Background of news –
Government of China
By Frank P. Huddle
The rise of China to a place among the “Big Five” world powers carries with it the responsibility to maintain a strong and stable national government – fully able to protect Chinese sovereignty, and to play its appropriate part in preserving the peace of the Asiatic area after the defeat of Japan.
Communist China, an independent state with its own government and military forces, today actively challenges the National government of Chiang Kai-shek. The Communists are “anti-foreign” in their philosophy. They do not accept orders from the government at Chungking, and that government alone is recognized by the Government of the United States.
The explosive possibilities of the present situation are well recognized by both Nationalists and Communists – also by the United States, whose Ambassador Hurley has long sought to promote a reconciliation between them. According to Wang Shih-chieh, new Chinese minister of foreign affairs: “There are dangers and difficulties in seeking a solution now, but there will be greater dangers and difficulties in postponing the solution.”
Coalition government sought
Unsuccessful efforts were made by Communists and Nationalists to resolve their differences during 1944 and early 1945. The Communists sought a coalition government in which they would enjoy representation proportionate to their numbers. They also want assurances that no reprisals will be visited on them for past opposition. And they insist that the National government resume the program of economic and social reform which has been held in abeyance during the war.
The Kuomintang, which dominates the one-party government at Chungking, is unwilling to yield its place to a coalition which might sacrifice the degree of unity now possessed by the National government – and which might cause the Kuomintang to lose some of its own power. As an alternative, the Kuomintang government has proceeded with plans to promulgate a long-awaited constitution for China, under which it would “yield its power to a democratic government.”
Opposition elements within Free China – liberals and Communists alike – call the draft constitution prepared by the Kuomintang an “authoritarian document” which would merely consolidate the power of the group now in control. The people’s congress, to be convoked in November to pass on the new charter, is assailed as non-representative and a creature of the Kuomintang.
Reconciliation possible
Some indications have been given by the National government that it is paving the way for reconciliation with the Communists.
Anti-Communist cabinet members at Chungking have been supplanted by more conciliatory leaders. Reforms have been instituted in the educational system, the army, and the conscription mechanism. A broad program of reforms was drawn up by the 1945 Kuomintang Party Congress. Better observance of civil liberties was promised before the July meeting of the People’s Political Council.
In the light of T. V. Soong’s known liberal and conciliatory views toward the Communists, his recent clavation to the premiership (presidency of the Executive Yuan) may mean that negotiations shortly will be resumed between the two factions.
Nevertheless, the determination of Chiang Kai-shek to promulgate a constitution in 1945 seems to offer the Communists the alternatives of capitulation on Kuomintang terms before the people’s congress meets or permanent opposition to the new constitutional regime. Should the Communists reject the terms offered by the Kuomintang, they will remain a constant threat to the stability of government in China.