Mad seaman kills trio on high seas
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Southern France hit by bombers
Rome, Italy (AP) – (Aug. 12)
Allied air might was thrown against the southern approaches to Hitler’s crumbling European fortress today for the second time within 24 hours, with 750 U.S. heavy bombers scourging German military defenses along the southern coast of France.
There was a feeling among the public that momentous developments in the Mediterranean were impending as high U.S. military figures arrived to join Prime Minister Churchill, who is already in Rome. The arrival of Churchill alone was interpreted by Popolo, organ of the Christian Democrat Party, as a sign of the importance the Italian theater of war “may assume in the near future.”
It was announced that Robert P. Patterson, Under Secretary of War, and Lt. Gen Brehon S. Somervell, commander of U.S. Army Service Forces, had arrived to inspect military installations in the Mediterranean Theater.
House gives surplus bill top schedule
Debate on Tuesday; measure on post-war pay sidetracked for time pending another vote
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‘Lost’ battalion finally rescued
With a U.S. infantry battalion near Mortain, France (AP) – (Aug. 12)
This battalion was rescued this afternoon after being cut off by the Germans for five and a half days on an ear-shaped hill just east of Mortain.
The Germans had repeatedly demanded that the battalion surrender, but at the blackest hour, on Wednesday night, the captain in command sent this message back to the crack SS troops surrounding his force:
I will surrender when every one of our bullets has been fired and every one of our bayonets is sticking in a German belly.
Suttle: Congressional ‘suttleties’
By Howard Suttle, Star-News Washington Bureau
Washington – (Aug. 12)
Back in Washington after a vacation in the “disgruntled, but still solid South,” we find that those who frequent the National Press Club’s council table – where the “problems of the world are solved daily” – have currently placed President Roosevelt out in front in his campaign for a fourth term.
“The boys” – meaning the fellows who chronicle the daily activity of this wartime capital of the world for the press – are generally willing to back up their opinions with cold cash, with Emil Hurja, versatile editor of Pathfinder Magazine, virtually a lone wolf as an enthusiastic supporter of the GOP at anything near even money.
Summing up the situation following a lengthy luncheon council table conference, it would appear that the Roosevelt-Truman ticket has a total of 20 states in the bag, with electoral votes aggregating 188, as against the Dewey-Bricker slate’s 16 states, with a total of 152 electoral votes. This leaves 12 doubtful states, with 191 electoral votes, but most agree that more than half these states are showing a trend toward the fourth-termers.
Concentrate on New York
Both parties are certain to concentrate their blitz guns upon New York, having 47 electoral votes, and Pennsylvania, with 35. A total of 266 electoral votes are necessary to cinch the election.
Council table conclusions would provide for a distribution of the votes as follows:
| Democratic states | Vote | 1940 majorities |
|---|---|---|
| Alabama | 11 | 208,000 Democratic |
| Arizona | 4 | 41,000 Democratic |
| Arkansas | 9 | 116,000 Democratic |
| California | 25 | 526,000 Democratic |
| Florida | 8 | 223,000 Democratic |
| Georgia | 12 | 242,000 Democratic |
| Kentucky | 11 | 147,000 Democratic |
| Louisiana | 10 | 267,000 Democratic |
| Missouri | 15 | 87,000 Democratic |
| Mississippi | 9 | 166,000 Democratic |
| Montana | 4 | 46,000 Democratic |
| Nevada | 2 | 10,000 Democratic |
| New Mexico | 4 | 24,000 Democratic |
| North Carolina | 14 | 396,000 Democratic |
| Oklahoma | 10 | 126,000 Democratic |
| Rhode Island | 4 | 44,000 Democratic |
| South Carolina | 8 | 94,000 Democratic |
| Tennessee | 12 | 182,000 Democratic |
| Utah | 4 | 61,000 Democratic |
| Virginia | 11 | 126,000 Democratic |
| — | — | — |
| TOTAL | 188 |
| Republican states | Vote | 1940 majorities |
|---|---|---|
| Colorado | 6 | 14,000 Republican |
| Idaho | 4 | 21,000 Democratic |
| Illinois | 28 | 95,000 Democratic |
| Iowa | 10 | 54,000 Republican |
| Kansas | 8 | 125,000 Republican |
| Maine | 5 | 7,000 Republican |
| Michigan | 19 | 7,000 Republican |
| Minnesota | 11 | 48,000 Democratic |
| Nebraska | 6 | 89,000 Republican |
| New Hampshire | 4 | 15,000 Democratic |
| North Dakota | 4 | 30,000 Republican |
| Ohio | 25 | 147,000 Democratic |
| South Dakota | 4 | 46,000 Republican |
| Vermont | 3 | 14,000 Republican |
| Wisconsin | 12 | 25,000 Democratic |
| Wyoming | 3 | 7,000 Democratic |
| — | — | — |
| TOTAL | 152 |
| “Doubtful” states | Vote | 1940 majorities |
|---|---|---|
| Connecticut | 8 | 56,000 Democratic |
| Delaware | 3 | 13,000 Democratic |
| Indiana | 13 | 25,000 Republican |
| Maryland | 8 | 115,000 Democratic |
| Massachusetts | 16 | 137,000 Democratic |
| New Jersey | 16 | 71,000 Democratic |
| New York | 47 | 224,000 Democratic |
| Oregon | 6 | 39,000 Democratic |
| Pennsylvania | 35 | 282,000 Democratic |
| Texas | 23 | 641,000 Democratic |
| Washington | 8 | 140,000 Democratic |
| West Virginia | 8 | 123,000 Democratic |
| — | — | — |
| TOTAL | 191 |
Conceding for the sake of argument that the “council table” analysis of the Democratic and Republican states is about as accurate as experienced and unbiased forecasters could make it, although there may be one or two in each column that could cause argument, the fact that there are 191 electoral votes at stake in the “doubtful” states is proof positive that Mr. Roosevelt faces the battle of his career in his efforts to retain the helm of the Ship of State and have a voice in “winning the war” and "winning the peace” that follows.
Despite the efforts of Governor Thomas E. Dewey of New York, the Republican candidate, to remove the subject of post-war collaboration as an issue in the current campaign, the fact remains that the people generally regard the GOP as the party of the isolationists. Mr. Roosevelt, astute politician that he is, certainly is not going to permit removal of the collaboration issue if he can help it.
Must repeat declaration
Most of those who frequent the “council table” agree that with such men as former President Herbert Hoover and Senator Robert A. Taft of Ohio, among the leading sponsors of the Dewey-Bricker ticket. Governor Dewey is going to have to repeat, again and again, his declaration favoring America’s collaboration with other nations in a post-war program to preserve the peace, embraced in a speech the New York executive delivered before the American Newspaper Publishers Association last April.
The age-old high tariff policy of the GOP and the isolationist sentiment of Col. Robert R. McCormick’s Chicago Tribune and members of the Old Guard diehard group who have retained their seats in Congress most certainly will be remembered by many election-wise Americans who know from bitter experience that platform planks of both parties are often designed more as stepping stones into office than as permanent policies to be fought for after election.
Recent Gallup polls give Governor Dewey a slight edge in New York, and there are many here who point to the Republican Governor’s heavy majority in 1942. But there are also many who, while conceding that the diminutive Empire State executive is a vote-getter, insist that the situation will be different when he’s running against FDR. New York’s 47 electoral votes, plus the apparent closeness of the vote, will make that state the chief battleground of the campaign.
Ranking next to New York in importance is Pennsylvania, with its 35 votes and also considered a close state.
The recent transportation strike in Philadelphia is certain to be a factor in the Nov. 7 balloting. Asserted reason for the strike was objection employees to the promotion to streetcar conductors of eight Negroes. A federal grand jury is now investigating the matter, and certain leaders of each political party are endeavoring to place the blame upon the other. The presiding judge spoke of reports that the strike had political objectives, and similar belief was expressed by Attorney General Francis Biddle.
It is a known fact that President Roosevelt’s chief strength in Pennsylvania lies in the Congress of Industrial Organizations and its vast membership in the state’s numerous industries. Democratic Senator Joseph Guffey is champion of the CIO in Congress and was a leader in carrying the Quaker state for the third-term ticket in 1940.
In the event that Democratic Chairman Robert E. Hannegan and his cohorts should succeed in throwing both New York and Pennsylvania into the Roosevelt-Truman column, veteran Washington newspapermen concede that there will be a fourth term.
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Address by NYC Mayor LA GUARDIA
August 13, 1944, 1:00 p.m. EWT
Broadcast audio (WNYC):
https://www.wnyc.org/widgets/ondemand_player/wnyc/#file=/audio/json/351313/&share=1
I want to talk today about our post-war problems. As of today, we are not prepared for peace. It took a long time to prepare for war. It will take a long time to prepare for peace. To date, precious time has been wasted. There should not be another minute lost. Congress will have to speed up. We all want the war to end at the earliest possible moment. We are all hopeful that it will end in Europe before long. Yet we are not ready to meet the situation at home when it does. Nothing short of a miracle will save us from a great deal of trouble and anxiety. It is just taking too long to get the post-war program settled and the necessary legislation enacted in order to prepare and be ready. Failure to be ready will be extremely costly, perhaps ten times more than a constructive program, besides the trouble, the hardship, the suffering and the anguish that will be caused. Relief is always costly and does not settle anything.
Those of us who were close to the unemployment situation know what relief costs, and we know that it is not a final solution. We must provide work and opportunity and security. Relief, idleness and sympathy will not do.
Let us look at the situation. Over ten million men and women are now in the Armed Forces; about thirty million men and women are now employed in war industries, including transportation, agriculture and mining; seventy-five to eighty percent of our factories, shops, plants and yards are now engaged solely in war production. The problem then is to get the demobilized veterans into jobs, to keep war industry workers in employment and to transform war plants back to peacetime production. In addition, we must keep agriculture going to its maximum production. We know that all ten million men in the Armed Forces will not be discharged at one time. The first impact, though, will be felt for several months after demobilization starts. We must be prepared to give these men jobs, to keep them in jobs and to absorb veterans in gainful employment after they are discharged.
Many mistakes have been made here at home. Mistakes are bound to happen in a great emergency and in such a gigantic task. Many of the mistakes were pardonable because of inexperience. Some of the mistakes were unpardonable because of past experience.
To meet this gigantic problem, everyone must do his share. The responsibility may be divided into four parts:
- The government.
- Industry and commerce.
- Agriculture.
- Wage-earners and labor.
What should each do? Now let’s see:
- The government
The House of Representatives should proceed without delay to enact into legislation the remaining part of the Baruch recommendations not yet written into law or contained in the George Bill. Congress should perfect the contract termination law and proceed at once to provide for aid and assistance in converting industry back to peacetime production.
It should, insofar as is possible and practical, define its taxing policy for 1945 and 1946. This, of. course, is always subject to the act of a subsequent Congress. However, a declaration of a tax policy, while not binding on a subsequent Congress, would be reassuring to industry and commerce and at the same time would have great force and would be considered with great respect by the new Congress.
Congress should approve a federal, state, municipal public works program, with immediate appropriations made available to federal, state and local governments for the preparation of engineering and architectural plans and specifications, and definite commitments as to the amounts of grants to state and local subdivisions of government. Congress should pass the federal highway bill with authorization for increased appropriation. It does not provide enough as it now stands.
A careful study of the Servicemen’s Readjustment Act of 1944 should be made to obtain timely, perfecting and clarifying amendments if they should be deemed necessary. Nothing should be left in doubt. The rehabilitation and educational features of this law are excellent. Here the mistakes and experience of the last world war have been helpful.
The reemployment provisions, of course, are necessary, but providing an employment agency does not create jobs by and of itself. In this instance, as in every other, it will be seen that a comprehensive plan is absolutely necessary. The Veterans Reemployment Agency will be of great value if industry and commerce are able to give jobs. It will be useless if there are no jobs.
Provision should be made in the guaranty of veterans’ loans to permit the pooling of individual loans among veterans who desire to join in an approved business venture.
The government should now provide a guaranty of loan to industry and business for the purpose of deferred maintenance, expansion, replacement of equipment and machinery of any company or individual who has been or was solvently engaged in industry or business prior to or during the war.
Provisions for displaced war workers must also be made. We must be realistic. We cannot talk about the consumption of consumers goods and purchasing power and remain silent as to what is to happen to millions of war workers who will necessarily lose their jobs. The provisions in the Kilgore Bill were not all excessive or exaggerated. A large number of workers unemployed, with barely a subsistence allowance, will only prolong the period of resumption of peacetime production.
As the George Bill goes from the Senate to the House, careful consideration should be given by the members to many excellent provisions in the Kilgore Bill. Out of it all should come a well-balanced, easily administered, effective plan for part of our post-war problems. Both bills provide too much machinery for administration. Any attempt to mix, to mingle, or to merge any administrative duty, direct or indirect, with the legislative branch of the government would only create a governmental mélange, not in keeping with our philosophy of government, and will cause trouble. It has never and will never work. When Congressional committees want information, they have the power to get it. For a Congressional committee to sit with an advisory committee in the administration of any law is not only impracticable but dangerous. The administration of all provisions of law, I repeat again, should be streamlined and decision and responsibility definitely fixed in as few individuals as is possible. Both bills contain the weakness of divided authority, too many committees, very unwieldy and cumbersome administrative machinery.
A great deal of our trouble has been caused by disparity of labor conditions in various states. This condition is now sought to be perpetuated in the George Bill. Every post-war problem is a national problem. The displacement of war workers and the rehabilitation of industry is not a state problem but a national problem. Unemployment allowance should be uniform. True, there might be a slight differential in the cost of living in the various sections of the country. In the main though it necessarily must be uniform in amount, in administration and in terms and conditions. To separate this into 48 administrations is not only costly but unscientific It may create patronage and pap but it will not be as efficient as a national system. Imagine ten million workers shopping around for the states having the highest unemployment insurance. Imagine an administration allowing travel expense without a complete coordinated national plan of knowing just how, where and why money is spent for travel and expense of families of war workers. Some may have a right to return home, others may want to go where work is available but all of this has to be coordinated and brought under the supervision and control of one administration. Provision for 48 state administrations of unemployment insurance may be good politics. It is bad, very bad socially and economically.
The delay in obtaining necessary post-war legislation, the duplication and legislative confusion created by two bills on the same subject in the Senate, each reported out by Committee, the need of one comprehensive plan, all indicate the necessity of an over-all study and consideration of these problems by Congress. To those not familiar with parliamentary procedure, the difficulty may not be apparent. Under the present rules, with different committees considering the various parts of the entire program, delay, duplication, omission are all bound to happen. The House of Representatives has seen this in the appointment of a Special Post War Study Committee. The weakness of this Committee, though, is that it has not been given the necessary power to report definite legislation. It can only make recommendations. That means delay, more hearings, more study, more investigations, more reports. It would be very helpful if each House of Congress appointed its own special legislative committee on post-war problems. This committee should consist of the Chairman, ranking Majority and Minority members of the Ways and Means, Appropriations, Interstate and Foreign Commerce, Agriculture, Labor and, if necessary, Army and Navy Committees, with full power to prepare and report legislation to their respective bodies. This will bring under one consideration, at one time, the entire picture and will enable proper approach and treatment of the various problems, the necessary tying in of all post-war activities, coordination and cooperation, and eliminate a great deal of bureaucracy and personnel.
The government in Washington must be streamlined. The greater number of war agencies should be terminated. All duplication and overlapping must be eliminated. Each department of government should absorb the functions of the various agencies which pertain to its particular field. This subject alone could be discussed at length. I may do so at another time.
It is absolutely necessary that insofar as is prudently possible, without impairing the post-war program, which will be very costly, the government should estimate its post-war expenses for a period of five years. In order to avoid any misunderstanding, disappointment or irritation, a definite policy on lend-lease must be proclaimed now before it is too late. We may have to give some aid to the unhappy invaded countries. It should be restricted to such countries. Lend-lease, though restricted, after the termination of hostilities, must be limited to goods and commodities. All of the countries will need building materials, machinery, clothes, food and medical supplies. This all can be supplied under the provisions of lend-lease with easy terms of payment or exchange later in commodities. There should be no cash loans except for a critical or emergency situation. I am talking about government money. Reestablished governments or new governments, of course, would be permitted to float bond issues on such terms as they are able to negotiate.
A system of universal military training will have to be established for all boys between the ages of 18 and 21, giving choice to the individual as to when he will serve within that age period, or compulsory at 21. Suitable arrangements, of course, can and must be made for college students without interruption of their college or post-graduate courses. This is very easy to accomplish. Alongside of this, states must strengthen their compulsory educational laws in order to take from the competitive labor market children of tender years and immature youth.
On the other end of the pool, a more uniform system of old-age pensions should be established throughout the country. No old-age pensions should be allowed Where the beneficiary continues employment in any competitive field. Unemployment insurance should be more uniform throughout the country. This, of course, is only palliative and not a cure. Let us give more thought as to how to keep people at work rather than how to keep them out of work. Labor wants work with decent pay not idleness with relief. We must establish security of employment to such an extent that the cost of unemployment insurance would be greatly reduced and the benefits to seasonal workers greatly increased.
We have learned that a great deal of destitution, which is very costly to local and state governments, comes from the disability of the head of the family to work owing to illness. At this date little need be said as to the need of a health insurance system throughout the country. It is past the study stage. Sufficient information, knowledge and even experience have been obtained to put such a plan into operation.
We have heard too much of surpluses. Paradoxically, it has caused hunger in our country. It is almost unbelievable that when we had the greatest unemployment, we had the greatest food surplus. The same is true as between nations. Some countries had surpluses and did not know what to do with them, other countries were in want. That is one of the main causes of war. It must be removed. Just talking about it will not solve the problem. We must act and we must be prepared to go into operation to care for surplus the moment the war ends. Oh, for the first few months there will be such need of food and material in Europe, Africa, and Asia that the laissez-faire, the happy-go-lucky, the unthinking, the day-by-day businessman, the pawnbroker, will say – “Oh, everything is fine, why worry?”
I tell you that there is cause to worry. No people within a country from now on will go hungry and no country in the world will go hungry. Our Government should provide at once a surplus commodity export corporation operating on a hemispheric basis in conceit with like organizations of Central and South America. A like government corporation should be established for the European-African territory, and the third for the Pacific-Asiatic area. Heretofore we have talked about surpluses but we do not really know if we ever had a real surplus of anything. A surplus is that amount of any given commodity over and above the needs of all the people. What we have called surplus was the amount over and above the purchasing power of the people. Do I make myself clear? As an illustration: We had great trouble in the past with surpluses of dairy products, milk, butter and cheese. I say we have never had a real surplus of dairy products in this country. If every infant and child in the United States had sufficient and the proper quantity of milk every day, if every family had sufficient and the proper quantity of butter every day, ignoring cheese entirely, we would not have had a surplus of dairy products. Therefore, to balance the world’s surpluses, it is necessary that a definite formula be established.
Roughly stated it means that the daily needs of the people of the entire country should be taken as the normal required amount of any commodity. The amount over that requirement is then declared a surplus. That surplus then is taken with the surplus of the same commodity of other countries in the hemisphere, and placed in the pool. It is disposed of by sale or exchange to countries needing that particular commodity. The European or Asiatic countries do the same, and provide for sale or exchanges between the three world surplus commodity corporations. When the commodity arrives in the country requiring it, it is. then distributed through the regular channels of trade in accordance with the economy of that particular country. It is not difficult. We have the food; we have the raw materials; we have the demand; and soon it will be learned that a perfect balance can be maintained. Of course, this would eliminate speculation. This would eliminate monopoly. This would prevent excess profits and excess suffering. By the establishment of the hemispheric surplus pool, a market is assured to the farmers of each nation for all that they produce. No more economy of want, no more curtailing production, but encouraging production. There is no originality in this idea. It has been talked about and studied for years. Selfish interests have always been able to oppose it in this and other countries.
Now let us consider another kind of surplus, temporary but quite important – that is surplus war supplies. Let us get right to the point. Congress is giving a great deal of attention to legislation regulating sale of surplus war supplies. The amount of surplus supplies will not only be gigantic, but fantastic. Now right here, let us remember that the Army and the Navy should be praised and not criticized for having such enormous amounts of every kind of supplies on hand. It is their job to fight and win the war. They dare not take any risk as to when and how the war will end. It is their responsibility to have ammunition and weapons and food and materials and supplies of every kind everywhere – when and where it may be needed – in sufficient quantities. Therefore, the American people should know that the enormous supplies which we will find after the war is the result of a fine and thorough job on the part of the Army and the Navy.
More thought and study has been given to the disposal of war surplus supplies now than had been given before the end of the last war. A super agency of government has been established with a splendid personnel, which is intended to cover all the procurement agencies of the government that will have surplus supplies on hand. Every detail has been worked out as to cataloging, pricing, advertising, financing, and as I stated, Congress is now considering definite legislation.
I make this prediction – that if the selling agency is perfect, that if the laws enacted by Congress provide for the efficient and speedy disposition by sale of all war surplus material, that within ninety days after the same will go into operation, the Congress will hastily repeal its own legislation and stop the sale of 99 percent of the surplus supplies. Sounds strange, doesn’t it? Well, it is a fact. Just look. Are we not bending every effort to get industry back to peacetime production? Do we not want to employ every man that it is absolutely possible? Well then, if we want to do that, do you not see how the sale of the surplus supplies through the regular channels of trade will retard peacetime production?
Yes, there are some articles on the list which will be helpful in restoring peacetime production; tools and dies, and machinery, may be needed at once, but no machine should be sold unless it is needed to restore peacetime production and not if another machine could be made in the time that is required. Some raw material, such as copper and lumber, and other materials, should be sold, but only so much as will get peacetime production going up to the time that same material can be produced. If all the reserve aluminum on hand were sold as surplus supplies now, it would close down the production of aluminum for a long time. That in turn will cause the unemployment of thousands of workers. Take for instance, planes and motors for airplanes. Why there will be an enormous quantity on hand. If all of the surplus were to be sold here and abroad, I predict that there would not be an airplane motor constructed in our country in five years. That would cause unemployment to hundreds of thousands of workers. Airplanes that may be used for commercial purposes, should be loaned to commercial airlines as replacements for present worn equipment on condition that an order for a new plane with new motors is placed for each plane and motor loaned which will be returned on delivery of the new plane and new motor. The same is true in trucks and cars, in paint, and bolts and nuts, and in the thousands and tens of thousands of different articles and goods that the government will have on hand.
The government, of course, should use materials and goods for its own establishments. It should give to state and municipal government replacements of materials and supplies that it may need, but only on condition that the state or municipality authorize the appropriation for the succeeding year of its normal requirements for such material and supplies. There is a great need now of blankets and sheets and medical supplies in our hospitals. But how about the mills, how about raw wool and cotton? If all the shoes and clothes that the government will have on hand are to be sold through regular channels of trade, it sure will retard resumption of leather and textile production in this and other countries.
Someone will ask, “Well, isn’t it wasteful not to sell all of those surplus supplies?”
The answer is “Yes,” of course it is wasteful. War is wasteful and destructive and this enormous amount of surplus supply is just part of the waste and destruction of war. So let us not fool ourselves. I have told committees of Congress just what I am telling you now. We must be realistic and practical. It is less costly to pay wages to produce new goods than pay insurance for unemployment.
- Industry and commerce
Everybody is talking about free enterprise today. When I say everybody, it seems from the member of a local of organized labor, to the President of the United States. It seems to be the will of the majority of the American people. That being so, then we must face this big problem honestly, frankly and realistically. Free enterprise means business for profit. If that is the will of the people, then business and industry must be given a chance to operate. Given good wages and wholesome working conditions, an opportunity of profit commensurate with the capital and risk involved must be made possible. Talking about profits, taxes tantamount to almost complete requisition and free enterprise at one and, the same time, simply does not mix. Hogtying legislation likewise interferes with free enterprise and the profit system and the creation of permanent employment under this system. Now mark you, I am not giving my views. I am stating what must be realistically faced if those who talk about free enterprise want to bring it about successfully. In the modern, scientific, industrial age in which we are living, we must not be frightened at big undertakings. Many of the consumers’ goods and desirable goods cannot be produced today unless they are produced in maximum quantities and the manufacturer is permitted to avail himself of every possible economy in the purchase and processing of raw materials, the manufacture and distribution of the ultimate goods.
Industry and business, as I said before, has a responsibility. Granted that it should know exactly how it stands in legislation and insofar as is possible taxation, it must reconcile itself to fair and reasonable profits, to new conditions pertaining to labor, to close cooperation with its employees and the recognition that the employees come to have a vested interest in something that they have contributed in building and creating. The time may not be distant that a certain percentage of profits beyond a fair and reasonable return may be shared by management and labor. Security of employment is necessary and in the long run economical to the employer himself. Therefore, production should be systematized in such way as to avoid seasonal work. There is no reason why the automobile or the petticoat manufacturer should produce only in a certain season of the year. Given its model or style, production may well be spread during the twelve months of the year.
Business and industry should now be ready with its post war plans for deferred maintenance, expansion, replacements and enlargement or new enterprise. There is plenty of money available and as I stated, the government may provide some sort of partial loan guaranty. There is nothing more discouraging, and I am sorry to say I have heard many important, yes, even big bankers and businessmen, tell me, “Oh, wait, let’s win the war first.” This type of mind will not fit in the post war period. This is the pawnbrokers’ and pushcart peddlers’ mentality. All the shenanigans and questionable promotional schemes which flourished in the early days of railroads and right down into the late ‘20s, must be forgotten. If business or industry sells bonds, the investors must know that they are absolutely good with sufficient property back of them. In exchange, the investor takes a lower rate of interest. Watered stock and overcapitalization must likewise be avoided, the stockholder must be assured that he is in a business and not a lottery. More labor and owner representation will have to be given on the directory boards. Existing restraint of trade and anti-trust laws must be brought up to date to meet the technology of mass production, changed labor conditions and magnitude of modern industry. The Department of Commerce must be vested with the authority and power to protect honest business and industry. An opportunity should be given to business and industry to apply for approval of contracts, agreements or any undertaking before same is put into operation, in order to ascertain if it conflicts with any existing restraining or trust law. When industry and business want to do the right thing, they should not be placed in jeopardy or tempted to violate the law when it is not their intention to do so. I want to state again now, that I am simply stating what should be done if a system of free enterprise is to be the policy of our nation.
- Agriculture
With the exception of perhaps the last few years in this country, agriculture has never had a chance in this or any other country of the world. For centuries, countries of the older world thrived on the exploitation of the peasants. In this country, industry profited, in the past, by the misery of the farmers. That day should be gone and gone forever. Unless we are very careful, we may again depress agriculture to the depths of bankruptcy and poverty as was done after the last world war in this country. I wonder how many realize that the job of a shirt-maker in a shop in New York, or a mechanic in a plant in Detroit may depend upon the wheat crop in the Argentine or in Australia, to say nothing of the economic condition of the farmers of this country?
Our agriculture economy must be based on a policy of plenty. Everything that the soil can produce must be encouraged. Parity, not parity-plus, but real parity prices must be assured to the farmer, and what is more, that he will find a market for his crops. This is only possible with the world surplus pool I talked about a moment ago. The American farmer is entitled to fair and just compensation for his labor, the labor of his family, and for fair, just and reasonable returns for his investment. That is all he wants, that is all he has ever asked. If he gets that, he is prosperous. If the American farmer is prosperous, he buys clothes and furniture and household goods, machinery and all sorts of things that we make in the city. That means employment in the cities – wages – and in turn a good market for his products. Now when you put this circle in reverse, it is just too bad. The farmer is broke and he cannot buy, and because he cannot buy, the fellow in the city does not have a job and he cannot buy sufficient food. It is just as easy to keep the gear forward as to let it slip into reverse.
If the nations of the world are really desirous of maintaining peace, nothing is more important than that all of the people of the world should have enough to eat. God Almighty has placed sufficient food on earth for all the people. It has not all been equally distributed; but the balance is there. While one country may produce one crop in surplus quantities, it does not have another commodity it needs and which another country produces. To think of people starving with a surplus of food of any kind is not only stupid, but sinful.
- Labor
We now come to the wage earners. Labor has an opportunity to make a great contribution to our post-war adjustment. It has the greatest opportunity in the entire history of industry. Labor has gained a position, its rights have been recognized. This brings with it responsibility. Granted a policy of a decent living wage, security and provision against unemployment, it necessarily follows that labor must produce sufficient to create such wages and working conditions. Wages must necessarily be maintained by production. Slowdown, limited production, idle standbys, are costly to labor and to industry.
Speaking very frankly, in the period of adjustment following the war, with the huge number of discharged war workers and demobilized soldiers, full and complete cooperation will be necessary. Unless ample, equitable distribution of work is provided between the discharged war workers and the demobilized veterans, there is great danger of irritation, friction and serious trouble between these two groups. There are some thirty million men and women, as I said before, now employed in war industries. Let us assume that there will be about ten million who will not be required in war industry and ten million who eventually will be demobilized from the armed forces. Here we have a pool of 20 million men and women for whom work must be provided. As I see it, in all governmental post-war public improvement, the employment should be distributed on a 50-50 basis between demobilized veterans and unemployed war workers. The same ratio of one-half veterans and one-half war workers should be followed as closely as conditions will permit in all post-war new industry, and in continuing industry and business insofar as is possible. Women who have homes and are not self-supporting, as well as overtime and dual employment will all have to give way in order to provide a greater spread of employment. Organized labor should be the one to present this plan and to see it enforced. That in and of itself is sufficient to avoid the danger of friction between veterans and organized labor.
In order to maintain the purchasing power necessary to provide permanent employment, it is essential that production increase. I repeat, the whole situation depends upon the wage earner producing. Everything should be based on that. The greater the production, the greater the stability of employment. The greater the production, the better the wages.
I have felt for a long time that a fixed, fair and just annual pay with steady work is better than a fictitious hourly rate with little or no work. I have always felt that full-time jobs for all is better than jobs for some with overtime. I am quite aware that the old-line labor leader disagrees with that. However, this is something that all trades should consider. An annual pay with steady work will bring more return to the individual and his family than an hourly rate, uncertain, indefinite and seasonal. I have heard from both employers and union leaders that it is impossible to fix an annual pay for seasonal work. That is not so. It is quite possible to provide greater income to the worker on an annual basis and yet reduce the cost of production to the employer. This is something which should receive the prompt attention of labor.
Labor should see to it that the standards of wages are more uniform throughout the country. The Wage and Hour Law has helped considerably. That is not enough. Working conditions, rules imposed by labor, if good in one section of the country should be good in all sections of the country. Often it is not wages, but working conditions that drive an industry out of one section into another section of the country. That is not good for industry and in the long run it is not good for labor. Fair employers who want to do the right thing for labor, who pay good wages, who recognize the rights of labor, should be protected by labor itself against unfair competition caused by inferior working conditions in other parts of the country.
Jurisdictional strikes must be avoided. Surely labor can provide the genius and the good will to prevent a stoppage of work often involving hundreds of innocent workers on a job because of some jurisdictional dispute. The employer or the contractor is helpless. Government mediation or conciliation agencies are helpless.
A great deal of thought should be given to this. The art of construction, improvement in machinery, plastics and new materials will come into use rapidly after the war. These are often the causes of jurisdictional disputes as to who will do the job. This is labor’s problem. The employer, the contractor, is not concerned. The cost is the same to him. Therefore, it is labor’s responsibility to provide the machinery for the adjustments of such disputes within its own rank without the interruption, the delay, or losses to the contractor or employer and to labor itself. I know that people unfamiliar with labor conditions will believe that a suggestion of this kind is wholly unnecessary, but those who have experience know how costly a jurisdictional strike is to both labor and employer. Assurance of the elimination of this evil should be complete.
Labor organizations have sought honorably to maintain the terms and conditions of agreements. Recently a bad practice has been creeping in of mass “sickness” and stoppage of work, which of course is nothing but an unlawful strike. In such instances, the labor organization concerned should assume the responsibility of filling the vacant ranks in order to continue service and production in accordance with the terms of the agreement that labor itself has signed and pledged to maintain.
Labor can be most helpful in maintaining standards of living as well as in the social wellbeing of the people of this country. It can also serve very helpfully in establishing relations with labor of other countries in aiding to establish proper standards of living, and the end of systems of starvation wages detrimental to countries where decent standards exist. Labor must also police its own ranks and drive from within its midst crooked leaders and anyone who would racketeer or who would betray the cause of labor. And, finally, labor must not only open its doors but its books to the returning veterans without excessive initiation or admission dues. In fact, it would be smart to give membership to men and women in labor organizations on the presentation of an honorable discharge. We must not forget thousands of boys have been instructed and trained in skilled trades. The Seabees of the Navy, the Engineer Corps of the Army, the Signal Corps, the Air Corps, yes and tanks and all the mechanized branches of the armed forces, have instructed and trained thousands and thousands in skilled trades.
These boys must have a chance to work. These boys are entitled to a job. I strongly advise labor to take these veterans into their organizations and to adopt the system of sharing the work – one worker and one veteran for every two new jobs available.
In conclusion I say that I know a great deal of all this sounds visionary, but I can assure you it is not only necessary but practical. To slip up on any one of the various factors necessary for a post-war prosperous, peaceful world is courting disaster. I hate to say this, but unless we are sure that the economy of our own country will be well-balanced, that there will be work for all and social security, we are in for very serious trouble. Is it not better to plan ahead and to deliberately prepare for the situation, constructively and in an orderly manner? If we fail, it will be disorderly and troublesome. It will lead to serious conditions, even more serious than we dare to contemplate. And it will be so much less costly to arrange our post-war national system intelligently than to be caught unprepared, to be met with trouble, and costly palliatives and makeshift solutions.
Will the post-war period be costly? Yes, because it is part of the war and it is just impossible to snap back into peace and normal peacetime conditions in one instant. With provisions already made by Congress or now under consideration, the fiscal year following the end of the war will require about 70% of the last war fiscal year. The second year perhaps 50% of the average yearly cost of the war. The third year 25% and from that point tapering off. This, of course, assumes a complete, well-coordinated post-war program.
Some will say, “But some of the suggestions will be costly.” No, not at all. Social security will not be costly if our economy is based on a huge production and people are employed. There is one complaint that the plan for disposing of surplus food and other natural resources will increase the cost of living. No, not at all. Much cheaper than providing relief for the unemployed, much cheaper than subsidizing reduced production or killing of livestock. Much cheaper when it will bring into the country goods and commodities that we cannot grow or produce.
It will be pointed out that not disposing for cash surplus war materials will entail a great loss. Not at all, when you consider the loss in employment and production awaiting the consumption and use of the surplus war material. Some employers will say that the annual pay will increase the cost of production, and labor leaders will say that it is not practical and that the workers will get less. Both are wrong. It can be mathematically demonstrated that it will increase the pay of the worker, reduce the cost of production.
I feel that we are the most fortunate people in the whole world. Our task is so much easier than the post-war task of Great Britain, France or China. We cannot even compare the case of our post-war task with that of the invaded countries or of Germany and Japan by the time we are. Our country has not and in all likelihood will not suffer any devastation. Would it therefore not be an unpardonable failure and a blemish on our generation if we fumble at this time? The disastrous effect, the failure of a plan to provide for a sound economic post-war society in our country, will bring havoc and ruin to us in this day and make it extremely difficult for the next and the generation after that. The problems that we must consider and solve are not political. Our problems are economic and social. We cannot delay. We must work out, not a democratic economy or a republican economy; it must not be Teutonic or Slavic or Latin – we must evolve a purely American economy to meet our needs, our habits, our customs and our system of. government. It will require generosity in politics, particularly in this year; it will require goodwill on the part of all men. It will require unselfishness to the greatest degree on the part of all the groups: capital, labor, social and political. It will require unselfish, patriotic teamwork. It will require courage, the like of which no statesman in the entire history of our country has been called upon to display. It can be done – it should be done. With God’s help, we will do it.
Die Folgen der Rooseveltschen Verdummungspolitik –
Willenlose Werkzeuge jüdischer Kriegshetzer
Genf, 13. August –
In einem Leitartikel weist die Saturday Evening Post auf eine im Juli veranstaltete Umfrage der New York Times hin, aus der hervorgeht, daß die Mehrheit des amerikanischen Volkes in den einfachsten politischen Dingen so unwissend ist, daß dies für den Bestand der Demokratie direkt eine Gefahr darstelle.
Die von der Princeton-Universität veranstaltete Umfrage ergab, daß 54 Millionen Amerikaner noch nie von der Atlantik-Charta gehört hatten. Ein großer Teil glaubte, daß die USA Mitglied des Völkerbundes waren. Ein Drittel der Bevölkerung hatte keine Ahnung davon, daß die Wahlen von den Einzelstaaten und nicht von der Bundesregierung organisiert werden.
Den Höhepunkt politischer Gleichgültigkeit zeigt die Feststellung, daß über 30 Prozent des amerikanischen Volkes nichts von der Besetzung der Philippinen durch die Japaner wusste. Sehr besorgt schließt die republikanische Zeitschrift mit der bangen Frage, ob wohl ein gleich hoher Prozentsatz nicht wisse, daß Roosevelt jetzt zum vierten Male hintereinander kandidiere.
Die US-Zeitschrift vergaß hinzuzufügen, daß diese Unwissenheit des nordamerikanischen Volkes letzten Endes die Folge der systematischen Verdummungspolitik Roosevelts ist, des Präsidenten, der sein Volk in den Krieg hetzte, obgleich es ihn gar nicht wollte, und dass daher für die Zielsetzung dieses Plutokratenkrieges nicht das geringste Interesse aufbringt. Die Umfrage der New York Times erbringt ferner den Beweis, daß das Volk in den Vereinigten Staaten durch die Politik Roosevelts ein willenloses Werkzeug in den Händen seiner jüdischen Kriegsverbrecher geworden ist.
58 Terrorbomber abgeschossen –
Nordamerikaner vor Saint-Malo blutig abgewiesen
Weitere bolschewistische Durchbruchsversuche in harten Kämpfen aufgefangen
dnb. Aus dem Führerhauptquartier, 13. August –
Das Oberkommando der Wehrmacht gibt bekannt:
An der Front beiderseits der Orne und südlich von Vire führte der Feind zahlreiche Einzelangriffe, die zu erbitterten Kämpfen führten und zum größten Teil abgewiesen wurden. Um mehrere Einbruchsstellen wird noch gekämpft. Die Kämpfe im Raum von Alençon haben sich noch mehr nach Norden verlagert und nehmen an Umfang und Heftigkeit zu. Nach starken Luftangriffen traten die Nordamerikaner erneut zum Angriff auf Saint-Malo an. Abermals wurden sie nach heftigen Kämpfen, in die unsere Küsten- und Flakartillerie wirksam eingriff, blutig abgewiesen. In die Stadt eingebrochener Feind wurde im Gegenstoß wieder geworfen, Gefangene eingebracht.
Sicherungsfahrzeuge der Kriegsmarine versenkten im Seegebiet westlich Le Havre ein feindliches Schnellboot und beschädigten ein weiteres schwer.
Marineflakartillerie und Sicherungsfahrzeuge schossen über der west- und südfranzösischen Küste 15 feindliche Bomber ab.
Im französischen Hinterland wurden 102 Terroristen im Kampf niedergemacht.
Das Vergeltungsfeuer auf London dauert an.
In Italien fanden keine größeren Kampfhandlungen statt.
Im Osten wurden zwischen dem Quellgebiet des Pruth und dem großen Weichselbogen verschiedene Angriffe der Sowjets unter Abschuß zahlreicher Panzer abgewiesen.
Schlachtfliegerverbände führten westlich Baranow wirksame Angriffe gegen sowjetische Panzer und Fahrzeugkolonnen.
Nordwestlich Bialystok wurden weitere Durchbruchsversuche von über 10 bolschewistischen Schützendivisionen in harten Kämpfen aufgefangen.
An der lettischen Front griff der Feind auch gestern wieder an zahlreichen Stellen vergeblich an. Nur südwestlich des Pleskauer Sees konnte er seinen Einbruchsraum erweitern. Schwere Kämpfe dauern hier an.
Nach einem Tagesangriff nordamerikanischer Bomber auf die Stadt Metz warfen schwächere britische Fliegerverbände in der Nacht Bomben auf Braunschweig, Hildesheim, Rüsselsheim und Kiel. Durch Nachtjäger und Flakartillerie der Luftwaffe wurden 58 Terrorbomber abgeschossen.
Marie, das Mädchen von Caen
pk. Jeder Soldat der Invasionsfront kennt diese Menschen, deren müde, wehe Augen man nicht trösten kann mit einem Blick der Zuversicht, mit Worten des Mitgefühls oder durch tätige Hilfe. Es sind die Entronnenen aus ihren zertrümmerten Häusern – eine französische Armee von Opfern der Invasion. Sie tragen die Todesschreie der anderen noch in den Ohren, ihnen weicht das Bild der zerfetzten Leiber nicht von den Augen; sie beben davor, dass der rücksichtslose, bis weit ins Hinterland getragene Materialkrieg der Angloamerikaner oder die Schießlust ihrer Jäger und Jagdbomber, die erst kürzlich in Saint-Charles-de-Percy auf der Straße Vire–Caen wieder 16 Zivilisten niederknallten, auch sie jeden Augenblick zu jener anderen französischen Armee der Toten hinüberbefehlen könnte. Tausende von Kronzeugen für die verbrecherische Kriegführung der Invasoren irren so als heimatlose Flüchtlinge durch ihr Vaterland und beten dafür, daß bald eine fürchterliche Rache folge…
Am Rande des riesigen Schlachtfeldes südöstlich Caen begegneten wir Marie, dem Mädchen aus dieser ersten Armee. Obgleich Marie so jung war, daß man sie fast noch für ein Kind halten konnte, war doch jeder Schimmer glückseliger Unbefangenheit der Jugend aus ihrem Gesicht verflogen, schaute sie aus ernsten Augen wie ein Mensch, der sich leidvoll durch ein Schicksal winden mußte.
Wie ein verwirrter Vogel war sie uns nachts ins zerschossene Haus geflattert. Müde, unendlich müde ist sie hingesunken auf die Fliesen, um zu schlafen. Selbst das langgezogene Pfeifen, das zu einem teuflischen Ton anschwellende Heulen, das Bersten und Krachen, in einen Orkan der Vernichtung sich steigernde Trommeln der englischen Artillerie hatten sie nicht mehr zu wecken vermocht, bis nach einigen Stunden mit einem jähen Zucken wieder Leben in sie kehrte. Verängstigt lauschte sie wieder dem Toben draußen, als eben wieder Geschoß auf Geschoß so hastig folgte, daß man nur ein einziges Brüllen um sich hatte, dass die Ohren sausen und die Augen zucken machte.
Seit Tagen waren ihre Körper und Sinne eingeordnet in diese Welt des erbarmungslosen Krieges. Gefühle und Sehnsüchte waren aus ihren Herzen vertrieben. Die Männer wurden von Mitleid erfüllt. Sie versuchten, das Mädchen zum Sprechen zu bewegen – und bald war wirklich die Fremdheit zwischen diesen Menschen, die alle unter dem gleichen harten Schicksal standen, gewichen.
Marie war den Ruinen Caens entkommen. In einem Waisenhaus erzogen, hatte sie bis zu den furchtbaren Einleitungsbombardements für die Invasion in Caen gewohnt. Mit einem Schlage war sie damit aus ihrem kleinen, traulichen Kreis herausgerissen worden, als am Tage vor ihrer Landung die Invasoren tonnenweise Sprengstoff über der Stadt abwarfen. Tausende, ja aber Tausende von friedlichen Bürgern verloren ihr Leben dabei. Zitternd hatte das Mädchen Marie in einem Keller gekauert, und ihre entsetzten Augen mußten schreckliche Bilder aufnehmen. Die Worte stockten ihr plötzlich, hilflos zuckten ihre Arme und in den braunen Augen glomm ein Fieberschein. Sie schwieg. Dann war sie endlich wieder ruhiger, als das erneut beschworene Bild langsam verwischte – sie hatte den Schreien der Getroffenen hin und wieder tröstend zu antworten gesucht, bis eine neue Detonation ihr Staub und Dreck entgegenpressten und für eine Weile das Jammern erstickten. Später hatte sie sich in eine Ohnmacht geweint, aus der sie erst erwachte, als eine Totenstille sich über die Stadt gelegt hatte, die ein Grab für 15.000 Franzosen geworden war.
Wie viel Tage sie dann als freiwillige Helfer in der zahllosen Verwundeten zwischen den Trümmern verbrachte, weiß sie nicht mehr. Nördlich der Stadt befanden sich deutsche Soldaten mit den gelandeten Kräften im Kampf. Eingreifdivisionen zogen am Rande Caens durch die Wälder nach Norden. Das Weichbild der Stadt wurde nicht in die Kampfzone einbezogen. Dennoch blieb Caen das Ziel vieler schwerer Angriffe der anglo-amerikanischen Artillerie. Es gelang nur einer geringen Zahl Zivilisten zu fliehen. Das Blutbad wurde immer ärger. Keine weiße Fahne auf dem Handkarren, kein weißes Kopftuch bewahrte die Gehetzten vor einem Fangschuss durch feindliche Flieger.
Marie versorgte als unermüdliche Helferin die Transportunfähigen, kochte für sie, war unentbehrlich geworden und blieb auch, als die deutsche HKL auf den Südrand der Stadt zurückverlegt wurde und die Engländer nachstießen. Nun war Marie plötzlich nicht mehr das von jedermann geachtete, vom deutschen Sanitätspersonal unterstützte kleine tapfere Mädchen, war vielmehr den „Befreiern“ ausgesetzt, die sie auch sofort von sämtlichem Verbandmaterial „befreiten,“ sie sogar von ihrer selbstgewählten Pflicht zu „befreien“ suchten und ihr „nettere“ Angebote machten.
Marie floh vor den „Befreiern.“ Sie jagte in der Hast ihrer Bedrängnis durch Trümmer und Trichter, bis sie die deutschen Linien erreichte und hier ihren ersten erschütternden Bericht erstattete. Später, als ihre junge Seele ein wenig aus der Verwirrung des Leids herausgefunden hatte, legte sie noch einmal Wort um Wort ihrer Erlebnisse dar, klar, sich selber kaum erwähnend, nur mit erbitterter Stimme stets von neuem das verbrecherische Tun ihrer „Befreier“ unterstreichend.
Wer diese Jugend, diese Augen sah, wer Tag um Tag das Leid dieser vom Gegner als Objekt ihrer frivolen Auslassungen betrachteten Menschen aus schreckzitternden Mündern hört, dem steht wie oft mahnend das Bild der eigenen Angehörigen vor Augen, und sein Haß wird dann noch wilder hochflackern gegen diesen unmenschlichen Gegner, bis er zu dem unerbittlichen und rücksichtslosen Soldaten geworden ist, den Engländer und Amerikaner mit ihrem Material ausrotten wollen, der jedoch immer wieder und mit immer wilderem Haß vor ihnen aus seinem Schützenloch aufsteht.
SS-Kriegsberichter HEINZ WEIBEL
Innsbrucker Nachrichten (August 14, 1944)
Mehr als kannibalisch!
Japanische Totenschädel als US-kriegsandenken
(LIFE)
Die amerikanische Zeitschrift Life brachte in ihrer Ausgabe vom 22. Mai 1944 ganzseitig diese Aufnahme mit der Unterschrift, dass sich diese amerikanische „Rüstungsarbeiterin“ aus Arizona bei ihrem Freund der US-Marine für die Übersendung des Totenschädels eines gefallenen japanischen Soldaten brieflich bedankt.
Die Tatsache, dass nach vorliegenden Berichten amerikanische Soldaten als Andenken von der Pazifikfront ihren Angehörigen Knochen und selbst Schädel gefallener japanischer Soldaten senden, bezeichnete der Sprecher der japanischen Regierung als mehr als kannibalisch. Kein Land in der ganzen Welt könne verstehen, dass nordamerikanische Soldaten menschliche Knochen zur Erinnerung nach Hause schicken und dass US-Offiziere ihren Soldaten einen derartigen Versand gestatteten. Es handle sich hier nicht nur um eine Übertretung internationaler Gesetze, sondern um eine Verletzung der höchsten Gesetze der Menschlichkeit. Mit Totenschädeln und Knochen spielten wohl einst die afrikanischen Kopfjäger. Es gebe jedoch zu ernstem Nachdenken Anlass, wenn ein Volk, das sich zum Träger der Ehre, des Rechtes und der Gerechtigkeit der Volker stempelt, zu einer solch niedrigen Stufe herabsinkt.
Starker Feinddruck in der Normandie
Keine nennenswerten Erfolge des Gegners – Heftige Kämpfe nördlich Alençon – Erbittertes Ringen im Osten
dnb. Aus dem Führerhauptquartier, 14. August –
Das Oberkommando der Wehrmacht gibt bekannt:
An der normannischen Front hielt der starke feindliche Druck an, ohne daß der Gegner nennenswerte Erfolge erzielen konnte. Im Raum nördlich Alençon stießen gepanzerte Kampfgruppen dem vordringenden, von starken Luftstreitkräften unterstützten Feind entgegen. Es entwickelten sich heftige Kämpfe, die noch andauern. Durch Flakartillerie der Luftwaffe wurden 12 viermotorige Bomber abgeschossen. Die Verteidiger von Saint-Malo schlugen auch gestern alle feindlichen Angriffe zurück.
Südlich der Insel Guernsey beschädigten Minensuchboote einen feindlichen Zerstörer durch zahlreiche Artillerietreffer.
Im französischen Raum wurden 122 Terroristen im Kampf niedergemacht.
Schweres „V1“-Vergeltungsfeuer liegt weiter auf London und seinen Außenbezirken.
Aus Italien werden keine besonderen Kampfhandlungen gemeldet.
Im Karpatenvorland bis zur Weichsel wurden örtliche Angriffe der Sowjets zum Teil im Gegenstoß zerschlagen.
In den Weichselbrückenköpfen westlich Baranow und südöstlich Warka sind erbitterte Kämpfe im Gange.
Nordöstlich Warschau und südwestlich Bialystok wurden zahlreiche feindliche Angriffe abgewiesen, örtliche Einbrüche abgeriegelt. Nordwestlich Bialystok drängten die Bolschewisten, von zahlreichen Panzern und Schlachtfliegern unterstützt, unsere Truppen erbittertem Ringen einige Kilometer nach Westen zurück.
An der lettischen Front scheiterten die mit überlegenen Kräften geführten Durchbruchsversuche des Feindes am zähen Widerstand unserer Divisionen. Im Einbruchsraum südwestlich des Pleskauer Sees dauert das erbitterte Ringen mit den weiter vorgedrungenen sowjetischen Kräften an.
Einzelne feindliche Flugzeuge warfen in der Nacht Bomben auf Hannover.
Zu dem heutigen Wehrmachtbericht wird ergänzend gemeldet:
Leutnant von Bostell in einer Sturmgeschützabteilung hat sich bei der Bekämpfung feindlicher Panzer im Raum von Kodohn besonders ausgezeichnet.
Supreme HQ Allied Expeditionary Force (August 14, 1944)
Communiqué No. 128
Further progress was made west of the river ORNE, where Allied troops entered CLAIR TIZON and DONNAY. South of SAINT-PIERRE-LA-VIELLE, the advance continued along the high ground on each side of the road to CONDÉ.
Southeast of VIRE, ground was gained in heavy fighting.
Further south, toward MARTAIN, our forces, following up the German withdrawal, encountered mines and long-range artillery fire.
In BRITTANY, the Allied attack on DINARD continues to meet strong resistance and remnants of the GERMAN garrison at SAINT-MALO still hold out in the citadel. Slight advances have been made by our units in the vicinity of BREST. There has been no change in the situation at LORIENT.
Highways and road junctions on both sides of the SEINE from PARIS to the sea, and westwards to LISIEUX and RUGLES, were attacked by heavy and medium bombers. Medium bombers also attacked rail bridges at PERONNE, BEAUTOR, DOULLENS and CHERISY, rail facilities at CORBEIL, and enemy gun positions in the FALAISE area.
A railway bridge over the SEINE at LE MANOIR, U-boat shelters at BREST, an oil storage depot for U-boats at BORDEAUX and gun positions at SAINT-MALO and on the ÎLE DE CÉZEMBRE were other targets for heavy bombers. From these operations, 14 heavy and two medium bombers are missing.
Fighters, fighter-bombers and rocket-firing fighters provided cover for the ground forces and bombed and strafed tanks, motor transport, strongpoints and troop concentrations in the battle zone. Fighters also ranged over northeastern and central FRANCE, attacking locomotives, railway cars, motor transport and canal barges, while other fighters provided escort for bombing missions.
Light bombers last night continued their attack on transport targets behind the enemy’s lines.
The Wilmington Morning Star (August 14, 1944)
NAZIS’ LAST ROUTE TO PARIS CUT AS AMERICANS CAPTURE ARGENTAN
Allied armies menace Falaise
Every type of vehicle used by fleeing Germans; corridor narrowed
…