OWI broadcast ‘blunder’ may bring major shakeup
Roosevelt sharply denounces the characterization of Italian ruler as ‘little moronic king’
By Joseph Laitin, United Press staff writer
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Point values increased on frozen foods
Action also taken providing for sale of items canned at home
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National GOP due for bitter internal fight
Willkie followers and old guard at odds on U.S. post-war policies
By Thomas L. Stokes, Scripps-Howard staff writer
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Editorial: Tonight’s address
The President makes few speeches these days, which is understandable. He is busy. His time must be husbanded. But the people are in sore need of the information and counsel and inspiration he can give them. He should have a big audience tonight.
Anything that he can report about Italy will find eager listeners. But the news from that area, as from other theaters of war, needs no presidential gilding. The country is not kicking about the progress of the war. On the other hand, it is puzzled and disturbed, and often irritated to the point of disgust, by situations here at home.
What is Mr. Roosevelt planning to do about the tug-of-war between wages and prices, which is threatening to turn into a free-for-all fight with inflation the winner?
That question, with all the tangents it involved in the way of labor troubles, food production, rationing rows, tax problems and whatnot, is vital. It deserves bold thinking and plain talking by the Chief Executive.
Roving Reporter
By Ernie Pyle
With the U.S. Navy in the Mediterranean – (by wireless, delayed)
Now it can be told that we had a couple of horrible moments as we went to invade Sicily.
At the time they both looked disastrous for us, but in the end, they turned out with such happy endings that it seemed as though Fate had deliberately waved her wand and plucked us from doom.
The weather was the cause of the first near-tragedy on the morning of the day on which we were to attack Sicily. That night, the weather turned miserable. Dawn came up gray and misty, and the sea began to kick up. Even our fairly big ship was rolling and plunging and the little flat-bottomed landing craft were tossing around like corks.
As the day wore on, it grew progressively worse. By noon, the sea was rough even to professional sailors. By midafternoon, it was breaking clear over our decks. By dusk, it was absolutely mountainous. The wind howled at 40 miles an hour. You could barely stand on deck, and our far-spread convoy was a wallowing, convulsive thing.
High command worried
In the early afternoon the high command aboard our various ships had begun to wrinkle their brows. They were perplexed, vexed and worried. Damn it, here the Mediterranean had been like a millpond for a solid month, and now on this vital day, this storm had to come up out of nowhere! Conceivably it could turn our whole venture into a disaster that would take thousands of lives and prolong the war for months.
High seas and winds like this could cause many things such as:
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The bulk of our soldiers would hit the beach weak and indifferent from seasickness, two-thirds of their fighting power destroyed.
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Our slowest barges, barely creeping along against the high waves, might miss the last rendezvous and arrive too late with their precious armored equipment.
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High waves would make launching the assault craft from the big transports next to impossible. Boats would be smashed, lives lost, and the attack seriously weakened.
There was a time when it seemed that to avoid complete failure the landings would have to be postponed 24 hours and we’d have had to turn around and cruise for an extra day, increasing the chance of being discovered and heavily attacked by the enemy.
I asked our commanders about it. They said, “God knows.” They would like to change the plans, but it was impossible now. We’d have to go through with it, regardless (Later I learned that the Supreme High Command did actually consider postponement).
Many ships in the fleet carried barrage balloons against an air attack. The quick snap of the ship’s deck when it dropped into a trough would tear the high balloon loose from its cable. The freed silver bag would soar up and up until finally in the thin, high air it would burst and disappear from view. One by one we watched the balloons break loose during the afternoon. Scores of them dotted the sky above our convoy. That night, when the last light of day failed, only three balloons were left in the entire fleet.
In the early afternoon we sent a destroyer back through the feet to find out how all the ships were getting along. It came back with the appalling news that 30% of all the soldiers were deathly seasick. One Army officer had been washed overboard from one craft but had been picked up by another about four ships behind.
The little subchasers and the infantry-carrying assault craft would disappear completely as you watched them. Then the next moment they would be carried so high they seemed to leap clear out of the water. By late afternoon, many of the sailors on our vessel were sick. Surely 50% of our troops must have been flat on their backs.
Officers try to joke
During the worst of the blow, we hoped and prayed that the weather would moderate by dusk, but it didn’t. The officers tried to make jokes about it at suppertime. One said:
Think of hitting the beach tonight, seasick as hell, with your stomach upside down, and straight off you come face to face with an Italian with a big garlic breath!
At 10 o’clock, I lay down with my clothes on. There wasn’t anything I could do and the rolling sea was beginning to take nibbles at my stomach, too.
I have never been so depressed in my life. I lay there and let the curse of a too-vivid imagination picture a violent and complete catastrophe for America’s war effort before another sun rose. The wind was howling and the ship was pounding and falling through space.
The next thing I knew a loud voice over the ship’s loudspeaker was saying:
Standby for gunfire. We may have to shoot out some searchlights.
I raised up, startled. The engines were stopped. There seemed to be no wind. The entire ship was quiet as a grave. I grabbed my helmet, ran out onto the deck, and stared over the rail. We were anchored, and you could see dark shapes in the Sicilian hills not far away. We had arrived. The water lapped with a gentle, caressing sound against the sides of the motionless ship.
I looked down and the green surface of the Mediterranean was slick and smooth as a table top. The assault boats were already skimming past us toward the shore. Not a breath of air stirred. The miracle had happened.
President Roosevelt’s Fireside Chat 25
On the fall of Mussolini
July 28, 1943, 9:30 p.m. EWT
Broadcast audio:
My fellow Americans:
Over a year and a half ago I said this to the Congress:
The militarists in Berlin, and Rome and Tokyo started this war, but the massed angered forces of common humanity will finish it.
Today that prophecy is in the process of being fulfilled. The massed, angered forces of common humanity are on the march. They are going forward – on the Russian front, in the vast Pacific area, and into Europe – converging upon their ultimate objectives: Berlin and Tokyo.
I think the first crack in the Axis has come. The criminal, corrupt Fascist regime in Italy is going to pieces.
The pirate philosophy of the Fascists and the Nazis cannot stand adversity. The military superiority of the United Nations – on sea and land, and in the air – has been applied in the right place and at the right time.
Hitler refused to send sufficient help to save Mussolini. In fact, Hitler’s troops in Sicily stole the Italians’ motor equipment, leaving Italian soldiers so stranded that they had no choice but to surrender. Once again the Germans betrayed their Italian allies, as they had done time and time again on the Russian front and in the long retreat from Egypt, through Libya and Tripoli, to the final surrender in Tunisia.
And so Mussolini came to the reluctant conclusion that the “jig was up;” he could see the shadow of the long arm of justice.
But he and his Fascist gang will be brought to book, and punished for their crimes against humanity. No criminal will be allowed to escape by the expedient of “resignation.”
So our terms to Italy are still the same as our terms to Germany and Japan – “unconditional surrender.”
We will have no truck with Fascism in any way, in any shape or manner. We will permit no vestige of Fascism to remain.
Eventually Italy will reconstitute herself. It will be the people of Italy who will do that, choosing their own government in accordance with the basic democratic principles of liberty and equality. In the meantime, the United Nations will not follow the pattern set by Mussolini and Hitler and the Japanese for the treatment of occupied countries – the pattern of pillage and starvation.
We are already helping the Italian people in Sicily. With their cordial cooperation, we are establishing and maintaining security and order – we are dissolving the organizations which have kept them under Fascist tyranny – we are providing them with the necessities of life until the time comes when they can fully provide for themselves.
Indeed, the people in Sicily today are rejoicing in the fact that for the first time in years they are permitted to enjoy the fruits of their own labor – they can eat what they themselves grow, instead of having it stolen from them by the Fascists and the Nazis.
In every country conquered by the Nazis and the Fascists, or the Japanese militarists, the people have been reduced to the status of slaves or chattels.
It is our determination to restore these conquered peoples to the dignity of human beings, masters of their own fate, entitled to freedom of speech, freedom of religion, freedom from want, and freedom from fear.
We have started to make good on that promise.
I am sorry if I step on the toes of those Americans who, playing party politics at home, call that kind of foreign policy “crazy altruism” and “starry-eyed dreaming.”
Meanwhile, the war in Sicily and Italy goes on. It must go on, and will go on, until the Italian people realize the futility of continuing to fight in a lost cause – a cause to which the people of Italy never gave their wholehearted approval and support.
It’s a little over a year since we planned the North African campaign. It is six months since we planned the Sicilian campaign. I confess that I am of an impatient disposition, but I think that I understand and that most people understand the amount of time necessary to prepare for any major military or naval operation. We cannot just pick up the telephone and order a new campaign to start the next week.
For example, behind the invasion forces in North Africa, the invasion forces that went out of North Africa, were thousands of ships and planes guarding the long, perilous sea lanes, carrying the men, carrying the equipment and the supplies to the point of attack. And behind all these were the railroad lines and the highways here back home that carried the men and the munitions to the ports of embarkation – there were the factories and the mines and the farms here back home that turned out the materials – there were the training camps here back home where the men learned how to perform the strange and difficult and dangerous tasks which were to meet them on the beaches and in the deserts and in the mountains.
All this had to be repeated, first in North Africa and then in Sicily. Here the factor – in Sicily – the factor of air attack was added – for we could use North Africa as the base for softening up the landing places and lines of defense in Sicily, and the lines of supply in Italy.
It is interesting for us to realize that every Flying Fortress that bombed harbor installations at, for example, Naples, bombed it from its base in North Africa, required 1,110 gallons of gasoline for each single mission, and that this is the equal of about 375 “A” ration tickets – enough gas to drive your car five times across this continent. You will better understand your part in the war – and what gasoline rationing means – if you multiply this by the gasoline needs of thousands of planes and hundreds of thousands of jeeps, and trucks and tanks that are now serving overseas.
I think that the personal convenience of the individual, or the individual family back home here in the United States will appear somewhat less important when I tell you that the initial assault force on Sicily involved 3,000 ships which carried 160,000 men – Americans, British, Canadians and French – together with 14,000 vehicles, 600 tanks, and 1,800 guns. And this initial force was followed every day and every night by thousands of reinforcements.
The meticulous care with which the operation in Sicily was planned has paid dividends. Our casualties in men, in ships and material have been low – in fact, far below our estimate.
And all of us are proud of the superb skill and courage of the officers and men who have conducted and are conducting those operations. The toughest resistance developed on the front of the British 8th Army, which included the Canadians. But that is no new experience for that magnificent fighting force which has made the Germans pay a heavy price for each hour of delay in the final victory. The American 7th Army, after a stormy landing on the exposed beaches of southern Sicily, swept with record speed across the island into the capital at Palermo. For many of our troops this was their first battle experience, but they have carried themselves like veterans.
And we must give credit for the coordination of the diverse forces in the field, and for the planning of the whole campaign, to the wise and skillful leadership of Gen. Eisenhower. Adm. Cunningham, Gen. Alexander and Sir Marshal Tedder have been towers of strength in handling the complex details of naval and ground and air activities.
You have heard some people say that the British and the Americans can never get along well together – you have heard some people say that the Army and the Navy and the Air Forces can never get along well together – that real cooperation between them is impossible. Tunisia and Sicily have given the lie, once and for all, to these narrow-minded prejudices.
The dauntless fighting spirit of the British people in this war has been expressed in the historic words and deeds of Winston Churchill – and the world knows how the American people feel about him.
Ahead of us are much bigger fights. We and our Allies will go into them as we went into Sicily – together. And we shall carry on together.
Today our production of ships is almost unbelievable. This year we are producing over 19 million tons of merchant shipping and next year our production will be over 21 million tons. And in addition to our shipments across the Atlantic, we must realize that in this war we are operating in the Aleutians, in the distant parts of the Southwest Pacific, in India, and off the shores of South America.
For several months we have been losing fewer ships by sinkings, and we have been destroying more and more U-boats. We hope this will continue. But we cannot be sure. We must not lower our guard for one single instant.
An example – a tangible result of our great increase in merchant shipping – which I think will be good news to civilians at home – is that tonight we are able to terminate the rationing of coffee. And we also expect (that) within a short time we shall get greatly increased allowances of sugar.
Those few Americans who grouse and complain about the inconveniences of life here in the United States should learn some lessons from the civilian populations of our Allies – Britain, and China, and Russia – and of all the lands occupied by our common enemy.
The heaviest and most decisive fighting today is going on in Russia. I am glad that the British and we have been able to contribute somewhat to the great striking power of the Russian armies.
In 1941-1942 the Russians were able to retire without breaking, to move many of their war plants from western Russia far into the interior, to stand together with complete unanimity in the defense of their homeland.
The success of the Russian armies has shown that it is dangerous to make prophecies about them – a fact which has been forcibly brought home to that mystic master of strategic intuition, Herr Hitler.
The short-lived German offensive, launched early this month, was a desperate attempt to bolster the morale of the German people. The Russians were not fooled by this. They went ahead with their own plans for attack – plans which coordinate with the whole United Nations’ offensive strategy.
The world has never seen greater devotion, determination and self-sacrifice than have been displayed by the Russian people and their armies, under the leadership of Marshal Joseph Stalin.
With a nation which in saving itself is thereby helping to save all the world from the Nazi menace, this country of ours should always be glad to be a good neighbor and a sincere friend in the world of the future.
In the Pacific, we are pushing the Japs around from the Aleutians to New Guinea. There too we have taken the initiative – and we are not going to let go of it.
It becomes clearer and clearer that the attrition, the whittling down process against the Japanese is working. The Japs have lost more planes and more ships than they have been able to replace.
The continuous and energetic prosecution of the war of attrition will drive the Japs back from their over-extended line running from Burma (and Siam) and the Straits Settlement and Siam through the Netherlands Indies to eastern New Guinea and the Solomons. And we have good reason to believe that their shipping and their air power cannot support such outposts.
Our naval and land and air strength in the Pacific is constantly growing. And if the Japanese are basing their future plans for the Pacific on a long period in which they will be permitted to consolidate and exploit their conquered resources, they had better start revising their plans now. I give that to them merely as a helpful suggestion.
We are delivering planes and vital war supplies for the heroic armies of Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek, and we must do more at all costs.
Our air supply line from India to China across enemy territory continues despite attempted Japanese interference. We have seized the initiative from the Japanese in the air over Burma and now we enjoy superiority. We are bombing Japanese communications, supply dumps, and bases in China, in Indochina, in Burma.
But we are still far from our main objectives in the war against Japan. Let us remember, however, how far we were a year ago from any of our objectives in the European theatre. We are pushing forward to occupation of positions which in time will enable us to attack the Japanese Islands themselves from the north, from the south, from the east, and from the west.
You have heard it said that while we are succeeding greatly on the fighting front, we are failing miserably on the home front. I think this is another of those immaturities – a false slogan easy to state but untrue in the essential facts.
For the longer this war goes on the clearer it becomes that no one can draw a blue pencil down the middle of a page and call one side “the fighting front” and the other side “the home front.” For the two of them are inexorably tied together.
Every combat division, every naval task force, every squadron of fighting planes is dependent for its equipment and ammunition and fuel and food, as indeed it is for its manpower, dependent on the American people in civilian clothes in the offices and in the factories and on the farms at home.
The same kind of careful planning that gained victory in North Africa and Sicily is required, if we are to make victory an enduring reality and do our share in building the kind of peaceful world that will justify the sacrifices made in this war.
The United Nations are substantially agreed on the general objectives for the post-war world. They are also agreed that this is not the time to engage in an international discussion of all the terms of peace and all the details of the future. Let us win the war first. We must not relax our pressure on the enemy by taking time out to define every boundary and settle every political controversy in every part of the world. The important thing – the all-important thing now is to get on with the war – and to win it.
While concentrating on military victory, we are not neglecting the planning of the things to come, the freedoms which we know will make for more decency and greater justice throughout the world.
Among many other things we are, today, laying plans for the return to civilian life of our gallant men and women in the armed services. They must not be demobilized into an environment of inflation and unemployment, to a place on a bread line, or on a corner selling apples. We must, this time, have plans ready – instead of waiting to do a hasty, inefficient, and ill-considered job at the last moment.
I have assured our men in the armed forces that the American people would not let them down when the war is won.
I hope that the Congress will help in carrying out this assurance, for obviously the Executive Branch of the Government cannot do it alone. May the Congress do its duty in this regard. The American people will insist on fulfilling this American obligation to the men and women in the armed forces who are winning this war for us.
Of course, the returning soldier and sailor and marine are a part of the problem of demobilizing the rest of the millions of Americans who have been (working and) living in a war economy since 1941. That larger objective of reconverting wartime America to a peacetime basis is one for which your government is laying plans to be submitted to the Congress for action.
But the members of the armed forces have been compelled to make greater economic sacrifice and every other kind of sacrifice than the rest of us, and they are entitled to definite action to help take care of their special problems.
The least to which they are entitled, it seems to me, is something like this:
First, mustering-out pay to every member of the Armed Forces and Merchant Marine when he or she is honorably discharged, mustering-out pay large enough in each case to cover a reasonable period of time between his discharge and the finding of a new job.
Secondly, in case no job is found after diligent search, then unemployment insurance if the individual registers with the United States Employment Service.
Third, an opportunity for members of the armed services to get further education or trade training at the cost of the government.
Fourth, allowance of credit to all members of the armed forces, under unemployment compensation and Federal old-age and survivors’ insurance, for their period of service. For these purposes they ought to be treated as if they had continued their employment in private industry.
Fifth, improved and liberalized provisions for hospitalization, for rehabilitation, for medical care of disabled members of the Armed Forces and the Merchant Marine.
And finally, sufficient pensions for disabled members of the Armed Forces.
Your government is drawing up other serious, constructive plans for certain immediate forward moves. They concern food, manpower, and other domestic problems that tie in with our Armed Forces.
Within a few weeks I shall speak with you again in regard to definite actions to be taken by the Executive Branch of the government, together with specific recommendations for new legislation by the Congress.
All our calculations for the future, however, must be based on clear understanding of the problems involved. And that can be gained only by straight thinking – not guess work, not political manipulation.
I confess that I myself am sometimes bewildered by conflicting statements that I see in the press. One day I read an “authoritative” statement that we will (shall) win the war this year, 1943 – and the next day comes another statement equally “authoritative,” that the war will still be going on in 1949.
Of course, both extremes – of optimism and pessimism – are wrong.
The length of the war will depend upon the uninterrupted continuance of all-out effort on the fighting fronts and here at home, and that effort is all one.
The American soldier does not like the necessity of waging war. And yet – if he lays off for a single instant he may lose his own life and sacrifice the lives of his comrades.
By the same token – a worker here at home may not like the driving, wartime conditions under which he has to work and (or) live. And yet – if he gets complacent or indifferent and slacks on his job, he too may sacrifice the lives of American soldiers and contribute to the loss of an important battle.
The next time anyone says to you that this war is “in the bag,” or says “it’s all over but the shouting,” you should ask him these questions:
Are you working full time on your job?
Are you growing all the food you can?
Are you buying your limit of war bonds?
Are you loyally and cheerfully cooperating with your government in preventing inflation and profiteering, and in making rationing work with fairness to all?
Because – if your answer is “No” – then the war is going to last a lot longer than you think.
The plans we made for the knocking out of Mussolini and his gang have largely succeeded. But we still have to knock out Hitler and his gang, and Tōjō and his gang. No one of us pretends that this will be an easy matter.
We still have to defeat Hitler and Tōjō on their own home grounds. But this will require a far greater concentration of our national energy and our ingenuity and our skill.
It is not too much to say that we must pour into this war the entire strength and intelligence and will power of the United States. We are a great nation – a rich nation – but we are not so great or so rich that we can afford to waste our substance or the lives or our men by relaxing along the way.
We shall not settle for less than total victory. That is the determination of every American on the fighting fronts. That must be, and will be, the determination of every American here at home.
Völkischer Beobachter (July 29, 1943)
Verstärkte beiderseitige Artillerietätigkeit in Sizilien –
Alle Angriffe im Raum von Orel zusammengebrochen
dnb. Aus dem Führer-Hauptquartier, 28. Juli –
Das Oberkommando der Wehrmacht gibt bekannt:
Die schweren Abwehrkämpfe im Abschnitt Orel dauern an. An der übrigen Ostfront ließen die Angriffe der Sowjets an Stärke und Ausdehnung nach. Von den einzelnen Kampfabschnitten wird gemeldet: Am Kubanbrückenkopf, am Mius und am Donez scheiterten feindliche Angriffe. Im Raum von Orel griff der Feind auch gestern mit unverminderter Stärke an. Alle Angriffe brachen unter hohen Verlusten für die Sowjets zusammen. An dieser Front hat sich in den letzten Wochen die rheinisch-westfälische 86. Infanteriedivision besonders ausgezeichnet. Auch südlich des Ladogasees blieben feindliche Angriffe, die jedoch mit schwächeren Kräften als an den Vortagen geführt wurden, erfolglos.
Auf Sizilien nahm die beiderseitige Artillerietätigkeit erheblich zu. Im mittleren Frontabschnitt blieben Angriffe britischer und nordamerikanischer Verbände im Abwehrfeuer vor den deutsch-italienischen Stellungen liegen oder wurden durch sofort einsetzende Gegenstöße zerschlagen.
In den Gewässern der Insel vernichtete die Luftwaffe bei Tages- und Nachtangriffen einen Tanker von 7000 BRT. und eine Korvette, sechs große Transportschiffe wurden beschädigt.
Starke feindliche Bomberverbände setzten ihre Terrorangriffe in der vergangenen Nacht gegen die Stadt Hamburg fort. Es entstanden weitere Verwüstungen und zum Teil ausgebreitete Brände in mehreren Stadtteilen. Die Bevölkerung erlitt wieder Verluste. Von Nachtjägern und Flakartillerie wurden nach bisherigen Feststellungen 47 der angreifenden Bomber abgeschossen. Am gestrigen Tage brachten Luftverteidigungskräfte über den besetzten Westgebieten weitere 9 feindliche Flugzeuge zum Absturz.
Im Kampf mit einem britischen Schnellbootverband versenkten deutsche Sicherungsstreitkräfte vor der niederländischen Küste ein Artillerieschnellboot und beschädigten ein zweites so schwer, daß es als vernichtet angesehen werden kann. Unsere Fahrzeuge kehrten vollzählig in ihre Stützpunkte zurück.
Fernkampfflugzeuge griffen erneut den im Atlantik gesichteten feindlichen Geleitzug an und versenkten zwei Handelsschiffe mit 12.000 BRT. Ein Schiff von 5.000 BRT. erhielt so schwere Bombentreffer, daß es Schlagseite zeigte. Zwei weitere große Frachter wurden beschädigt.
Deutsche Unterseeboote versenkten im Atlantik und im Mittelmeer acht Schiffe mit zusammen 44.241 BRT., beschädigten einen leichten Kreuzer sowie sechs Frachter und schossen in der Abwehr drei feindliche Flugzeuge ab.
Hemmungsloser Imperialismus gegen den Kriegsgenossen –
England als ‚Gibraltar der USA.‘
tc. Ankara, 28. Juli –
Das Ansinnen des nordamerikanischen Gesandten Alexander Kirk an die ägyptische Regierung, der USA.-Luftverkehrsgesellschaft „Panamerica Airways“ Flugplatzkonzessionen abzutreten, hat die öffentliche Meinung in Kairo stark erregt. Die Nordamerikaner planen für die Zeit nach dem Kriege die Einrichtung eines Weltluftverkehrs und fordern dafür schon heute auch auf ägyptischem Boden Flugplätze in eigener Regie und Verwaltung. Die ägyptische Regierung wie vor allem breite Schichten des Volkes stehen diesen nordamerikanischen Wünschen mehr als zurückhaltend gegenüber, denn sie wissen, daß hier auch auf ihre Kosten der Machtkampf zwischen Großbritannien und den USA. ausgetragen werden soll.
Aufschlußreich ist auch, daß Ward Price, wie er kürzlich in der Daily Mail schrieb, im Flugzeug 100.000 Meilen über Afrika zurücklegte und dabei nicht ein einziges Transport- oder Bombenflugzeug englischer Herkunft ausmachen konnte. Diese und ähnliche Äußerungen, dazu eine mehr oder weniger heftige Kritik an den verantwortlichen britischen Regierungsmitgliedern reißen nicht mehr ab. Kritischen Beobachtern entgeht eben nicht, daß das Empire immer mehr reduziert wird, daß es zum „Gibraltar der USA.“ geworden ist, wie es der nordamerikanische General Devers kürzlich formulierte. England betrachtet man bereits als nordamerikanischen Stützpunkt am Rande Europas. Das ist das Ergebnis der vielgepriesenen Waffenbrüderschaft.
Die USA. betreiben einen schrankenlosen Imperialismus. Sie verlangen eine Brücke von See- und Luftbasen über den Pazifik bis zur sibirischen Küste Sowjetrußlands und über den Atlantik bis nach Ostasien. Die Briten sind nicht in der Lage, diesem Machtstreben Einhalt zu tun, obwohl es in der Hauptsache auf ihre Kosten geht. Die USA. haben sich kurzerhand zu Partnern im Empire gemacht, und zwar jedesmal mit mindestens 51 Prozent Geschäftsanteil.
Voreilige Pläne um Sizilien
Interessant ist in diesem Zusammenhang auch der Kampf, der um die künftige Verwaltung Siziliens ausgetragen wird. Obwohl man vorerst nur schwere Opfer an Menschen und Material darbringen muß, ohne zu wissen, wie dieser Raubzug einmal ausgehen wird, haben die USA. bereits unmißverständlich erklärt, daß für die künftige Sizilienverwaltung, wie für die Verwaltung aller anderen noch zu besetzenden Länder nur Nordamerikaner in Frage kämen, da in den USA. Abkömmlinge aller Länder lebten, die heute für solche Posten prädestiniert seien. Und die Briten müssen dazu gute Miene machen, wozu Churchill erklärt:
Zwischen den beiden Regierungen ist vollkommene Übereinstimmung erreicht worden über das, was künftig zu tun ist. Es gibt nicht den mindesten Gegensatz.
Andere englische Sorgen
Die britischen Handelsinteressen in Südamerika wurden von dem britischen Handelsminister Hugh Dalton in einer Erklärung vor dem Unterhaus betont. Hugh Dalton erklärte, keine Regierung auf dem gesamten amerikanischen Kontinent könne England das Recht absprechen, nach dem Krieg mit den südamerikanischen Staaten Handel zu treiben. Wenn irgendwo in Amerika Zweifel an diesem Recht bestünden, dann hoffe er sie mit dieser Erklärung zerstreut zu haben. Der Krieg verbiete zwar vorläufig eine umfassende britische Handelsexpansion in Südamerika, er hoffe aber, die Regierung der USA. teile mit ihm die Ansicht, daß nach dem Krieg England an den enormen Handelsmöglichkeiten in den südamerikanischen Staaten teilhaben müsse.
Feindschiffe im Hafen von Augusta versenkt –
Italienisches U-Boot torpediert Flugzeugträger
dnb. Rom, 28. Juli –
Das Hauptquartier der italienischen Wehrmacht gibt bekannt:
An der sizilianischen Front heftiges Artilleriefeuer. Feindliche Angriffe im Zentralabschnitt mißglückten. Deutsche Flugzeuge griffen vor Anker liegende feindliche Schiffe im Hafen Augusta an, versenkten eine Korvette und einen Tanker von 7.000 BRT. und warfen sechs Transporter von über 40.000 BRT. In Brand. Angriffe der englisch-amerikanischen Luftwaffe auf kleinere Orte Kalabriens verursachten geringe Schäden und einige Opfer unter der Zivilbevölkerung. Zwei Flugzeuge wurden abgeschossen, eines davon durch die Flak in Messina und eines von Jägern bei Capua.
Bei einem mißglückten Angriff gegen einen unserer Geleitzüge im Tyrrhenischen Meer wurden vier feindliche Flugzeuge von Begleiteinheiten zerstört. Im Atlantik erzielte unser U-Boot unter dem Kommando von Korvettenkapitän Giuseppe Roselli Lorenzini aus Rom zwei Torpedotreffer auf einen feindlichen Flugzeugträger.