Aircraft workers waive disputes for duration
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Presidential high tax plan defeat likely
House bill may wind up $2 billion short of administration goal
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Italian women dress gaily; life in Reich lacks beauty
Fascists encourage fair sex to keep themselves attractive to menfolk; children, factory, farm, office, kitchen is Nazi motto
By Eleanor Packard, United Press staff writer
Japs speed up ‘nutcracker’ drive in China
Enemy reaches outskirts of base Allies need to bomb Tokyo
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Germans fear Allied landing in Europe soon
Broadcast warms French not to give help to invasion
By Helen Kirkpatrick
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1,000 RAF bombers dump over 3,000 tons on ‘German Pittsburgh’
British reveal 35 aircraft missing
By Edward W. Beattie, United Press staff writer
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2 sunken subs are salvaged
Australian divers hunting for third Jap craft
By Don Caswell, United Press staff writer
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Editorial: Cologne – then Essen
Hitler’s air raid on Canterbury, in reprisal for British destruction of Cologne, is significant in more ways than one.
The British objective was the center of the largest war industries area and transport network in all Germany, and as such one of the best protected regions in that country. Hitler’s objective was a poorly defended cathedral town of no military importance.
The British used 1,250 planes. Hitler mustered less than 50.
And within 48 hours after the Cologne raid the British repeated the attack on an equally large scale and against an even more important military objective, Essen.
The British raid on Cologne was the most successful in the history of air warfare, and the Essen raid appears to have duplicated the feat.
In each case four times as many bombs were dropped as the Germans used in the record September raids on London. The London damage was bad enough, but that was small compared to the destruction of three-fourths of the city of Cologne and the terrific pounding of the famous Krupp works at Essen.
While German losses in those early London raids were so heavy that Hitler had to discontinue them, in the battle above Cologne the defending fighter squadrons and 500 anti-aircraft guns brought down less than four percent of the British planes.
These great British victories have resulted in rejoicing and confident prediction of victories to come. Prime Minister Churchill, describing them as part of a master strategy instead of isolated successes, says they are “a herald of what Germany will receive, city by city, from now on.” Gen. Arnold, chief of the U.S. Army Air Forces, who is now in London, announces the conferences for use of American forces for “the maximum impact of our combined air strength” on Germany are “practically completed.”
The consensus of British and American spokesmen is that the Allies are now in the process of asserting air superiority over Western Europe and Germany, which later will be followed by an all-out land invasion.
But the public should not assume from this – as some “well-informed experts in London” would have us believe – that German defeat is in sight “by autumn.”
That would not be an unreasonable hope if the recent air battles were a complete test of the relative strength of Germany and Britain. Of course they are not. Most of the Nazi air force is on the Russian Front.
Hitler’s inability to defend Cologne and Essen is not a sign that he is helpless in the air, but that he may be unable to fight successfully on two major air fronts at the same time. If that is a fact or near prospect – as it seems to be – it is important enough and cheerful enough, without any exaggerated claims of final German defeat by bombings this fall.
These and other air victories cannot end the war. But they can blast the way for eventual Allied invasion of Germany from west and east, and for ultimate defeat of the vast Nazi armies. Provided, of course, that America “keeps ‘em rolling” and “keeps ‘em flying.”
Editorial: Better than nothing
Democratic senators are suggesting a national conference of employers and employees to work out a policy for stabilizing wages. Sen. Hill of Alabama, who is close to the administration, thinks that something like the no-strike agreement might be developed for wages.
It’s certainly time for something to be done. Six weeks ago, the President said that wages must be stabilized as one of the indispensable points in his program to stop the upward spiral of the cost of living. Yet there still is no sign of a definite official policy on this point. Wages continue to rise in hit-and-miss fashion. Mr. McNutt’s manpower board is talking of freezing war workers to their jobs, to stop employers from bidding against each other for scarce labor, which seems to be putting cart before horse. The logical way to end so-called “pirating” of workers apparently would be to forbid the payment of higher wages without government approval, and surely that would be a lesser infringement on the freedom of labor than freezing it to its jobs.
We believe that adopting a program for wag stabilization is a duty of Congress. Rising prices affect the national welfare, and Congress has given authority for ceilings on prices. Indiscriminate wage increases endanger the price ceilings, and so they too affect the national welfare. Why shouldn’t Congress authorize wage ceilings?
The answer seems to be that the administration is determined not to let Congress do anything to which the spokesmen of organized labor object. If the labor spokesmen object to wage ceilings, it may be too much to hope that they would agree to genuine wage stabilization through a conference with employers. But almost anything would be better than the present aimless drift toward serious trouble. Trying to formulate a policy by unofficial conference would at least do less harm than proceeding with no policy.
Editorial: Plugging a loophole
We’re glad to see Secretary Morgenthau and the tax leaders in Congress moving in on the tax-avoidance loophole of excessive salary bonuses which some corporations are paying to key executives.
Probably not many corporations are engaging in this abuse. But however few or many they are, they should be stopped. Mr. Morgenthau spoke well when he said:
“It is our responsibility to see that by no form of trick or chicanery is any one taxpayer to escape his just share and thus to throw unjust burdens on others.”
Ferguson: Busy Henry
By Mrs. Walter Ferguson
Our No. 1 Glamor Boy of 1942 is Secretary of War Henry L. Stimson, who should get a big rush from the girls. Besides his regular Cabinet duties, he’s had the job of setting up the Women’s Auxiliary Army Corps dumped into his lap. Popular as he is for the moment, probably few men envy him.
Under the terms of the Rogers Bill, President Roosevelt decides the number of WAAC units to be established, and Henry does the rest. From now on we imagine a part of his every day will be spent making things agreeable for the lady volunteers and giving heed to their demands.
As we know, he already has appointed the director, Mrs. Oveta Culp Hobby of Houston. With her help he will choose the assistants, “all such appointees to serve during the pleasure of the Secretary.”
You see, if the gals don’t behave, he can fire ‘em. The bill also specifies that he shall establish training schools, determine their number, and pass on the qualifications for entry into them and the credits for graduation.
The health, efficiency and character standards of the women to enroll are subject to his approval, and, worse still, he is designated under the act as the authority to choose the uniforms, insignia, accessories, headpieces, shoes, ornaments and other supplies.
Was ever a man since Solomon so overwhelmed by femininity? Not in our time certainly. Men have wrestled with harder problems, perhaps, but when Mr. Stimson gets his WAACs trained, regulated and satisfied, the government ought to strike off a new medal and decorate him.
He’ll be the first American man who could ever feel sure of his authority over a woman.
Background of news –
Latin America and the war
By Editorial Research Reports
The Mexican Congress has voted unanimously to declare war on the Axis, following Germany’s rejection of Mexico’s demand for “complete satisfaction” on the sinking of a Mexican tanker. Another Mexican ship also was sunk.
With the declaration of war by Mexico, every American republic from Panama north is officially at war on the side of the United States. The six Central American states – Costa Rica, Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua, Panama, Salvador and the three Caribbean states – Cuba, Dominican Republic, Haiti – issued declarations of war almost simultaneously with the United States. Mexico at that time broke off diplomatic relations.
No republic of South America has yet declared war on any of the Axis powers, but all countries except Argentina and Chile have broken diplomatic relations. This step was recommended to all the South American states by the conference of American foreign ministers which convened at Rio de Janeiro January 15.
All the Latin-American countries have immobilized Axis funds, credits, and shipping. Argentina and Brazil have taken over German and Italian airlines, and are operating them jointly. All Latin-American countries have opened their naval bases or facilities to the United States as a non-belligerent – that is, U.S. warships may remain indefinitely in their ports for refueling, supplies, and repairs. Mexico, Colombia, and Guatemala have allowed the United States to build and use air bases on their territory, while Brazil and the United States are building and using cooperatively an air base on Brazilian soil.
Mexico, Brazil and perhaps other Latin-American states are using naval forces to patrol the Atlantic; Mexico, Peru and perhaps other Latin-American states to patrol the Pacific. The United States and Mexico allow each other to transport armed forces across the other’s territory. Some hundreds of Latin-Americans, including many Mexicans, are getting aviation training at U.S. training stations.
The present cooperation of Mexico with the United States is a far cry from the state of affairs in the last war. Then Mexico-United States relations were strained, with armed conflict having occurred at Vera Cruz and with Gen. Pershing’s expedition having pursued the bandit, Villa, some distance into Mexican territory. Just before the United States broke off relations with Germany, Germany sent Mexico (the Zimmerman note) an offer of alliance in case of war between Germany and the United States. Germany promised Mexico “generous” credits and “the lost territory” in Texas, New Mexico, and Arizona.
In the remainder of Latin America also, sentiment toward the United States in 1917 was much less cordial than now. The United States armed intervention in Nicaragua, Dominican Republic and Haiti was still in effect, persuading Latin America that the United States had imperialist aims in the New World. All the Central and Caribbean republics except Salvador declared war on Germany. Five of the 10 South American republics remained neutral. Bolivia, Ecuador, Peru, and Uruguay broke diplomatic relations. Brazil declared war, sending a small fleet for patrol duty off Africa.
Warning: Wake up quickly America! People don’t know realities of war
U.S. industry and armed forces seen prepared, veteran of Blitz on London declares, but man-in-the-street is not yet ‘in’
By Marcel Wallenstein, director of Planet News, Ltd., London.
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Völkischer Beobachter (June 3, 1942)
Ersatzheld der USA.
Von unserem Stockholmer Vertreter
dr. th. b. Stockholm, 2. Juni –
In den USA. hat man sich eine neue Ehrung für den „Rückzugshelden" der Philippinen, Douglas MacArthur, ausgedacht: Auf Befehl Roosevelts wurde der 14. Juni zum „MacArthur-Tag" bestimmt, und auf einen deutlichen Wink Roosevelts hin hat sich auch Australien entschlossen‚ diesem Beispiel zu folgen. Damit auch der deutsche Leser sieht, was man in den USA. unter einem „größten Heerführer aller Zeiten“ versteht, bringen wir in folgendem die Ubersetzung eines reich bebilderten Aufsatzes in der Londoner Zeitschrift Picture Post über MacArthur. Dieser Aufsatz sollte der Verherrlichung des Ersatzheros dienen und ist in Wirklichkeit ein Urteil, für das jeder Kommentar überflüssig ist. Picture Post hat das Wort:
Wenn Sie Generale‚ die mit Vorliebe pflaumenfarbene Schlipse zu ihrer Khakiuniform tragen, Zigaretten aus langen Spitzen rauchen und geradezu lesenswerte Heeresberichte herausgeben, nicht leiden können‚ haben Sie sicherlich auch etwas gegen General MacArthur. Wenn Sie noch in der Vorstellung befangen sind, daß anständige Generale nicht den Tricks der Feinde zuvorkommen dürften, ist MacArthur nicht Ihr Mann. Doch wenn Sie – falls Sie daran glauben, was in den Geschichtsbüchern steht – denken, daß Generale so aussehen und so sprechen müssen wie Generale und große Generale gerade dann am größten sind‚ wenn sie nicht die Hilfsmittel haben, ihre Aufgaben zu beenden‚ ist MacArthur gerade das, was Sie sich wünschen, und wenn Sie abenteuerliche Geschichten über die Generale hören wollen, werden Sie bei MacArthur ebenfalls auf Ihre Korsten kommen.
Alle diejenigen‚ die MacArthur nicht leiden können, nennen ihn einen von sich selbst eingenommenen prahlerischen Kriegskrämer. Alle diejenigen aber‚ die ihn bewundern – und der Präsident Roosevelt gehört zu ihnen – sagen, daß er der beste Kämpfer, der beste Stratege und der bestangezogene Soldat ist, den die USA. jemals gehabt haben.
Er ist groß, über 1,80 Meter, dunkel und hübsch‚ so hübsch, daß er, wie erzählt wird, als Kadett in Westpoint mit acht Mädchen zur gleichen Zeit verlobt war.
Man sagt von MacArthur, daß‚ wo auch immer ein Kampf ausgetragen wird, er sofort mit dabei sein muß.
In Frankreich war er während des letzten Krieges der jüngste Divisionskommandeur. Er leitete die 42. Division, die er selbst in die „Regenbogen-Division" umgestaltet hatte, da sie Einheiten aus jedem Staate der USA. enthielt, Man erzählt sich von MacArthur, daß er, als er frisch in Frankreich angekommen war, sich bei den französischen Truppen erst einmal an die Verhältnisse gewöhnen und einem zu der Zeit gerade durchgeführten Angriff nur als Beobachter beiwohnen sollte. Doch hielt er sich nicht daran, und mit einer Reitpeitsche als einzige Waffe folgte er den Franzosen und kehrte nach dem Angriff dann überaus munter und in tadelloser, fleckenloser Uniform zu ihnen zurück. Doch MacArthur hat noch andere seltenere Vorzüge gezeigt.
Und nun kommt eine lange Schilderung seiner Laufbahn, wie er vom jüngsten Divisionsgeneral zum jüngsten Generalstabschef aufrückte, wie er mit einem „Zehnjahresplan" in der Tasche als militärischer Ratgeber auf die Philippinen kam und ein Korps von Eingeborenen auf die Beine stellen wollte, und wie er schließlich als 57 Jahre alter General seinen Abschied nahm, um endlich die Memoiren seines „tatenreichen" Lebens schreiben zu können.
Präsident Roosevelt nahm sein Gesuch mit den Worten an: „Ihre Erfolge in Krieg und Frieden sind ein glänzendes Kapitel in der amerikanischen Geschichte. Doch”, so fährt Picture Post in ihrer Schilderung MacArthurs Werk wörtlich fort,
MacArthurs glänzendster Beitrag für die Zeiten der Geschichte steht noch aus…
Um seine Erinnerungen niederzuschreiben, lebte er in einem großen luftigen Appartement ganz oben im fünfstöckigen Manila-Hotel, las viel und ging mit seiner Frau ins Kino. Claire Booth, die ihn dort besuchte, schreibt, daß ihn seine Frau niemals Douglas nannte, sondern immer nur „General“. Und er nannte sie stets nur „Madame“.
Doch die glückliche Ruhe dauerte nicht lange. Schon 1941 wurde er von Roosevelt gerufen und zum Oberbefehlshaber der USA.-Streitkräfte im Fernen Osten ernennt. Als weitblickender Stratege dachte er natürlich sofort an sein „Lieblingskind", die Philippinen, die jetzt nur zu schnell zu seinem „Sorgenkind" wurden. Er wollte sofort zehn Régimenter der Philippinen-Armee mobilisieren. Er wollte die Abwehr organisieren, er wollte vom Kriegsministerium mehr Truppen und mehr Ausrüstung, doch leider hatte man kein Verständnis dafür, MacArthur selbst aber damit eine Ausrede, warum ausgerechnet er, der „General mit den eigenen Ideen“, wie er sich selbst gern nennen hört, er, der „einzige erfolgreiche unter lauter versagenden Feldherrn“, diesmal leider auch ganz jämmerlich versagte.
Mit diesem hübschen und bestangezogenen Fluchtgeneral veranstaltet man nun seit Monaten in den USA. einen Rummel, den man wohl als den größten Humbug in diesem Krieg bezeichnen kann. Da kommen selbst die Engländer nicht mit. Während Waiwright auf Bataan und Corregidor kläglich kapitulieren mußte und nun seine Memoiren in japanischer Gefangenschaft schreiben kann, spreizt sich MacArthur, der feige Ausreißer, in Australien als der Held des Tages, erhält trotz seiner Niederlagen Denkmäler und Ehrentage und wird mit Ersatzlorbeeren gekrönt. Vor einem leeren Kopf und einer eleganten Uniform streute man Weihrauch. Wie bescheiden ist man doch in den USA. geworden, wo man noch vor einem halben Jahr prahlte, man werde Japan in 90 Tagen vernichten!