America at war! (1941–) – Part 3

French cut hair off girls who were kindly to Nazis

Bricquebec, Normandy, France – (June 25)
With the goose-stepping enemy cleared from this village, Frenchmen are having their revenge on those who collaborated or fraternized with the Nazis and the hair has been sheared from the head of many a woman who was friendly to Nazi troops during the four-year occupation.

Lt. Francis Carpenter of 117-01 Park Lane South, Kew Gardens, Queens, reported that he was in the main square when he saw a crowd around a young girl.

He said:

Someone had the girl by the hair. Then I saw the flash of scissors and great chunks of black hair fell from her head. I asked a Frenchman the reason and he said she had been a friend of the Germans.

An American MP and I made an effort to keep the crowd moving, but without success. They soon had her bald, and she ran away sobbing.

Previously, Alfred Grey Jr. of 529 Crown Street, Brooklyn, New York, while driving through Bricquebec, had seen another girl completely baldheaded “running away from a crowd.”

Grey said he had also seen a buxom middle-aged woman “operating” on another girl with a pair of barbers’ clippers.

MacArthur fliers aid Saipan fight

Liberators pound Yap, Truk and Palau to pin down Japanese planes on bases

Allied HQ, New Guinea, (AP) –
Maintaining their intense pressure against Japanese flank air bases which might menace the Saipan invasion, Gen. Douglas MacArthur’s bombers smashed again at Yap Island, 650 miles southwest of the Marianas, and hit 14 other objectives in widespread raids, headquarters announced today.

Forty-five tons of bombs were rained on the Yap Airdrome during the assaults Friday which blanketed the major Japanese airfields between New Guinea and flaming Saipan. The bombers also lashed at Truk, Woleai and Palau in the Caroline Islands, and airstrips on New Guinea, Timor and New Britain.

Several parked planes were destroyed during the midday attack on Yap. Ten Japanese planes were intercepted, and one of the assaulting Liberators was missing. It was the second consecutive strike at Yap by land-based planes. The previous day, Liberators destroyed 12 and damaged 10 grounded Japanese aircraft.

A spokesman for Gen. MacArthur said the operations were designed to pin down planes that the Japanese might attempt to use for interfering with the Saipan battle.

A number of aircraft were also destroyed during a strike at Sorong, at the northwestern extremity of Dutch New Guinea, described as the last effective Japanese air base on that land mass. The communiqué added “there was no interception” when Liberators bombed Jefman Field. Fires and explosions were observed.

One U.S. plane was lost over New Britain.

Mitchell bombers again ranged far westward of New Guinea over the Banda Sea, damaging a 1,500-ton freight in the Watu Bela Islands. Bostons damaged a 1,000-ton ship and a coastal craft in MacCluer Gulf, in northwestern Dutch New Guinea.

Headquarters announced 345 Japanese were killed during mopping-up operations on U.S.-invaded Biak Island, off northern Dutch New Guinea, June 22 and 23. They are included in the total of 2,333 Japanese dead and captured, which a spokesman announced Sunday for the period between May 27 and June 23.

top.banner.rep.conv

Chicago sidelights stick to tradition

Convention’s ferment produces usual characters and banalities
By Meyer Berger

Chicago, Illinois – (June 25)
The Republican Convention Committee’s Subcommittee on Housing wishes all room-hunters might approach the scramble for quarters as cheerfully as a woman delegate from Connecticut did.

After considerable fuss and fret the subcommittee located a room on the Hotel Stevens’ 22nd floor and sent the delegate – chirrupy middle-aged lady – happily on her way.

She came back in about 20 minutes, still cheerful, but without the room. She told the committee:

Couldn’t take it. When I opened the door, I disturbed a gentleman in shorts who was shaving.

The subcommittee apologized singly and as a body, but the lady explained she wasn’t embarrassed or frustrated. She confided:

When I was assigned to a room at the 1940 convention, I found two men in shorts shaving in it.

The subcommittee has her wait around until they located another room and until they had checked and made sure it contained no men and no shorts.


Some of the elevator girls in Chicago’s hotels don’t seem to have quite caught the hang of stopping the cars in the right places nor of making them go up when they want to go the other way.

An irritable old gentleman tried to “tell off” one operator who took him right up into the Stevens Hotel Tower, beyond the last floor. After the girl had backed the car to the 25th, where he wanted to get off, he said, “Thanks for the ride, Miss One-Way Corrigan.”

The girl didn’t seem to mind a bit of poisonous criticism. She said, “No extra charge, sir, and thank you just the same.” She closed the door on his last comment, which started off explosively and as if it might not have been polite.


You run into some strange paradoxes in a convention city. Through the deviousness of political trumpery, you find the hotel lobbies screaming with all sorts of signs and banners announcing “Dewey Headquarters,” although Dewey workers keep reminding you that Mr. Dewey is not officially an aspirant for the Presidency.

On the other hand, you run into aspirants who have no headquarters, and can’t find any. The Subcommittee on Housing was faced with this problem when a Mr. Bowers of Georgia turned up and announced he was entering the field for the Republican presidential nomination. Last they heard of Mr. Bowers, he was still roaming Chicago for a place to hang his hat and stack his campaign literature.


An animated young lady wriggled her way into the “Bricker for President” room at Mrs. Bricker’s reception there for her husband and made the rounds, being introduced to all the notables. Finally, she reached a dignified, gray-haired gentleman who seemed to be getting a lot of attention, and managed to get an introduction to him to. She wriggled out again. “Who is that man,” she wanted to know.” “I didn’t catch the name?” “That’s Mr. Bricker,” she was told. “Who’s he?” she asked brightly. “I’m so interested in all this politics and everything.”


The first true signs of animation developed in this convention when photographers posed 15 models on the lobby staircase in the Hotel Stevens just after breakfast this morning. The girls wore Dewey sashes and were told off to different posts to hand “Draft Dewey” signs on customers.

An affable gentleman who seemed to be handling this department for the Dewey division assured reporters that “This show is spontaneous.” He said, “These girls are volunteers. They’re high schoolgirls and working girls, who are giving their own time for Mr. Dewey.” He said they just wanted political education.

One of the newspapermen spontaneously took one of the girls aside. “Where do you work, Miss?” he asked her. “I’m one of Vera Jane’s models,” she told him. “We all are.” It seems all the girls were spontaneously hired for the day from the Vera Jane Studio of Fashion Modeling in East Jackson Boulevard. And that their interest in political education was somewhat on the thin side.


The “Stassen for President” workers in the Stevens, all simple, friendly folk, got nowhere trying to tack their signs on one of the downstairs walls this morning. They gave up when they finally caught on that the wall was marble. Ingenious folk, they finally found some scotch tape that worked all right.


“Uncle Joe” Tolbert showed up today as delegate from Ninety-Six, which is the name of a cotton-farming community in South Carolina. “Uncle Joe” has been attending Republican conventions since around 1880, when he used to travel with his daddy, who was a delegate from Ninety-Six, before him. He voted for Benjamin Harrison in 1888, and likes to tell about the time Russell Alger “got beat” for the nomination in Chicago that year. “Uncle Joe” is around 75 or 76 now – he isn’t quite sure of the sum of his years – and he misses faces he used to see around. “Cain’t get used to not seein’ fellers like Elihu Root an’ Chauncey DePew an’ ‘Uncle Joe’ Cannon,” he tells listeners sadly. He’s a Bricker man this year, but seems a little befuddled by the way conventions are run nowadays. “Got a passel of young bucks up here who think they know more’n anybody, and blessed if I think they really do.” “Uncle Joe” wears all black, including a sombrero, favors his cane and makes quite a bit out of the fact that he never wore a necktie. “Never did like to fool with no tie,” he says fiercely.


Wendell Willkie’s ghost seems to haunt this convention. Dozing delegates started right out of their bobby chairs last night when a bellboy passed through shrilly calling “Mr. Will-kie, Mr. Will-kie.” Nobody found out what this was all about, but the general guess was that the call was for Mr. Willkie’s brother who lives out in Wheaton, Illinois. Other delegates were startled this morning by a grim-faced fellow who stood outside the Michigan Boulevard entrance to the Stevens for hours and glared at them as they entered. He wore a pie-plate-size campaign button with the single word – “Willkie.” And down in the bar in late afternoon, when shoulders and spirits seemed sunk pretty low by the heat and by general dullness, another gentleman unsteadily shoved his glass back for a refill: “Willkie and soda,” he ordered.

top.banner.rep.conv

Leaders applaud Dewey’s ‘drafters’

Sprague, Jaeckle, Brownell praised for the way they have handled campaign
By James A. Hagerty

Chicago, Illinois – (June 25)
With Governor Dewey’s nomination for President by the Republican National Convention now assured on the first ballot, the three New Yorkers heading the “Draft Dewey” movement, J. Russel Sprague, national committeeman; Edwin F. Jaeckle, state chairman, and Herbert Brownell Jr., chairman of the law committee of the state committee, have won the admiration of party leaders for the effective way they have conducted their campaign for the New York Governor’s nomination.

The strategy has been simple. It has been based primarily on the argument that Governor Dewey, of all the candidates available, is the most likely to carry New York with its 47 electoral votes and therefore is the most likely candidate to win the election.

This argument has been reinforced by the contention that Mr. Dewey as governor of the most populous state in the Union has demonstrated marked ability as an administrator and can go before the waters with an enhanced reputation which he did not fully possess when he was a presidential candidate four years ago.

At the Philadelphia convention in 1940, Mr. Dewey’s reputation, so far as the country was concerned, was based on his success as a prosecutor in curbing rackets in New York City and exposing alliances between politics and crime. His conviction of James J. Hines, powerful Tammany Assembly district leader, received wide publicity.

Record as Governor emphasized

This year., Mr. Dewey will enter the national convention with the emphasis on his record as Governor. In their talks with delegates and party leaders from other states, Messrs. Sprague, Jaeckle and Brownell have pointed out that in 1942, Mr. Dewey was elected Governor by a plurality of 647,395 over Democratic candidate John J. Bennett Jr. and by a majority of 243,786 over Mr. Bennett and American Labor Party candidate Dean Alfange. They have also pointed out that Mr. Dewey was the first Republican to be elected Governor of New York in more than twenty years and have expressed the belief that if nominated for President, Governor Dewey would carry New York, and that with any other candidate the outcome would be doubtful.

The “Draft Dewey” leaders have contended that Mr. Dewey’s administration has the approval of the people of New York State and cite as evidence the election of Joe R. Hanley as Lieutenant Governor last year over Lt. Gen. William N. Haskell, who was the candidate of the Democratic and Labor parties and whose candidacy had the approval of President Roosevelt.

Mr. Dewey’s position on foreign policy has not been stressed, and the impression has been created that he will approve the plank adopted by the convention. For the most part, delegates calling at the Dewey headquarters have shown more interest in Mr. Dewey’s vote-getting ability than on his stand on issues. The one factor that has brought a majority of the state delegations to the support of Governor Dewey is the belief that he can get more votes than any other candidate who might be named. To foster, maintain and increase this belief has been the main task of Messrs. Sprague, Jaeckle and Brownell.

The fact that about 850 votes out of 1,057 in the convention are now in sight for Mr. Dewey’s nomination is proof that these tactics have been successful. Should a fight on the platform develop in the convention, it will not affect the nomination of Governor Dewey, which is already foreclosed, whatever effect the fight might have on the election in November.

The “Draft Dewey” forces reached Chicago a week ago with a majority for their candidate assured it they could hold what they had, and support from such states as Pennsylvania and Illinois, of which definite assurance had been lacking, not only added more than a hundred votes to the Dewey strength but prevented any possible defections.

The situation at this convention is comparable to that which existed at the 1932 Democratic convention which nominated Franklin D. Roosevelt for the first time. Mr. Dewey, as Mr. Roosevelt was then, is Governor of New York and each had won a gubernatorial election by a large plurality. Mr. Roosevelt, if nominated in 1932, however, seemed certain to win the election. Mr. Dewey at this time is merely the Republican candidate adjudged to have the best chance to win.

Mr. Roosevelt in 1932 faced more formidable opposition for the nomination, and it required a deal with Texas and California and agreement on the nomination of John N. Garner for Vice President to get Mr. Roosevelt the two-thirds vote needed to nominate.

A majority of the delegates to this convention have been obtained for Governor Dewey without commitments. So far as it has been possible to observe, Messrs. Sprague, Jaeckle and Brownell have made no errors in tactics.

Because of his position as a member of the National Committee, Mr. Sprague has been the acknowledged leader of the “Draft Dewey” forces. He would be acceptable to the membership of the committee as national chairman, but it was learned definitely that he would not accept the post, though preeminently qualified.

Mr. Sprague is the Nassau County executive, a position that pays $15,000 a year. As county executive, he operates under a charter containing a provision, which he was instrumental in inserting, requiring the executive to give full time to the duties of that office, which is comparable to mayor of a city.

Sprague declines chairmanship

Nassau is a very wealthy county with a population of half a million, and Mr. Sprague takes great pride in heading its government, the form of which he had a large part in establishing.

Mr. Sprague has informed members of the National Committee and presumably Governor Dewey that it will be impossible for him to take on the full-time duties of national chairman because of the Nassau charter provision, and that he has no intention of resigning as county executive.

In 1940, when Mr. Sprague was the Dewey pre-convention campaign manager, charges were filed with Herbert H. Lehman, then Governor, seeking to oust Mr. Sprague as county executive because of allegations that he had violated the full-time service provision. Mr. Lehman, however, dismissed the charges.

Mr. Sprague believes that acceptance of the national chairmanship would violate the charter. Unless the chairmanship should go to someone outside New York State, either Mr. Brownell, close friend of Governor Dewey, or Mr. Jaeckle will be named national chairman. One difficulty in the selection of Mr. Jaeckle is that he is valuable in his present post, for the national election my turn on the results in New York, and a change in its state chairman may not be desirable.

Governor Dewey on arrival after his nomination will discuss the selection of a national chairman with members of the National Committee and state chairmen and will undoubtedly make a suggestion. It has been the practice of the Republican Party that the suggestion of the presidential nominee for the national chairmanship is followed invariably.

top.banner.rep.conv

Talk of Warren for ticket grows

He says war duties on coast provide major reason for his reluctance to run

Chicago, Illinois – (June 25)
Talk of Governor Earl Warren of California for second place on the Republican ticket gained volume today despite his reiteration that he was not a candidate and had asked his state’s delegation not to put him in nomination.

At a press conference after his arrival, with the California delegation, he was asked if he would accept the nomination if it was proffered. He responded, “I am not going to deal in the realm of hypothesis.”

He said that one of the main reasons he did not wish to run on the national ticket was that he was “wartime” Governor of California and his term did not expire for more than two years.

He added:

My obligations as Governor are great and they will be greater when the fighting shifts completely to the Pacific after the fall of Germany. The arrival of peace will bring with it a variety of extremely difficult problems for California and we must be prepared now to meet them.

His supporters conceded that he was not anxious to obtain a place on the ticket, but declared that he could not very well refuse it if it came. They said they would abide by his request not to place him in nomination, but were confident that his name would be offered by delegates from other states.

Backers of Ohio Governor John W. Bricker were still battling to delegates to support him for the presidential nomination and were inclined to discount talk about the possibility of second place for him, but in other quarters he was considered a close runner-up to Governor Warren for the vice-presidential nomination.

Workers at his headquarters said that they would like to see him on the ticket if he should be defeated for the top nomination and pointed out that he had never said that he would not accept the second-place nomination.

The candidacy of Rep. Everett M. Dirksen (R-IL), who shares with AFL vice president William L. Hutcheson, the distinction of admitting a desire to be nominated for Vice President, seemed to be fading. His supporters, however, were still busy checking the state delegations as they arrive and endeavoring to pick up support for their man.

top.banner.rep.conv

Bricker fights on, with help of Taft

Ohioans ask candidates be invited to address convention, and only he is on hand
By Charles Hurd

Chicago, Illinois – (June 25)
The Ohio delegation to the Republican National Convention emphasized its determined and continuing support for the nomination of Governor John W. Bricker as standard-bearer by adopting today a resolution requesting the convention to invite “all persons whose names are to be presented in nomination” to address the convention.

Such action would be a new departure in convention procedure. There was no immediate indication as to the response the suggestion would receive if made tomorrow, as scheduled, by Ed D. Scharr, chairman of the Ohio delegation.

In actual effect, adoption by the convention of a resolution incorporating the request would benefit principally Governor Bricker among the so-called general candidates, together with a few favorite sons. Other leading candidates, such as Governor Thomas E. Dewey and LtCdr. Harold E. Stassen, are not in Chicago. Governor Dewey probably would not accept such an invitation. Cdr. Stassen did not.

Bricker’s fight unabated

The principal effect of the delegation’s action was to demonstrate the determination with which the Bricker nomination advocates are pressing their fight, despite growing indications of the pre-convention strength of Governor Dewey.

Governor Bricker made no public statement today, but Senator Taft of Ohio firmly contested claims that other candidates, which could mean only Governor Dewey, “control large blocs of delegates.” He questioned this control in a speech before the meeting, preliminary to renewed activity in which the Bricker adherents set out to canvas personally today, and in the next two days, all of the more than 800 among the 1,057 delegates who are not formally pledged elsewhere.

Senator Taft said:

A lot has been said about certain individuals reported to have control of large blocs of delegates. There are no individuals who have such power.

A great majority of the delegates to this convention want John Bricker nominated for President. He can carry New York States just as well as Dewey, and Minnesota just as well as Stassen. The American people want a direct fight on the New Deal and on President Roosevelt. There is no one who will carry that fight so directly and so definitely as John Bricker.

Rep. Bender of Ohio, who is also a delegate from that state, entered the motion fo the delegation to open the platform to aspirants for the nomination.

Demands Bricker be heard

He said:

If John Bricker appears before the convention, his nomination and election will be assured. He has been carrying the fight against the New Deal for months. We should demand that John Bricker be heard. He would make a speech that would sweep the convention. We are tired of pussyfooting around. Let’s get these names and these men before the convention. And we want a man of courage to carry the Republican banner, a man whose views are known.

The meeting of delegates from Ohio attracted a gathering of about 500 persons who call themselves the “Bricker Battalion.” They also heard Rep. Clarence J. Brown of Ohio and Mrs. Katherine K. Brown, Ohio committeewoman, declare emphatically that the nomination for President was still wide open.

Governor Bricker spent today as quietly as was possible for the leading contender on the scene. His only engagement was a brief visit to the Ohio delegation to thank them for their continued work.

Otherwise, he was at his headquarters in the foyer of the Stevens Hotel ballroom or in the lobby of the hotel talking to delegates individually or in small groups.

Regardless of the size of his following in actual votes, he continues to attract the active interest of most of the persons attending this convention.

top.banner.rep.conv

Martin: ‘Sanity’ to return

Convention chairman asserts party means American way – Spangler hits Democrats

Chicago, Illinois – (June 25)
A prediction that “our country is about to get back on the right road to sanity and success” under the leadership of a Republican President was made tonight by Rep. Joseph W. Martin (R-MA), who will preside as permanent chairman at the party’s national convention.

Mr. Martin spoke at a pre-convention coast-to-coast welcome to more than 1,000 delegates staged by MBS. Sharing the program with him were Harrison E. Spangler, party chairman, and Col. Robert R. McCormick, editor and publisher of The Chicago Tribune. Governor Dwight H. Green of Illinois presided as toastmaster.

Rep. Martin said:

The American people will determine in this election whether we are going to have a new kind of America, or remain loyal to our own form of government. Shall we become a one-man government, with rigid bureaucratic control of all our activities, or shall we have personal freedom and individual opportunity in America?

To put it more bluntly, do we want the American way of life, or state socialism?

Describing tomorrow’s convention as “unbossed,” Mr. Spangler leveled this criticism at the Democrats, who will meet in Chicago July 19 to select a presidential ticket:

The [Republican] convention does not meet with orders in advance to select a certain candidate for President. It will not select a candidate already named by the Communist Party. It does not meet with orders from one man to select a certain man for Vice President. It does not meet with a platform prepared in advance by unknown advisers.

Col. McCormick told the delegates:

It is for you to defeat the domestic enemy which would destroy our Republic and make us a dependent nation.

top.banner.rep.conv

Willkie aides seek unity

Urge him to endorse promptly, cordially the Republican nominee and platform
By Arthur Krock

Chicago, Illinois – (June 25)
In the drive for unity which is in progress here by Republican leaders who feel it will be necessary in the campaign to make up for a certain lack of enthusiasm over the prospective presidential candidate, members of the late movement on behalf of the renomination of Wendell L. Willkie are conspicuous.

Among these are men and women who concentrated their energies for months, after Mr. Willkie decided to seek the Presidency once more, in advancing his prospects. They formed what organization they could, arranged for widespread publicity and, in the face of growing apathy toward Mr. Willkie in the national financial and business communities, raised as much as they could of the modest sum which was spent for him before the Wisconsin primaries ended Mr. Willkie’s renomination effort.

With some exceptions, most of these cheerfully accepted what they some time ago conceived to be the inevitable selection of Governor Thomas E. Dewey to head the 1944 Republican ticket and have since urged Mr. Willkie to do the same unless he finds in the platform some major position which he cannot in conscience espouse. They expect to find no such positive bar in the platform as it was outlined to them today.

They have reminded Mr. Willkie of what he said at St. Louis in the speech with which he formally opened his renomination attempt. He said that, even if he had generally agreed with President Roosevelt’s politics and actions, which he emphasized he did not, he would hold that a change of government was vital to the progress of the country and the world. The only way to bring about this change, they have argued, is to elect the nominees of this convention, and therefore they are urging Mr. Willkie to endorse them promptly and cordially after he has had a full opportunity to examine the proceedings.

It is accepted here that Mr. Willkie’s chief anxiety is over the international plank, which has now been drafted in secret by a subcommittee headed by Senator Warren Austin (R-VT) and has the unanimous support of that subcommittee. Mr. Willkie’s friends on the ground here are inclined to think that it will authorize this convention’s presidential candidate to adopt the foreign policies for which Mr. Willkie has long contended.

Mr. Austin has expressed himself as finding it “acceptable” to him, and this has encouraged the workers for Willkie-Dewey unity because the Vermont Senator was in many respects the most outspoken Republican advocate of intervention and has been in favor of the broadest form of post-war cooperation for security by the United States. They reason that if Mr. Austin, “who risked his political neck,” can accept the plank, Mr. Willkie should be able to do the same. The Vermont Senator, it is recalled, candidly accepted Lend-Lease, which he supported, as an act of war and said he favored it despite the clear risks of war involvement, almost a unique Republican attitude at that time.

Efforts today to discover the details of what has passed between these missionaries of unity and the candidate for whom they labored so diligently were unsuccessful. Nor could it be learned whether they have gathered from their former leader whether he is likely to be persuaded by their arguments if he finds in the platform no retrogression toward what is newly called “nationalism.”

It seems certain, however, that if Mr. Willkie withholds his support of the platform and the nominees for any length of time, this group will not wait to announce theirs.

Among those who worked with Mr. Willkie to the end of his renomination campaign, and are now urging unity, it is understood that the following are included: John W. Hanes, his financial chairman and general economic adviser, and John Cowles and Gardner Cowles Jr., his close personal friends, who were also associated in the management of his interests at Philadelphia in 1940.

top.banner.rep.conv

OWI state’s group endorses Dewey

Directs delegation chairman, after tactical delay, so to cast all 93 votes
By Warren Moscow

Chicago, Illinois – (June 25)
New York took officially tonight its long-delayed action in endorsing Governor Dewey for President, instructing the chairman of its delegation to the Republican National Convention to cast its solid bloc of 93 votes for him on the first ballot.

The delay had been only for tactical reasons, and the unanimity was far different from 1940, when Mr. Dewey’s weakness in his home state delegation was a factor in his loss of strength from the time the balloting began in Philadelphia.

Tonight, it was different. With no rollcall and with state chairman Edwin F. Jaeckle standing on a chair in a ballroom recently used for a buffet supper, the vote was unanimous on a resolution presented by Troy Mayor John J. Ahearn.

Text of the resolution

The resolution read as follows:

In 1942, Thomas E. Dewey was nominated for Governor by the duly elected delegates of the Republican Party in New York State and was thereupon elected. He has devoted himself wholeheartedly and exclusively to the responsibilities of that office.

Today, we, the duly elected delegates from New York State to this convention, join with delegates of other states in the draft of Governor Dewey for the service of the nation.

We take this action because we recognize that the interests of the people of New York, like those of all of our people, will best be served by electing Governor Dewey to be President of the United States.

Therefore, be it resolved, that the chairman of the delegation from New York State to the Republican National Convention be and hereby is instructed to cast the votes of the delegates of New York State for Thomas E. Dewey for President.

Organizing is completed

Just before adopting the resolution, the delegation completed, equally informally, its organization for the convention. J. Russel Sprague and Jessica McCullough Weis were reelected national committee members, Mr. Jaeckle was picked as chairman of the delegation, Mrs. Weis became vice chairman, and Harold Turk of Brooklyn, secretary.

William H. Hill, long-time leader of the Southern Tier counties, was named to the committee on permanent organization; Mrs. Harriet Mack of Westchester to the Committee on Rules, and Livingstone Platt of Westchester, to the Committee on Credentials.

Meanwhile, it became known that the problem of providing a Governor for New York during the period that Mr. Dewey will be out of the state to attend the convention here has been solved.

All three statutory successors, Lieutenant Governor Joe R. Hanley. Senator Majority Leader Benjamin F. Feinberg and Speaker Oswald D. Heck of the Assembly are delegates, and one should return to the state before Mr. Dewey leaves it on Wednesday.

It became known tonight that Mr. Feinberg had been selected, and he will leave here about the time Mr. Dewey leaves Albany.

Enthusiasm at headquarters

With the New York delegates’ arrival on a special train this morning, Dewey banners and buttons sprang into sight.

Their first act was to set up Dewey headquarters in a large ballroom on the third floor of the Stevens Hotel, to put on a reception which outdrew the Bricker headquarters, on the same floor, by a wide margin.

Delegates and distinguished guests from other states were greeted throughout the day. In a corner, on the same floor, are separate county headquarters established by New York, Kings and Westchester counties, where open house is held, and tickets are distributed.

The dominant note in the Dewey headquarters is a blue banner about 20 by 10 feet bearing the slogan “Thomas E. Dewey” on one line; “For President” on a center line, and “Vote Republican” on the third line. Close inspection by reporters showed that the words “For President” had been neatly stitched over the previous exhortation, “For Governor.” It was the same banner which was used at the Saratoga convention in 1942, at which Mr. Dewey was nominated for Governor. Pat Gogerty, owner of the banner, explained that its history actually went back eight years, to 1936, and that the upper line, “Thomas E. Dewey,” if peeled off, would reveal the name of William F. Bleakley, who ran for Governor in 1936.

Among the visitors at the Dewey headquarters today were Nebraska Governor Dwight Griswold, U.S. Senator John G. Townsend Jr. (R-DE), former Governor Samuel R. McKelvie of Nebraska, National Committeeman R. B. Creager of Texas, U.S. Senator Chapman Revercomb (R-WV) and U.S. Senator George Wilson (R-IA).

The Dewey headquarters was placarded with signs carrying the picture of the New York Governor and such slogans as “Dewey Will Win,” “The People’s Choice” and “America Wants Dewey.” They appeared to have been brought on from New York by his backers, despite his not having made any formal statement that he is willing to accept the nomination.

top.banner.rep.conv

No speech written, Dewey aides say

Governor returns to Albany from his farm – gives no hint of his plans

Albany, New York – (June 25)
Governor Dewey returned here tonight from a weekend visit to his farm at Pawling avowedly still not a candidate for the Presidency, despite the fact that he is an odds-on favorite to win the Republican nomination on the first ballot.

Members of the Governor’s official family reported that no work had been done on an acceptance speech.

A corps of reporters representing many of the country’s leading newspapers are on hand here, waiting for a “slip” or intimation that the Governor is relinquishing his role as a “non-candidate.”

The reporters are convinced that Mr. Dewey intends to go to Chicago immediately following his nomination to make a speech of acceptance. All are prepared to make the trip, yet the Governor had denied all stories that reservations for such a journey have been made.

Meanwhile, the question still remains unanswered as to who will become Acting Governor in the event Mr. Dewey should go to Chicago. Lieutenant Governor Joe R. Hanley. Benjamin F. Feinberg, President pro tempore of the Senate, and Speaker Oswald D. Heck of the Assembly, who would be in line to take over the office in the absence of the Governor, are in Chicago.

Before his departure last night, Mr. Hanley said he would certainly not return because his 93-year-old mother is gravely ill in Iowa and he intended to visit her. Since it is imperative that an acting Governor be on hand because three men are sentenced to die in the electric chair Thursday for a slaying in New York City, it must then be either Mr. Feinberg or Mr. Heck who must return.

The condemned men are Alex Bellamo, Peter de Lutro and Frank di Maria, who were convicted in the slaying of Francis Servidio on May 18, 1942, in a poolroom. In all executions, the Governor is the person to whom last pleas for clemency are made.

Nothing of political significance occurred during the Governor’s stay on his farm, where his wife and two boys have been living. Rain kept him indoors a good part of Saturday, though he did inspect some farm improvements being made. Today, he shot a round of golf, then returned to entertain two neighbors, Carl T. Hogan and his wife.

top.banner.rep.conv

War overshadows GOP deliberations

Lincoln’s prophetic words on strain of a war election recalled at Chicago

Chicago, Illinois – (June 25)
Chicago has tried hard to whoop up the Republican National Convention, but the race between Governor Thomas E. Dewey and Governor John W. Bricker seems so one-sided and the big guns at Cherbourg make so much noise that it just won’t whoop.

The trappings may be pretty frivolous, the bands are as brassy, the lights as bright, but the war is not somebody else’s this time; there are soldiers and sailors on Michigan Boulevard and anti-aircraft balloons over the lake front, and while delegates are endangered only by their own indulgences, most of them have sons who are in danger, and that takes priority even over politics.

The talk, of course, is little different. The delegates are here to “kick the rascals out,” and most of the speeches and meetings in the Loop are looking to that end, but just as the Republicans are, for the moment, dominating Chicago, the war is dominating the Republicans. Even in the first editions, they cannot get the big headlines over Cherbourg and Vitebsk, and Saipan.

Difference in atmosphere

The atmosphere of the convention is different in more ways than one. The wind is blowing the wrong way from the stockyards and the amount of excitement that can be created over whether Mr. Dewey is nominated on the first or third ballot is not unlimited, but the essential difference is that America is having its first war political convention since the War Between the States, and the delegates are aware of it, even if they say very little about it.

Eighty years ago, near the end of the Civil War, it was the Democrats who held their convention in Chicago, and then, as now, the election was overwhelmed by the war. The great difference then was that the opposition party declared the war a mistake and called in its platform, for a negotiated peace. The opposition this time is not making that mistake.

In the course of that presidential campaign 80 years ago, however, President Lincoln made a statement which foresaw the campaign that starts tomorrow and defined its purpose.

Lincoln statement quoted

As the results of the election of 1864 were coming in, he addressed a group of his supporters who came to see him at the White House.

He said:

It has long been a grave question whether any government, not too strong for the liberties of the people, can be strong enough to maintain its existence in great emergencies. On this point the present war brought our government to a severe test and a presidential election, occurring in regular course during the Rebellion, added not a little to the strain.

The election, along with its incidental and undesirable strife, has done good. It has demonstrated that a people’s government can sustain a national election in the midst of a great civil war.

top.banner.rep.conv

Mrs. Farley ready to bolt her party

Won’t vote for Roosevelt, but shares Chicago suite with Mrs. Mesta, new Democrat
By Kathleen McLaughlin

Chicago, Illinois – (June 25)
Mrs. James A. Farley issued a political declaration of independence today, confirming a report that she will vote Republican unless the Democratic nominee is other than the present occupant of the White House.

Characteristic of the current state of things here, Mrs. Farley is happily sharing a suite with her longtime friend, Mrs. Pearl Mesta, widow of a wealthy Oklahoma oil man, now operating a ranch which she has bought near Prescott, Arizona. Mrs. Mesta, a lifelong Republican, will not only vote Democratic in November but will also be an Arizona delegate to the party’s convention.

Mrs. Mesta’s friends are as stunned at her conversion to the Democratic as Mrs. Farley’s are dumbfounded at her desertion of it. But, since they avoid argument by mutual consent, they are having a gay time of it.

Asked why she was here now if she was a Democrat, Mrs. Mesta smilingly replied, “Oh, I’m just snooping.”

Mrs. Farley said she and her husband had long seen eye to eye politically and that although she had registered as a Democrat, she had voted “independently” for some time.

She went on:

I believe in democracy, and we haven’t got democracy now. I have a couple of children growing up, and if it’s a case of voting for a fourth term, I simply won’t do it. That isn’t democracy.

Her favorite candidate is Governor Warren of California, who, she thinks, should be on the ticket.

She said that her husband, now in Mexico, knew she was here and added that she would be at the Democratic sessions next month.

Mrs. Robert Lincoln Hoyal of Douglas was elected head of the Arizona delegation today, the first woman to hold such a post in the history of the party. She was head of the Women’s Division of the National Committee, 1935-36 and later served as assistant to the national chairman.

Among the “regulars” is Mrs. Alice Roosevelt Longworth, who explains that she attends more out of habit than because of political connection, this being her ninth Republican convention in succession.

Women are in more favorable position in the convention than at any time since 1924, the session that followed their enfranchisement, when they had 121 full delegates and 285 alternates. This year, they had 102 full delegates and 270 alternates.

States which have noticeably increased their feminine groups are Colorado, Illinois, Maine, Maryland, Michigan, Minnesota, Missouri, New York, North Carolina, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Utah, Vermont, Washington and Wyoming.

top.banner.rep.conv

New Jersey delegates 34–1 for Dewey

Only Senator Hawkes opposes New Yorker as Edge champions latter as nominee

Chicago, Illinois – (June 25)
With Senator Albert W. Hawkes of Montclair, New Jersey, the lone dissenter, the New Jersey delegation to the Republican National Convention recorded itself as 34–1 for Governor Dewey for President at a caucus held this noon at the Hotel Blackstone. Senator Hawks voted for Governor Bricker of Ohio.

There was almost another Bricker vote in the New Jersey delegation. On the first rollcall, Thomas A. Mathis of Toms River cast his vote for Governor Edge of New Jersey, who was presiding.

Governor Edge rose and said, “Look, we’ve been through all that and I’m not a candidate.”

“Is Dewey?” asked Mr. Mathis. Then he added, “Make it Bricker for me.”

When the rollcall was completed and no other Bricker votes had appeared, Mr. Mathis again rose and asked permission to make one more change in his vote. He voted for Mr. Dewey, amid applause.

Governor Edge, after organization of the delegation had been completed, made a short speech in which he noted that he was expressing only his own opinion, and that he did not expect anyone to be bound by it, but that he thought the delegation ought to be for Governor Dewey.

Governor Edge said:

I feel, as a result of the preliminary actions thus far, that it is pretty well settled that the distinguished Governor of New York, Thomas Dewey, will be the nominee of this convention. I expect to vote for him on the first ballot. If things develop beyond that, we can then further consider our viewpoint.

It is not a question of getting on the bandwagon. It is a question of showing to the electorate around the country the confidence and the unanimity of the party’s mood. I feel that New Jersey should not straddle, but should take a definite position. It is the best thing to do, and I do it with confidence.

The group voted to send a telegram of good cheer to Mrs. Edna B. Conklin, one of the delegates-at-large, who has been unable to attend the convention because of illness.

New Jersey’s delegation ran into room trouble, with no one apparently getting what had been ordered. Governor Edge had received the suite and an extra room, and tonight only had the extra room. His suite had been appropriated by a woman delegate from a Western state, who refused to move out. Others experienced similar difficulties.

top.banner.rep.conv

Gerald Smith ‘seizes’ ballroom for speech

America First crusader invades Republican quarters

Chicago, Illinois – (June 25)
Gerald L. K. Smith, leader of the America First Crusade, caused a minor diversion today by “seizing” the ballroom of the Stevens Hotel, Republican convention headquarters, and holding a rump meeting in the face of disapproval by the convention management.

Mr. Smith, followed by several hundred of those who favor nationalistic views, took over the ballroom to harangue these persons and numerous others, who were drawn in by curiosity, foe about two hours. His speech was marked by equal denunciation of Harrison M. Spangler, chairman of the Republican National Committee; Governor Dewey of New York, and President Roosevelt.

He led his followers in cheers for Col. Robert R. McCormick, publisher of The Chicago Tribune, and Senator Robert Reynolds (D-SC), who is retiring from the Senate and has intimated an intention to form a new national party.

Mr. Smith issued a typewritten statement in which he said that a group of “Independent Republicans,” had reserved the ballroom for his meeting today, but that “pressure” by the Republican leaders caused the hotel to cancel the reservation. This statement was ignored.

No other meeting was scheduled for the time during which Mr. Smith held the ballroom, as he said, “by force.”

Editorial: Americans in Cherbourg

Cherbourg has been entered, and the first great prize of the invasion is virtually in Allied hands after a great final assault that began with the war’s mightiest combined barrage from land, from the sea and from the air, and is ending in bitter hand-to-hand fighting from house to house and from street to street. Some mopping-up of individual sections of the town still remains to be done; for the Germans converted many of its houses into forts, and German officers forced their weary troops to continue a hopeless struggle at the point of a gun in conformity with an order issued by their commander to fight or be shot. But these last desperate tactics were of no avail. Berlin was the first to announce the fall of the city, which means the loss of between 25,000 and 50,000 men, with the explanation that they had fought to the “last bullet.”

This is a splendid, heartwarming victory, won less than three weeks after D-Day and only five days after the actual attack on Cherbourg was launched. It completes the Allied break through the German “Atlantic Wall” and clinches our hold upon French soil. There is glory enough here for both the American and British armies: the Americans, who gained the city by assault; the British, who made the assault possible by holding against strong German counterattack the pivotal eastern end of the line.

Cherbourg will now become for the European war what Naples became for the Italian campaign and what Brest was in the last war – the great disembarkation port and supply base for the Allied armies which must break the deadlock in Europe. It is the third greatest port of France, amply able to take care of all Allied requirements until other ports are opened up by further Allied advances or invasions. And though German demolition squads have been reported active for some time, and the Germans have undoubtedly done their best to blow up the port’s facilities, Allied ability for restoration thus far has always exceeded the German power of destruction.

Cherbourg will permit the Allies to land troops and heavy equipment in protected waters. It will permit America in particular to ship men and supplies directly to the European continent and close to the battlefront without first unloading and transferring them at British ports. Finally, it will give the Allies a naval base from which whatever remains of the German submarine menace can be met far more effectively than at present. A safe base, safe communication lines and speed in the handling of equipment and supplies are of the essence of victory, and all these elements are now provided by the capture of Cherbourg.

Beyond that, the capture of Cherbourg means first the capture of the Cherbourg Peninsula. And this peninsula, together with the Allied bridgeheads captured in the first onslaught, provides the first really adequate marshaling ground and springboard for large-scale Allied attacks on the German armies in the West.

It may be assumed that one of the first Allied moves will be in a southwesterly direction toward the Loire to cut off the Brittany Peninsula as well and thereby secure the Allied rear., but the Germans have been forced ti tie down so much of their strength in the west to guard king coastlines still exposed to new invasions that they may have little left for mobile armies with which to counter Allied thrusts. And this opens up the chance for an even mire daring strategy than might have appeared possible at the start of the invasion when the Allies still counted on a mighty German counteroffensive – a strategy which would reduce the capture of the Brittany Peninsula to a secondary operation and wheel the Allied armies toward the southeast for a drive toward the Seine and Paris. The resumption of the American offensive southeast of Carentan, the new British-Canadian drive which led to the capture of Tilly-sur-Seulles, the continued German attacks at Caen, all point in that direction. Cherbourg is still 200 miles from Paris, but its capture has put the Allies definitely on the road to the capital of France. And beyond Paris lies Berlin.

top.banner.rep.conv

Editorial: The Republican opportunity

The Republicans meeting in Chicago today are facing a national situation more critical than that which existed when they met in the same city in 1860 and again when they met at Baltimore in 1864. As on both those historic occasions, they believe they have a chance for victory. If they are right in this belief, they have a great opportunity. If they are wrong, they may still give their party a significance and cohesion it has lost since 1932 and restore the vitality of the two-party system.

This system demand compromise. Each of our major parties is the equivalent of half a dozen or more groups and factions such as have bedeviled many European parliaments in times gone by. If we are to avoid a similar confusion here, the right wing and the left wing must somehow find middle ground. The extreme policy is not practicable and cannot be expected. But this need not mean that the party as a whole cannot stand firmly and unequivocally for a few easily understood principles.

This is the first wartime presidential year since 1864. In that year, the Democrats, as the opposition party, declared that the war to restore the Union had failed and demanded “that immediate efforts be made for a cessation of hostilities.” They paid for that error by 20 years out of office. Today there is no question of Republican support for all-out victory. There is some question as to how fast the party will go in committing the country to all-out participation in a worldwide organization to keep the peace. Just eight years ago, it took its stand against the League of Nations and the World Court. It has certainly learned much since that time, as have the Democratic Party and the voters to whom both must appeal. The old cry of “entangling alliances” cannot successfully be raised again. Our only choice is between limited ties in a precarious balance-of-power system and full membership in a world organization for peace. If the Republicans will accept this necessity, as their wiser leaders urge them to do, they will redeem past errors.

In the domestic field, there are real issues on which the Republicans can seize. Perhaps the most vital of these is the relationship between the federal government and the states and between the federal government and private enterprise. Neither of these issues is likely to be stated now in the terms that would have seemed most appropriate in 1932. But they can be stated. The country has the right to expect a statement that shall e honest and explicit, so that voters this fall may know exactly what they are voting for or against.

Viewed with perfect impartiality, the Republican Party has a great history. It has now reached a turning point. We may hope that this week it will rise to its destiny, suppressing within its own ranks the forces of isolationism and reaction.

McCormick: The concert of powers in combined action

By Anne O’Hare McCormick

Patterson calls individual to war

Under Secretary lays on union class a personal obligation in fight for freedom

Army unit is routed by Aleutian volcano

4 saved, 1 believed lost – erupting since June 10

New landing craft to help beat Japan

1,000-men attack-vessels are planned for the Pacific