War prisoner packages now due by Aug. 27
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Crew strips plane as one engine fails
Marauder limps into safe landing at airfield in Greenland
By Nat A. Barrows
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3 die, 8 missing as blast razes Jersey factory
FBI and Army inspect ruins of plant used for war work
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Farmers’ bloc may join fight on dad draft
Ban on induction would help aid labor problem, leader says
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Québec Conference costs $8,000 a day
Québec, Canada (UP) –
It is costing the Canadian government $8,000 a day to play host to the Québec Conference, Dr. E. H. Coleman, Canadian Under Secretary of State, said today.
Dr. Coleman, in charge of arrangements, said this amount is being paid to the Canadian Pacific Railway, owners of the Château Frontenac Hotel, which had been taken over by the government for the conference. He said he considered the rate “most reasonable.”
All the Canadians are on one floor, the British and Americans are distributed in alternate floors.
At the Citadel, Prime Minister Churchill has the ground floor at one end of the building, and President Roosevelt has the upper floor, which opens out on to the terrace.
Utopian plan is worked out for Southeast
$7 billion for housing is only one item on NRPB blueprint
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McQuaid: Jap planes concentrate on invasion escort fleet
Dive-bombers pay no attention to congestion on Vella Lavella beach as Yanks land
By B. J. McQuaid
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Wolfert: Japanese lag in developing battle areas
Failure to improve roads hampered attacks on Guadalcanal
By Ira Wolfert
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Terrific artillery barrage massacres Japs on ridge
Infantry follows up to take care of those who escaped rain of shells in New Guinea
By Hal O’Flaherty
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British arrive in U.S. to help map Jap drives
Special military-naval-air mission pledges cooperation
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Little incidents at Québec –
Bickel: Churchill works at night, Roosevelt is early riser
And between the two, you see, they keep the Axis jittery with an around-the-clock attack
By Karl A. Bickel, Scripps-Howard staff writer
Québec, Canada –
There is an amiable and rather distinguished lamp post just to the left of the cavern-like entrance to the Château Frontenac that has become a center of journalistic interest here of late and where in consequence practically a continuous press conference is held.
The lamp post observed today:
Everything that I say is entirely on the record and based upon careful study of the best trends, military, naval and economic, as I have observed them drift in and out of the Château over the past 48 hours.
Thereupon the lamp post expounds the situation.
It is out of material no deeper than that the reports on plots and plans and intrigues developing out of the three-man conversations in the long rooms inside the old Citadel on the hill emanate. To date, Messrs. Roosevelt, Churchill and King have been at it, off and on, for something over 50 hours and little incidents do escape.
Churchill works late
Mr. Churchill, it develops, does his best thinking after midnight and loves to roam about his suite mulling over his plans, checking on maps and papers, comfortably enwrapped in a big dressing gown and smoking one of those terrific cigars that alone would lay most men out. If it is at all possible, he loves to break into the Roosevelt bedroom some hour after 1 a.m. and try out a sudden inspiration on the presidential mind. The grapevine has it that if there is any one thing that could cause a rift of irritation between the two great men, it’s occasioned by these early morning impulses on the part of the Prime Minister.
On the other hand, Mr. Roosevelt, it is said, works best in the early morning hours and thus when the Prime Minister emerges from his quarters later in the morning, the President is all set for him. And so, between the two and with the active support of Mr. King and Mr. Eden, an around-the-clock psychological attack upon the Axis is maintained.
Work when they praise
Early in the day, a procession of generals, admirals, political and economic experts and others file out of the Château for Mr. Roosevelt’s headquarters. Before 8 o’clock, the President is receiving them, getting compact memorandums that he is so insistent upon, checking up points that arouse his interest, indicating new lines for further investigation. Newcomers appear as the earlier groups are disposed of, and until noon, the President is busy receiving and absorbing information he needs for later conferences with Churchill, King and Eden.
There is not set time for the conferences between Mr. Churchill and Mr. Roosevelt. The two are housed together in the Citadel and their apartments open into the same general living quarters.
They do their work as they like and then wander into the general quarters and meet. Whenever they meet, the conference is on.
There is a feeling here that the conference is developing into a much bigger thing than was originally planned. Earlier thought that it was primarily to cover the Pacific area must be discarded because it is obviously covering the whole field of conflict today and the evolution of that conflict tomorrow.
It is obvious too that Russia is much in the minds of the two men, and while Joseph Stalin is not in the comfortable living rooms of the Citadel in person, he is there in fact every moment of the day.
Although no hint is given as to future plans for a direct contact with the Russian leader, it is felt that it is inevitable that such a meeting must follow this one and soon. And that if it is held, it will probably be in Moscow.
Russians ask second front talks – ‘soon’
‘And action must follow,’ Moscow newspaper’s editorial says
Moscow, USSR (UP) –
The authoritative political review War and the Working Class said today that a British-Soviet-American conference called for the avowed purposes of solving the question most important to the Soviet Union – the second front – would be most welcome, but must not be “just another conference.”
Saying that the time had come “to pass from words to action,” the review declared editorially that while the Québec Conferences consolidated the British and American bloc:
Québec, as can be seen from the number of its participants, does not yet express the viewpoint of the whole Anglo-Soviet-American coalition.
The statement was the first authoritative comment here on the Québec Conference since the TASS News Agency announced that Russia was not invited.
‘Must solve problems’
The review said:
Many people who are seriously worried about necessity of intensifying the war effort of all three countries and who are truly interested in the common cause, raise the question of a conference of representatives of the Soviet Union, Great Britain and the United States.
Of course, such a conference must not be just another conference after which the most important problems, as the fight against Hitlerite Germany, will remain unsolved.
‘Way for early victory’
Presently when quick decisive actions are particularly necessary, a conference of the three powers should decide the principal and most urgent question – a question of shortening the war.
The publication maintained that the military situation was such that the coalition could accomplish a victory over Germany and its vassals this year, but said postponement of the second front in Europe until next year would prolong the war and “once more put off the collapse of Hitlerite Germany.”
‘Lost’ bomber crew safe after six days
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U.S. increases China strength
‘Sufficiency’ promised for blow at Japan
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Editorial: The Québec question
Inclusion of Secretary of State Hull and Foreign Minister Eden in the Anglo-American war conference is welcome proof that delayed problems of foreign political policy will be faced jointly. That most of them will be solved – or indeed can be solved without the presence of other Allies – is too much to expect. But at least more political unity between London and Washington can be achieved on French, Italian and Russian questions, to mention only a few; and that is the necessary beginning for larger Allied agreement.
The Nazi propaganda radio now blatantly extends the feelers for a fake peace which Berlin and Rome have been making less publicly for months, particularly since the fall of Mussolini. The danger that the Axis in losing the war will win the peace, by a convenient change of color and other hocus-pocus to wangle soft terms instead of unconditional surrender is one with which the Québec conferees must deal.
This is the basic issue in Allied policy toward Italy today, and will soon be in our policy relating to such satellite countries as Hungary, Romania and Bulgaria, as well as Fascist Spain.
Also, the same issue is involved in Allied disagreement concerning Eastern European frontiers in particular and the post-war political settlement in general. Russia wants the Baltic states, and parts of Finland, Poland and Romania.
In addition to those territories which Stalin considers essential to Russian security, he is also said to want to dominate or protect Eastern Europe and northern Iran in exchange for sanctioning British spheres of influence in Western Europe and southern Iran.
Will Russia, or Britain, or the United States, or all three, or the United Nations as a whole, have the determining voice in Germany’s status? Stalin’s own statements and the manifesto of his Moscow “Free Germany Committee” indicate that Russia might be willing to make a soft peace with the German Army after the fall of Hitlerism, while the Churchill-Roosevelt terms are unconditional surrender.
These differences cannot be solved by ignoring them. Recent experience proves they grow worse unless faced. Somehow an agreement on basic European policy must be reached with Stalin. Presumably that will be possible only after a prior tentative agreement by Britain and the United States, plus a willingness to meet Russia partway in a mutual adjustment to which all can give vigorous support.
Meanwhile, the sweep of military events is determining political events to our disadvantage. The fall of Mussolini caught the Allies political unprepared, which enabled Hitler and Badoglio to strengthen the Nazi hold on northern Italian bases which we had hoped to get. Of more importance, Russian advances on the Eastern Front are giving Stalin dominant influence in a future German settlement because there is neither an Allied political agreement or a Western land front. Where and when the Western Allies invade the continent are questions of vast political consequence.
Thus, military and political problems have been fused by the heat of battle, and no longer can be separated. This is nobody’s fault. It is inevitable that military victories precipitate political questions. This is embarrassing, but it is a great opportunity for statesmanship.
The hope is that Allied statesmen – including Stalin – are realistic enough to know that they must stick together, that if Germany can divide them, she certainly will win the peace and may even win the war.