleet are continuing to attack targets on Luzon Island in the Philippines.
Further details now available concerning the results of some of the carrier aircraft attacks on Formosa on October 11, 12 and 13 show that at Tainan, the airfield was hard hit and seven hangars were completely destroyed and five heavily damaged. Several buildings in the barracks area were also destroyed.
At Takao, the harbor area received severe damage. Thirty large warehouses along the dock area were completely destroyed; ships were sunk in the harbor; heavy damage was inflicted in the industrial area. The airfield at Takao was heavily hit and several adjacent buildings were damaged.
The Okayama Airfield and assembly plants, many shops, administrative buildings and hangars were destroyed or damaged.
At Heito, approximately 15 miles inland from Takao, 14 buildings near the airfield were completely destroyed and eight were heavily damaged. At another airfield near Heito, five barracks were destroyed.
Most of the airstrips at the fields which were attacked have been heavily pitted by bomb blasts.
CINCPAC Communiqué No. 157
During the fighting between our carrier task forces and the enemy air forces based on shore in the Ryukyus, Formosa and Luzon Island in the Philippines from October 10 (West Longitude Date) until the time of this communiqué, there has been no damage of consequence to our battleships or carriers. However, two medium‑size ships were hit by aircraft torpedoes and are retiring from the area. Fortunately, the personnel casualties in these two ships were small.
Japanese Fleet units were sighted approaching the area in which U.S. Pacific Fleet forces have been operating in the western part of the Philippine Sea, but on discovering our fighting strength unimpaired have avoided action and have withdrawn toward their bases.
During October 13, 14 and 15, 191 enemy planes attacked one of our Task Groups off Formosa by day and night. Ninety‑five enemy planes were shot down by our fighters and anti-aircraft fire, while we lost five planes. On October 15, fighters from two of our carriers shot down 50 more enemy aircraft out of approximately sixty planes which attempted to attack our damaged ships. On the same day, an additional fifteen enemy planes were destroyed by search and patrol flights from our carriers.
CINCPAC Communiqué No. 158
Elements of the 81st Infantry Division covered by ships of the Pacific Fleet occupied Ulithi Atoll in the Western Carolines on September 20 and 21 (West Longitude Date). On September 20, advance patrols landed on Fassaran and Mangejang Islands on either side of the main entrance into Ulithi Lagoon, and on September 21, our troops occupied Mogmog, Asor, Patangeras, and Sorlan Islands. The landings were not opposed. The possibility that the enemy may not have been immediately aware of these landings led to the withholding of this information until this time.
Pagan Island in the Marianas was bombed by our aircraft on October 14 and 15. Runways and storage areas were hit.
During the night of October 14‑15, and during daylight on October 15, Wake Island was bombed by 7th Air Force Liberators.
On October 16, Eten Island in Truk Atoll was attacked by 7th Air Force Liberators, and on the same day Hahajima in the Bonin Islands was raided. In the latter attack, Okdoura Town was hit, and several small ships in the harbor were bombed.
Carrier aircraft of the Pacific Fleet are continuing to attack objectives in the Philippines.
The Pittsburgh Press (October 17, 1944)
Jap fleet avoid battle; planes blast two warships
Third Superfortress raid knocks out Formosa; Philippines hit again
By Frank Tremaine, United Press staff writer
…
Dewey: New Deal rifts peril peace
Bickering, backbiting charged by nominee
Aboard Dewey campaign train (UP) –
Governor Thomas E. Dewey added today to his charge of Roosevelt administration failures at home an accusation that its conduct of foreign affairs also suffers from “constant bickering, quarreling and backbiting” and internal dissension.
The Republican presidential nominee, speaking last night on a nationwide radio hookup from St. Louis, said the failures he complained of abroad could be traced to the same conditions which have made the Roosevelt administration’s record at home “one long chapter of failure.”
‘Bosses, Communists’ assailed
He charged that “the New Deal has been taken over by the combination of corrupt big city bosses, Communists and fellow travelers.” He renewed and elaborated his charge that “the New Deal has been afraid all along that when the tame came to let men out of the Army there would be no jobs for them.”
The crowd, estimated at 15,000, loved it. When Governor Dewey asked whether post-war period must bring a return of “leaf raking and doles,” and the WPA his audience shouted a vehement “No.” They booed the mention of Harry Hopkins, Mrs. Perkins and Harold Ickes.
They laughed when he recited disputes within the administration’s official family and called it a case of “little men rattling around in big jobs.”
Ability challenged
Governor Dewey didn’t argue about policies. But he challenged the Roosevelt administration’s abilities to carry them out successfully.
He asked:
Can an administration which is so disunited and unsuccessful at home be any better abroad? Can an administration filled with quarreling and backbiting where we can see it be any better abroad where we cannot see it?
He listed New Deal agencies by alphabetical definitions but didn’t reach the final one – ACPSAHMWA designating the “American Commission for Preservation and Salvage of Artistic and Historical Monuments in the War Areas” – because of the crowd’s laughing response.
Governor Dewey went on:
This nation can be an inspiration to the world, can be a steadying influence for freedom and peace. But first we must have peace in our own government.
Here’s that list Dewey named
Washington (UP) –
Governor Thomas E. Dewey, in his attack on “bickering and backbiting” in Washington, last night recited the initials of 15 governmental agencies but did not take time to identify them.
His enumeration sent reporters scurrying for their complete names. This is what they came up with:
- FEA: Foreign Economic Administration
- RFC: Reconstruction Finance Corporation
- WFA: War Food Administration
- OCIAA: Office of Coordinator of Inter-American affairs
- OSS: Office of Strategic Services
- OWI: Office of War Information
- WSA: War Shipping Administration
- WRB: War Refugee Board
- OAPC: Office of Alien Property Custodian
- OC: Office of Censorship
- OWM: Office of War Mobilization
- PWRCB: President’s War Relief Control Board
- OFAR: Office of Foreign Agricultural Relations
- FRC: Filipino Rehabilitation Commission
- ACPSAHMWA: American Commission for Protection and Salvage of Artistic and Historic Monuments in War Areas
Roosevelt to talk politics in Philadelphia Oct. 27
Democratic city committee and ‘businessmen’ to sponsor rally at Shibe Park
Washington (UP) –
President Roosevelt will make a campaign speech Friday night, Oct. 27, at Shibe Park in Philadelphia, David Lawrence, chairman of the Pennsylvania State Democratic Committee, announced today after a conference with the President.
Mr. Lawrence visited the White House as a member of a delegation representing “Business Men for Roosevelt, Inc.”
He said Mr. Roosevelt would speak at 9:00 p.m. ET. He added it would be an outright political rally sponsored jointly by the Democratic City Committee of Philadelphia and the national businessmen’s organization.
Andrew J. Higgins, New Orleans shipbuilder and honorary president of “Businessmen for Roosevelt, Inc.,” who led the delegation today, said he and his colleagues had invited the President “to address businessmen throughout the nation.”
“Businessmen for Roosevelt, Inc.,” will pay for Mr. Roosevelt’s radio time, he said, and the speech will be broadcast over the Blue and CBS networks.
Mr. Roosevelt’s next major address is scheduled for Saturday night, Oct. 21, when he will speak before the Foreign Policy Association in New York City.
Mr. Lawrence said Shibe Park will seat between 35,000 and 45,000.
Other members of the group which called on the President today included J. Louis Reynolds, Virginia, chairman of the Executive Committee in Philadelphia, and Senator Joseph F. Guffey (D-PA).
Planes crash on all sides as Japs attack U.S. Fleet
Task force battles for 10 hours against waves of bombers in vicinity of Formosa
By George E. Jones, United Press staff writer
…
Japs cut draft age
London, England –
Japan will begin conscripting 17-year-old boys for military service Nov. 1 and will accept volunteers under 17, the German Transocean News Agency said today in a dispatch from Tokyo. The draft age limit had previously had been 19.
Southern Florida warned of storm
Miami, Florida (UP) –
A special bulletin today warned that a tropical hurricane is expected to pass over western Cuba tonight or tomorrow, and said that South Florida residents should stand by for probable warnings.
Late reports from the Caribbean indicated that the storm had finally taken a definite northward direction, after several days in which it idled about, giving no indication of what course it might take.
Reports from Havana said preparations were being made for the blow, with banks and theaters closing at midday. The National Observatory warned all Cubans to take fullest precautions after 8:00 p.m. ET.
On Oct. 29, 1926, a hurricane killed more than 600 persons in Havana and other parts of Cuba.
I DARE SAY —
The age of innocence
By Florence Fisher Parry
Frank Sinatra didn’t get a White House reception the other night at the Paramount Theater in New York. A boy who was sitting down front in the midst of the swooning bobbysocks threw three eggs at The Voice, and all three landed.
The policeman who later rescued him from the infuriated mob of junior misses escorted him to the subway and let him go. His explanation seemed to satisfy them: “It just seemed like a good idea at the time.”
These young girls sit all day in the theaters where The Voice is appearing. They bring their lunches and dinners. They play hooky, they are completely out of hand.
One young mother complained to me the other day: “My girl nine years old has seen Double Indemnity three times.” How many times this same child has seen the horror pictures which are being shown in profusion on neighborhood double features and at our downtown theaters, she was unprepared to guess.
Now the scapegoat will be, as usual, the motion picture industry – its producers, exhibitors, all who have “furnished” this poisonous diet to our teenagers. The real offenders, the Responsibles, will, as usual, shift the blame upon the broad back of an industry which has borne more undeserved attack than any institution in our country.
Old before their time
And I say it’s time for a change. It’s time to place the blame where it belongs – upon the families and homes and parents of the children, for children whose movie habits are bad are simply children who have not been properly brought up.
They have been dragged at a preposterously early age to adult, unsuitable movies by young parents who have no other way to see the movies themselves or they have been got rid of by being sent with other children to the neighboring movie theaters, or they have been provided no other form of amusement. Children’s books, children’s entertainment, children’s games, are unknown to them. They have not been taken to circuses, Sunday School, entertainments, picnics, children’s parties; they have never seen a Punch and Judy show or a fairytale play. They have been plunged into adult amusements from the very start, until their tastes crave the aperitif of strong condiments in their entertainment, and they are spoiled forever for the kind of fun which children should have.
Yet such fun is available. It is being provided. Our department stores, our schools, many of our great institutions like the Buhl Planetarium and Carnegie Institute, are constantly offering delightful activities for children.
Next Saturday, for instance, at the Schenley Theater, begins a charming program of children’s plays, which will be given every month throughout the season by a group which calls itself The Pittsburgh Children’s Theater Society. The cost is so low: season tickets can be had for $1.50! The plays and entertainments are charming, suitable and gay!
Can’t you help?
The project began three years ago. There had been other local Children’s Theater projects, but they had been patronized largely by children already privileged. THIS was to be a children’s theater for everyone! The project still functions and will not be discouraged! Yet I know that in order to continue, it must, MUST have help: concretely, 390 new patrons who will subscribe $5 apiece.
There is no way to describe to you what this modest windfall would represent to those who have worked so desperately hard to keep aflame this charming project!
I have seldom used this space to raise funds! God knows there are hundreds of calls made upon us these urgent days, and most of them are worthy and many of them are far, far more important! But none, I think, has been quite so neglected, quite so – MISSED – as this one little plea on behalf of the children!
The war has been hard on them in countless ways! They have not known a peacetime household with peacetime conversation, peacetime nerves, peacetime leisure, peacetime recreations. They are shunted aside.
Poor little war casualties, we have forgot to keep them gay!
Here is a way, simple, cheap, charming: give them to the Children’s Theater Society for a few enchanted hours. And send your check for $5 to Mrs. Raymond H. Lester, 950 N Negley Ave., payable to The Pittsburgh Children’s Theater Society.