America at war! (1941–) – Part 3

Report by the Combined Staff Planners

Cairo, 5 December 1943

Secret
CCS 427

Amphibious operations in Southeast Asia alternative to BUCCANEER

Problem

On the assumption that the amphibious lift available for BUCCANEER is reduced in certain respects, to consider what minor amphibious operations or raids might be carried out in the Southeast Asia Theater, in order to harass Japanese communication, destroy Japanese installations and equipment, or alternatively to support the land advance on the Arakan coast and obtain airfields with which to support further operations in Burma.

Resources available

An appendix is attached showing a list of the resources which we assume will be left in Southeast Asia. This list is based on the assumption that the bulk of LST and LSI (L) will be withdrawn together with a proportion of the naval forces and escort carriers now allotted to BUCCANEER, as these are the resources which are chiefly required in the European Theater.

With resources remaining in the Southeast Asia Theater it would be possible to land a force of one infantry battalion group up to one brigade group, depending on the scale of transport to be landed.

Possible operations

Detailed study by the Force Commanders of intelligence maps and photographs is necessary before any definite opinion can be formed as to the practicability of any operations.

From a general survey of the possibilities however we consider that the following merit examination and might assist Operation TARZAN:

a. Amphibious operations along the Arakan coast in conjunction with the land advance of the 15th Army Group on Indin-Rathedaung-Kyauktau, which is timed to start in mid-January and be completed in February.

b. An amphibious operation to capture and secure the northern tip of Ramree Island, prior to the beginning of the 1944 monsoon. This operation might be covered by shore-based aircraft at Maungdaw. Maintenance of a garrison in this area by sea might prove costly as convoys will be subject to air attack. It might be possible to extend air operations against Japanese communications in Burma, and to infiltrate on the Taungup-Sandaway [Sandoway] coast. The provision of fighter support to any such operations would have to be carefully balanced against the requirements of TARZAN.

Unless a target can be found to justify the landing of a raiding force, we do not believe that any raids should be attempted other than carrier-borne air raids.

The President’s Chief of Staff to the President

Cairo, 5 December 1943

Memorandum for the President

Subject: RECOGNITION OF ROME AS AN OPEN CITY

The question of declaring Rome an open city has again been discussed by the Joint U.S. Chiefs of Staff with the British Chiefs of Staff. The British Chiefs of Staff are still of the opinion that, from a military point of view, such action is undesirable.

WILLIAM D. LEAHY
Admiral, U.S. Navy Chief of Staff to the Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy

Roosevelt meeting with the Joint Chiefs of Staff, 5 p.m.

Present
President Roosevelt
Admiral Leahy
Admiral King
General Arnold
Captain Royal

From the accounts in Leahy and King, it appears that the President called in the Joint Chiefs of Staff in order to inform them of his decision to stop further argumentation in favor of Operation BUCCANEER as scheduled for the spring of 1944. Churchill states that on the afternoon of December 5 “the President, in consultation with his advisers, decided to abandon the Andaman Islands plan” and that the President sent him a laconic private message reading, “BUCCANEER is off.”

According to Leahy and King, President Roosevelt expressed to the Joint Chiefs of Staff his reluctance in making this decision and indicated his intent to offer a substitute to Chiang Kai-shek. The alternative offer to Chiang was drafted by Roosevelt and Hopkins, presumably at the conclusion of Roosevelt’s meeting with the Joint Chiefs of Staff and was submitted to Churchill in the form of a memorandum.

In explaining his decision to Stilwell and Davies on the following day Roosevelt is reported by Stilwell to have said:

I’ve been stubborn as a mule for four days but we can’t get anywhere, and it won’t do for a conference to end that way. The British just won’t do the operation, and I can’t get them to agree to it.

The Davies notes on this conversation indicate that Roosevelt also emphasized in this connection that he had fought at Tehran, with Stalin’s support, and that Churchill had finally given in. This was presumably a reference to the argument about fixing the date of OVERLORD.

Hopkins-Eden-Menemencioğlu meeting, 6 p.m.

Present
United States United Kingdom Turkey
Mr. Hopkins Foreign Secretary Eden Foreign Minister Menemencioğlu
Mr. Steinhardt Sir Alexander Cadogan Mr. Açikalin
Sir Hughe Knatchbull-Hugessen Mr. Anderiman
General Wilson Mr. Kavur
Air Chief Marshal Douglas
Air Vice Marshal George
Brigadier Stayner
Mr. Helm
740.0011 EW 1939/12–2443

U.S.-U.K. agreed minutes

December 5, 1943, 6 p.m.
Most secret

Mr. Eden opened the meeting by suggesting that Air Marshal Sir Sholto Douglas should explain what was proposed since he had a feeling that the Turks were under a wrong impression.

Mr. Numan thanked Mr. Eden. He said he would be glad to listen. He must however make it clear that he could not commit himself on military matters which were the concern of the experts and on which he was not competent.

Sir Sholto Douglas said that he was not going to deal with technicalities. He was merely going to make a general exposé to show why we wanted advance infiltration. In this there were two main objects: the first to provide adequate defence for the most vulnerable points, and the second to provide a force for offensive operations in the Aegean. As regards the first, the vulnerable points were Istanbul, Izmir and Zonguldak. For these it was proposed to send in 17 squadrons (12 of them Spitfires) and 5 regiments of light and 5 of heavy anti-aircraft guns. For purposes of defence it was essential to have an adequate warning system and also adequate anti-aircraft defence for the air fields on which would depend the defence of Istanbul and other vulnerable places. Until these essentials had been secured it would not be feasible to introduce the necessary squadrons. This brought the Air Marshal to infiltration and his proposals were:

  1. For radio location and operations room – 200-250 specialists and 20-30 vehicles.

  2. Signals personnel for radio location and for linking airfields with operations room – 400 persons.

  3. Key specialist personnel of anti-aircraft guns – 420 persons.

  4. Additional personnel for radio location, i.e., for extension of system round the coast from Zonguldak to Antalya – 300 persons.

  5. Administrative personnel for dumps, etc. – 500 persons.

This represented a total of about 2,000 personnel.

The introduction of this personnel was the problem. Until something like this had been introduced Turkey would not be in a position of security when the moment of need came.

Mr. Eden remarked that when all this personnel had been brought in the squadrons could be flown in in 24 hours for the defence of Turkey if Turkey were attacked. The complete effectiveness of defence would of course also be dependent on Turkey doing her share as promised with personnel for the anti-aircraft guns. It was as a result of the promise of this personnel that the estimated infiltration needs had been reduced from 7,000 to 2,000. Thus it could be seen what were the indispensable minimum needs to be introduced during the period of preparation.

Mr. Numan said that he took the infiltration to be part of the general minimum plan. He could not say whether the number of squadrons was adequate, though it sounded good. He obviously must however make a reservation on the question of their utility.

Mr. Eden stressed that in our opinion what Sir Sholto Douglas had explained was the minimum necessary for Turkey’s protection. In addition we should of course be ready to specify the material which we should be prepared to supply for use by the Turks themselves.

Mr. Numan remarked that matters were advancing. There was not an impasse. The arrival of foreigners was very important. Even a civilian arriving in Turkey to serve would be known to Germany and the latter would not be indifferent. He did not want to provoke the Germans before a certain degree of preparation could be achieved. Mr. Churchill had described this as a vicious circle. He (Mr. Numan) did not agree but saw the problem from a different point of view. He was ready to accept the requisite number of technicians for the material supplied. How many technicians these might be he did not know. That would be a matter for the Turkish General Staff. He could not however accept personnel additional to the proper complement of technicians.

Mr. Eden remarked that the Turkish Minister for Foreign Affairs must have confidence. There surely could be no question of our wanting to introduce one single specialist more than was necessary. But how could the Turkish General Staff say whether particular personnel was necessary or not? During the preparatory period we did not wish to rush things any more than the Turks did. But we did want to get the preparations completed quickly.

Mr. Numan said that the Turks had the same object. They did not wish to provoke the Germans. He could not agree to the introduction of personnel but he did agree to the introduction of technicians, though he must make a reserve regarding the number of these. What he had said amounted to an acceptance in principle of technicians for the material promised.

Mr. Hopkins remarked that President Inönü had several times spoken of Turkey’s minimum defence requirements. He wondered if he was right in assuming that this did not refer to infiltration and air material but to other needs. He assumed that the British had been discussing such questions with the Turkish General Staff. Had the British any idea of Turkish minimum requirements? Did they, for instance, include anti-aircraft guns and aircraft? This brought up the question of the commitments to be made and he realized that it was necessary to get personnel introduced in advance. But he wished to be clear in his own mind about the details.

Mr. Eden thought this was a good question. It seemed to him that there were two points—the material to be used by us in order to give protection to Turkey, and the material to be given to Turkey for use by the Turks themselves.

Mr. Hopkins mentioned that there was also the Anglo-American force to go into Turkey in the event of war.

Mr. Eden said that in the first instance this was air alone – anti-aircraft.

Mr. Numan said he wished to make an observation and to compare what Turkey had got with what she had asked for. After the Adana Conference the Turks had prepared a list of requirements which had been more or less discussed. Later the British had entered into a definite commitment for delivery on the basis of that list. The Turkish list had remained a dead letter. The British list had not been much better (Mr. Eden said that he could not agree). Mr. Numan went on to say that only some 4% of the items on the general list had been delivered to Turkey. He did not wish to make reproaches. He would only state facts and mentioned in particular the case of lorries of which 300 a month had been promised. For some time deliveries had been about 160 or 180 a month. In recent months there had been no deliveries at all. Deliveries did in fact represent a very small proportion of promises.

Mr. Eden said that he could not accept Mr. Numan’s figures. He must make it plain that the position was not the position as it had been at Adana and he personally would not consider recommending his Government now to supply to Turkey all of the material which had been discussed at Adana.

Mr. Numan remarked that his had only been an observation.

General Wilson said that even if it had been possible to supply all the items on the Turkish Adana lists, it would have taken the Turkish railways three years to carry them. As it was, Turkey had since Adana been supplied with 350 tanks, 48 self-propelled guns, nearly 300 anti-aircraft guns (over 100 of them heavy) 300 field and medium guns, 200 mortars, rather less than 500 anti-tank guns, an enormous quantity (about 99,000) of various guns and automatics, 420 mortars, and about one million anti-tank mines for the defence of Turkey. It was unfortunately true that there had been a shortage of delivery on motor transport. This had happened because the transport did not exist in the Eastern Mediterranean. The Turks had however said at Adana that they had enough to defend themselves except for three anti-tank units and aviation support.

Mr. Hopkins expressed surprise at the extent of material assistance already given since Adana. He wished however to clear the position up. As he understood things, the Allies had agreed, in the event of war, to put in air squadrons and anti-aircraft guns and personnel. How far removed were we from President Inönü’s minimum requirements in the event of war?

Mr. Numan said that if it were desired to negotiate on the basis of these past figures, he also could cite figures. At one moment 40 air squadrons had been promised in the event of war. This had been reduced by half. The percentage of deliveries was not impressive. As for circumstances he agreed that they had changed since Adana, but things had turned out exactly as they had been foreseen at Adana.

Mr. Hopkins said it seemed necessary to get to grips with the problem. Was he to understand that the Turkish President considered he should have twice the air force suggested? Was he to understand that the anti-tank preparation was not enough? Were the Turkish railways a limiting factor, insofar as concerned Turkey coming into the war? He asked because if Turkey was not coming into the war, she must understand that these munitions, so vitally required elsewhere, would not come into Turkey at all.

Mr. Numan remarked that there must be some misunderstanding. The position had been quite clearly stated. The President had announced his intention of coming into the war. The question of material had however always been a serious one. At the time when the Anglo-Turkish Alliance was negotiated there had at first been a clause which postponed the operation of the Alliance until supplies were provided. He had realized that the supplies could not be provided and the clause had been suppressed. Since then and until now supplies had still not been available. Today Turkey lacked everything. Not only anti-aircraft guns and tanks but every sort of war material. He did not suggest that the Adana lists or any other list or anything like either of them should be supplied. He did however think that there ought to be a list of reasonable requirements. The Turks would not ask the impossible and with a maximum effort a list could readily be drawn up.

Mr. Eden said we had given the list of all that we wished to introduce for the defence of Turkey. If this were agreed we could then fix up what we could provide for use by the Turks. But we did not want the preparation of defence to be delayed during the consideration of the second list.

Mr. Numan said he agreed but that it must be part of a general plan in which the air preparations would of course take complete precedence. Mr. Eden enquired what general plan? Mr. Numan answered that it was necessary to decide the minimum requirements of Turkey if she were to enter the war. A list would be necessary.

Mr. Hopkins said he understood that the limiting factor was motor transport. Was it a limiting factor for anti-aircraft personnel? There had been talk of years for the introduction of requirements. We were dealing in weeks.

Mr. Numan pointed to General Wilson’s statement that two or three years would have been necessary to introduce the items on the Adana lists. Had one-third of these been introduced in the year since Adana?

Sir H. Knatchbull-Hugessen suggested that we were all wasting our time in discussing the past. It was a wasted effort. In the interval everything had changed and it would be a waste of transport even to send to Turkey today the material contemplated at Adana. Surely, we should look at the future and not at the past.

Mr. Numan welcomed the Ambassador’s interjection and said he quite agreed. He wanted to propose something practical. Could we not at once send to Angora the two Generals (one British and one American) proposed by President Roosevelt so that they could concert at once with the Turkish General Staff and establish a list of requirements and work out complete collaboration.

Mr. Eden said that this was something apart from the fundamental question. We had this afternoon given to our Turkish friends a list of what we thought necessary for the defence of Turkey against attack. This must be the basis of working. In addition, we could discuss further material but he could not accept the delay involved in the addition of other material quite unknown.

Mr. Numan said that the President had answered Mr. Eden’s point. He said that 2,000 men and 600 vehicles were not enough for the defence of Turkey though they were no doubt enough for the defence of British air bases.

Mr. Eden pointed out that they were not for the defence of British air bases but for that of Istanbul, Izmir and Zonguldak.

Mr. Numan remarked that the Turks could not contemplate Turkish defence being entrusted to the British. What they would and did contemplate was the defence of Turkey by the Turks with British help.

Air Marshal Sir Sholto Douglas pointed out that air defence depended essentially on fighters and this must be defended by antiaircraft guns. The first essential was to get the fighter defence established.

Mr. Eden said that there were two points. The first, what we introduced for the security of Turkey and the second the other things which the Turks must have before Turkey could take action.

General Wilson explained that what had been mentioned hitherto was for Turkish defence. It was only an advance guard. Actually the total force contemplated would be 32,000 troops (11,600 of them air), and 6,000 guns and vehicles (375 guns representing 5 light and 5 heavy anti-aircraft regiments).

Mr. Eden said the urgent plan was one for immediate defence and the execution of this represented the dangerous period.

Mr. Numan having remarked that he could not comment on these figures, Sir H. Knatchbull-Hugessen pointed out that as men and material were introduced, the danger to Turkey would be correspondingly diminished. The first problem was to ensure safety and then to build up.

Mr. Numan said Turkey was coming into the war. It was necessary to draw up a plan of preparation and a plan of collaboration and at the same time to take up political matters in another direction.

Mr. Hopkins having remarked that reinforcement would be limited by transport facilities and that as regards priority for air we already give the Turks what they can take, said he must come to the main point. The war had reached a critical stage. It was impossible to divert to a neutral country war material which was not to be used against Germany. The British Prime Minister had been authorized to express the hope of the United States and of Russia that Turkey would enter the war at an early date. We know that when a nation went to war with Germany she might suffer losses – the United Kingdom, Russia and the United States had suffered severe losses. He knew that Turkey wanted to enter the war. In the last analysis a country went to war in its own interests. We wanted Turkey in the war even if she could not have all she wanted. Great Britain, Russia and the United States had not all they wanted when they entered the war. At this critical period in the war the entry of Turkey might save the lives of hundreds of thousands of Allied nationals. January 1st was not a set date but Turkish participation might not be useful after very long after that date. We wanted Turkey to enter the war willingly and whole-heartedly. We should like Turkey to enter the war about February even though we knew that in doing so Turkey might suffer. We hoped Turkey would enter because all Allied military and political opinion considered that her entry would shorten the war. Only the Turks themselves could speak for Turkish self-interest. If however discussions were prolonged about the adequacy of material etc. Turkey’s entry would be futile. Turkey could be sure that if she came in we would do everything we could – all possible military and air support would be afforded her. He knew he was correctly interpreting President Roosevelt when he said that he hoped that Turkey would in her own interests come in willingly and wholeheartedly.

Mr. Eden said that he wished to have the Turkish position correctly understood and Mr. Numan confirmed that it was as follows:

  1. Our proposals for infiltration were accepted in principle but Mr. Numan made a reservation as regards numbers pending consideration by the Turkish General Staff.

  2. If the programme involving infiltration were accepted Turkey will not take action which she considers might lead her into a state of war with Germany until material and supplies for her use have been given, and the figures of these yet remain to be determined.

  3. Mr. Eden understood that Turkey had political questions to raise. He did not know what these were.

As regards (3) Mr. Numan referred to the Russian undertaking regarding Bulgaria. He thought that this was the sort of point which he would like to discuss with the Russians. There were other points which he would also like to discuss. But these discussions could take place during the period of preparation and would in no way delay either preparation or collaboration.

Mr. Eden enquired whether there were any other points to be put down.

Mr. Numan said that Mr. Hopkins had spoken of willing entry. This was also the desire of the Turks. They must however have a minimum of essential preparations. Moreover, this was a commitment to the Turkish people and to the Party.

Mr. Eden enquired what Turkey wanted under (2). Was it not possible for these requirements to be stated without discussions at Angora?

Mr. Numan repeated that he was not competent to say what the military needs were. All he asked for was comprehension. It lay in our hands to determine when Turkey could enter the war since this would be determined by the supply of the necessary material.

Mr. Numan confirmed that, as he had previously said, the infiltration programme under (1) above could go ahead while the discussion of (2) was in progress.

At this stage (8:15 p.m.) the meeting was adjourned.

Prime Minister Churchill to the President’s special assistant

Cairo, December 5, 1943

My Dear Harry, I understand that Lord Beaverbrook has not received any favourable reply to his request to you for a conference on Civil Aviation.

Our people are anxious to get on with this and I should be grateful if you could let me know if there are any obstacles we could remove, so that progress may be made.

Yours always
W

Quadripartite dinner meeting, 8:30 p.m.

Present
United States United Kingdom
President Roosevelt Prime Minister Churchill
Mr. Hopkins Foreign Secretary Eden
Admiral Leahy Sir Alexander Cadogan
Mr. Steinhardt Sir Hughe Knatchbull-Hugessen
Commander Thompson
Captain Churchill
Turkey Soviet Union
President Inönü Mr. Vinogradov
Foreign Minister Menemencioğlu Mr. Mikhailov
Mr. Anderiman

According to Leahy:

The next night, December 5, it was Churchill’s turn to entertain at dinner for Inönü. Same scene. Same cast. Almost the same lines except that the Turkish President talked a little more freely and impressed me with his direct approach to the question. He made it clear that before Turkey could come into the war, he would have to have enough planes, tanks, guns, etc., to make a strong resistance against invasion by the Nazis.

It was most interesting to watch the dinner-table maneuvers of the Prime Minister as he pleaded, cajoled, and almost threatened the soldier President of the once powerful Ottoman Empire in an effort to commit him to taking his people into the war. Inönü was told he would have to come in eventually if he was to have a place at the peace table. The Americans did not urge the Turks as vehemently as did the British.

The President’s special assistant to the British Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and reply

Cairo, December 5 (?), 1943

Anthony Has he been told squadrons do not go in until Feb 15? Is there good reason not to tell him

HARRY

Yes; he has been told. Winston gave him a paper this afternoon. He understands, but issue is he won’t agree to flying in until his army is ready. This looks like a long job.


The President’s special assistant to the British Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and reply

Cairo, December 5 (?), 1943

Anthony: It looks like BUCCANEER is out & our military plans hence will be agreed to tomorrow

HARRY

If so, you have been very generous, but our chances next year will surely benefit.

President has been grand about it all.

Note reinforcements (Scotch) just came in!

President Roosevelt to Prime Minister Churchill

Cairo, December 5, 1943

Memorandum for the Prime Minister

I propose to send over my signature the following message to the Generalissimo tonight. Do you concur in this action?

I agree. WSC 5 XII

Conference with Stalin involves us in combined grand operations on European continent in late spring giving fair prospect of terminating war with Germany by end of summer of 1944. These operations impose so large a requirement of heavy landing craft as to make it impracticable to devote a sufficient number to the amphibious operation in Bay of Bengal simultaneously with launching of TARZAN to insure success of operation.

This being the case: Would you be prepared go ahead with TARZAN as now planned, including commitment to maintain naval control of Bay of Bengal coupled with naval carrier and commando amphibious raiding operations simultaneous with launching of TARZAN? Also there is the prospect of B-29 bombing of railroad and port Bangkok.

If not, would you prefer to have TARZAN delayed until November to include heavy amphibious operation. Meanwhile concentrating all air transport on carrying supplies over the hump to air and ground forces in China.

I am influenced in this matter by the tremendous advantage to be received by China and the Pacific through the early termination of the war with Germany.

FDR

The Pittsburgh Press (December 5, 1943)

GERMAN DEFENSES IN ITALY TOTTERING
Yanks drive near head of Rome valley

Seize heights overlooking 70-mile open route to Eternal City
By C. R. Cunningham, United Press staff writer

‘Big Three’ to reveal decisions Monday

Speediest defeat of Nazis mapped by Roosevelt, Churchill, Stalin
By the United Press

A special communiqué giving further details of what President Roosevelt, Prime Minister Churchill and Premier Stalin decided at their conference in Tehran last week will be released officially at 1:00 p.m. ET Monday afternoon.

Meanwhile, reports given out by TASS, the official Russian news agency, together with diplomatic speculation in other Allied capitals, disclosed that the discussions included both military and political matters.

The general military objective of the three great powers, it was said, will be to bring about the speediest possible defeat of Germany and the taking of measures to see that she does not rebuild her war machine in the future.

The German radio reported that President İsmet İnönü of Turkey, accompanied by political and military advisors, had left Saturday for Cairo to confer with Mr. Roosevelt and Mr. Churchill.

Face shuttle bombing

The assertion of some Washington observers that Germany would soon be subjected to a shuttle bombing, with Anglo-American heavy bombers utilizing Russian airdromes, was believed to presage military collaboration on a scale not heretofore seen in this war between the Eastern and Western Allies.

Russian sources in London have given a hint of the Russian post-war plan in the scheme to drive millions of German men for the reconstruction of the Russian areas which the Germans have laid waste during their slow retreat westward.

To speed attack

Whatever else the Stalin-Roosevelt-Churchill conference may produce in the way of agreement, there seemed no question that the present campaign of the Anglo-American armies in Italy would soon gain momentum, possibly pushing the Germans north of Rome by the first of the new year; that the Russians would soon launch new efforts to thrust the Germans beyond the Dniester River (border of Romania) and to free the Baltic states (Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia); and that the long-heralded Anglo-American invasion of Western Europe would not be long in coming.

The London Times said editorially Saturday that the conference is:

…the major event of the war and will doubtless put the copingstone upon a vast military effort for the overthrow of Germany to which the grand alliance stands committed.

The London Daily Telegraph’s diplomatic correspondent wrote that the Allied leaders had now rounded off their plans for all fronts, “coordinating strategy and timetables.”

Read with emphasis

The United Press listening post in London reported that the Russians showed every indication of taking the forthcoming announcement as of prime importance. The announcer of Radio Moscow read the brief news bulletin on the TASS dispatch with great emphasis. The broadcast was repeated several times to reach all elements in the country, a rare procedure reserved usually for announcements by Marshal Stalin.

The brief announcement by the Russian radio was expected to have a great impact upon Germany’s discouraged satellites – Bulgaria, Romania and Hungary.

Nazis won’t crack quickly

Informed persons doubted that Monday’s announcement by the three leaders would mean an immediate crackup in the German war effort despite rumored peace feelers by so-called conservative Germans. However, the satellites are so shaky that an early crisis in Eastern Europe was seen as a distinct possibility.

The situation within Germany itself is obscured by a flood of propaganda which on the one side emphasizes the desperate situation confronting the Reich and on the other asserts that the “unbreakable determination of the German people will never yield.”

Can’t hide successes

But no propaganda can hide the success of the Russians in the east, which is soon to become even more of a German disaster when the Russians begin to roll forward on frozen soil. The attack in Italy is soon expected to become a general offensive for Rome and that too cannot be hidden from the German people.

The German people will receive any Allied proclamation with the realization that they have only two choices – to surrender or face having their cities devastated one by one.

Round-the-world reaction to the Moscow announcement:

WASHINGTON: Director of OWI Elmer Davis announced that he has asked the State Department to make inquiries in Moscow concerning the announcement by TASS, the official Soviet news agency, about the “Big Three” conference.

LONDON: Newspapers, commenting on the Moscow announcement, said the three leaders had been legislating for victory and that the conference would be a final and decisive blow to Hitler’s hopes of splitting the Allies.

MOSCOW: Pravda printed the TASS announcement on its main front page column, usually reserved for items of the utmost importance.

STOCKHOLM: Swedish quarters believed the conference would result in a statement regarding Allied plans for dealing with Germany similar to those announced after the Cairo Conference with regard to Japan.

TURKEY: Radio Ankara said the meeting was “warmly commented on in the Turkish press,” according to a CBS pickup.

Every Turkish newspaper is praising it and emphasizing the great importance that the three leaders met.

BERLIN: The Berlin radio said:

The premature announcement by Moscow of the conclusion of the Tehran meeting came for the American information service as a bolt from the blue. Thus, once again a bomb exploded too early. The barbed wire, which both in Cairo and Tehran, separated hermetically the conferees from the outer world, could not prevent premature explosions, thus depriving propaganda bombs aimed at Japan and Germany of their detonation power.

Plan to invade facing discard

Army and Navy Register says it depends on parley
By Merriman Smith, United Press staff writer

Washington – (Dec. 4)
Decisions reached by President Roosevelt, Prime Minister Winston Churchill and Premier Joseph Stalin in Tehran – the conference on which a Soviet news agency scooped the world – may make an Allied invasion of Western Europe unnecessary, the Army and Navy Register said today.

What decisions the three Allied leaders made have not yet been officially disclosed, but Russia’s TASS Agency stated unequivocally that agreement was reached on both military and political moves for destroying Germany as war-making power.

Upon these decisions “and the results thereof in the next few weeks or months,” the unofficial Army and Navy Register said in an editorial, will depend the “necessity for invasion.”

Cites ‘future events’

The service publication added:

Near future events may avoid the necessity of invasion, and that is a consummation devoutly wished for.

European reports of a “momentary” official communiqué on the three-power conference to the contrary, responsible officials here thought the announcement was not particularly imminent. This situation seemed to stem from security considerations and an effort to protect the principals while they are in transit.

Meanwhile, Director Elmer Davis of the Office of War Information, smarting under the second foreign scoop in a week on a war conference, asked the State Department:

…to make inquiries in Moscow as to the circumstances of publication by the Russian government agency of news of a conference at Tehran and whether such publication was violation of any agreed release date.

Earlier in the week, the British Reuters News Agency reported the Roosevelt-Churchill-Chiang Kai-shek meeting in Cairo before American newsmen were permitted to release the story.

Cites Marshall transfer

The Army and Navy Register did not elaborate its remarks except to say:

In the event an assault invasion, as distinguished from mere military occupation, becomes unnecessary, there would seem to be no reason to transfer Gen. Marshall from his present place as Chief of Staff of the U.S. Army to a high command in the European Theater, unless his administrative genius is needed for the meeting of the tremendous problems that will confront the occupation commander.

Gen. Marshall has long been believed to be the United Nations’ choice as commander to lead any cross-Channel invasion of Western Europe. The American staff chief accompanied President Roosevelt to the Cairo and Tehran meetings. Whatever decisions were reached, the Register said, he probably will not return here with the President.

On 5th Army front –
Hail of steel shatters foe

Allies fire 1,000 rounds for every Nazi shell
By John Lardner, North American Newspaper Alliance

Atlantic City flames raze boardwalk area


11 lost as ship smashes on rocks

More Yanks in Britain

New York – (Dec. 4)
A new contingent of U.S. troops has arrived in Britain, the British radio reported today in a broadcast heard by CBS.

Forced saving urged as curb on inflation

Heavier subscriptions to government loans proposed by professor

Golden urges labor to work in government

Must equip self to accept responsibilities, CIO is told

Plane flies from Tarawa on baling wire and song

Rudder controls of bomber shot away during attack on Japs, but ship lands safely
By Ray Coll Jr., representing combined U.S. press

Heavy attack made on Japs on New Britain

Allied planes hit Cape Gloucester Airdrome with 179 tons

Yanks hammer Hong Kong ships

Chinese predict victory in Changteh battle

Navy will get billions for landing craft

Equipment will permit hardest amphibious blows in history