Pittsburgh Post-Gazette (April 24, 1943)
The propaganda front –
Rift between Poles and Reds aids Nazi propaganda program
Split threatens to upset Allied applecart and give Goebbels greatest victory of the war, Shirer declares
By William L. Shirer
That relations between the Soviet and Polish governments have reached a pretty pass can no longer be ignored. But that the Polish government-in-exile should make them worse by deliberately playing into the hands of Nazi propaganda, as it appears to have done following German allegations that the Russians massacred 12,000 Polish officer-prisoners near Smolensk, will surprise many friends of Poland in this country.
Before matters get out of control, it might be well to look into the facts of an affair which threatens to upset the Allied applecart and give Dr. Goebbels his greatest propaganda victory of the war.
On the afternoon of Monday, April 12, the Nazi propaganda machine, having just finished 24 hours of ballyhooing the Hitler-Mussolini meeting, suddenly let loose with one of the most gruesome atrocity stories of the war. The Nazis, whose murders in the occupied lands now number over 1,000,000, according to an inter-Allied committee, announce that they had just discovered a mass grave in Katyń Forest near Smolensk. In the great grave, they said, they had found the remains of 3,000 Polish officers. These men, said the Nazis, had been executed by the Russians in February or March 1940 – that is before the German occupation of Smolensk.
The first Berlin broadcast, which I heard at 4 p.m. on Monday, ended with this sentence:
The German authorities calculate that about 10,000 Polish officers were killed by the Soviets.
Thus, the number of alleged victims increased from 3,000 to 10,000 during the course of one broadcast. Two days later, without any explanation, the German press and radio raised the number to 12,000, where it was at last reports.
Immediately Dr. Goebbels laid down a terrific propaganda barrage. The airwaves crackled with alleged details of the massacre. All the officers had been shot in the back of the neck. The bodies had been piled 12 deep in a grave exactly 28 meters long and 16 meters wide. Polish officers and the Polish Red Cross (the latter having lost its independence and many of its leaders since the German occupation) were rushed to the scene “to help in identification.”
And for a fortnight, every newspaper and radio station in Germany, German-controlled territory and the satellite countries played up the story to prove that Germany must destroy Bolshevist Russia and that Great Britain and the United States, by maintaining silence in the matter, had shown that they were really accomplices in the frightful murder.
One of Goebbels’ oldest propaganda tricks is to make the satellite press back him up and thus give the impression that “all of Europe” understands and sympathizes with Nazi indignation. Thus, the German press and radio carried dispatches such as this:
Europe’s disgust at the frightful massacre has evoked indignation in Italy… The Stampa calls the bloodbath a tragic perspective for the Anglo-American plan to accept Bolshevik rule for Eastern Europe. Athens: The Greek papers stress that world history does not know of a similar crime. It is a blessing for Europe that the heroic fight of Germany and her Allies makes similar Bolshevik atrocities impossible. Kraków: The disgust of the Polish people over the frightful massacre reaches ever-increasing dimensions. The Hungarian Magyarsag writes that Russia is only following in the old tracks. If Bolshevism were to triumph, the whole of Europe would become dotted with fearsome communal graves. The Romanian Curentul writes on the same lines. In Bulgaria, the Doce shows concern at the Bolshevik menace.
And so on, day after day.
Now you and I have no means of knowing whether the Russians killed Polish officers or not. But what is incontestable is that the Nazis, who have the blood of millions of innocent victims on their hands, waited for nearly two years after their occupation of Smolensk before “discovering” the mass grave, and then proceeded to make of it one of the most gigantic propaganda campaigns of the war, deliberately designed to separate not only the Poles but the British and Americans from their Russian ally.
As regards the Polish government-in-exile at least, this propaganda did not fail. The German Red Cross, which has shown not the slightest interest in the victims of Gestapo brutality in the occupied lands, asked the International Red Cross at Geneva to help in the work of identifying the bodies at Katyń. A week ago, the Polish government in London added its request to that of the German Red Cross. It thus officially gave credence to the Nazi reports.
This correspondent, like most Americans, fully understands the concern of the Polish government over the fate of some 15,000 Polish troops, 8,000 of whom were officers, who were captured by the Russians in the fall of 1939 and never heard of again. When Premier Sikorski, who sincerely desires an understanding with Russia, visited Moscow in December 1941, he asked Premier Stalin about the missing men. Stalin is reported to have answered that they would be released. Apparently, they never were. Many Poles believe they will never be, because they are no longer alive. The Russians have denied this and last week angrily accused the Poles of swallowing a baited hook thrown out by German propaganda agencies to conceal the Nazis’ own black record.
Whatever the truth is about this latest Nazi allegation which the Poles have now asked the International Red Cross to investigate, the question will not down as to why the Polish government did not at least ask the Red Cross at the same time to investigate Nazi murders in Poland.
According to figures supplied to me by the Polish government, more than half a million Poles have been murdered by the Nazis in Poland. This does not include, the Polish government explains, the million and a half Jews, some of them originally from Germany and Austria, slain by the Nazis in Poland. Nor does it comprise the two million or so who died from mistreatment or forced starvation under the Nazi yoke. In one concentration camp in Poland alone, at Oświęcim, 57,000 Poles and Jews are believed to have been killed by the Nazis. If the Polish government insists on the Red Cross investigating the alleged Russian massacre at Katyń, would it not be natural for it to ask the Red Cross to look into what happened at Oświęcim, from which so many sinister reports have come?
For the Polish government must know that the Nazis have not uncorked the story of Katyń out of any tender mercies for the Poles. Part of Hitler’s policy, openly boasted of among Nazi officials when I was in Berlin, is so to decimate the Polish race that it will never be able again to form a free Polish nation. Gen. Sikorski knows this better than any of us for the reports smuggled out of his homeland to him have been heartrending.
But he also knows that one of the major aims of German policy is to keep the Poles and the Russians at each other’s throats. Recently, Nazi propaganda had a field day with the Russo-Polish exchange of notes on the border controversy. When that died down, it “discovered” the big grave near Smolensk. The timing will escape no one’s notice, especially since the Germans have been at Smolensk for nearly two years. Tomorrow the Nazis will find another peg to hang their propaganda on.
My own feeling is that the Nazis hope to stave off the consequences of defeat by isolating Russia from her Allies. If they have such easy access with the Poles, they will be encouraged in their bigger political game of separating Great Britain and the United States from the Soviet Union. The very day after the National Catholic Welfare Conference in Washington charged that Russia was holding two million Poles “as virtual hostages,” Braun von Stumm, the assistant press chief of the German Foreign Office and one of the most unprincipled officials I ever knew in the Wilhelmstrasse, seized upon the Conference’s statement and used it to further Nazi propaganda about “Soviet brutality.”
One need have no illusions about Soviet gentleness. But to fall for German propaganda or to feed it, when we know what its purposes are, seems to this correspondent, at least, a good way of trying to lose the war.