December 1, 1943, 1 p.m.
Turkey should be asked to come into the war & invite President of Turkey to come to Cairo to meet the President of USA & Prime Minister.
Mr. Eden asked Marshal Stalin whether the Soviet Government wished to send a representative – if so he would of course be welcomed.
M. Stalin answered that he would send such a representative.
Proposed telegram to Pres. Inonu was presented and discussed.
Cairo, December 1, 1943
Secret
Urgent
For immediate delivery to Harry Hopkins visiting party from Kirk. I have received an urgent but garbled message from Steinhardt at Ankara from which I gather that he wishes me to inform you that neither he nor the British Ambassador at Ankara has received any message from your party and that he believes that communications from Tehran may be temporarily suspended.
740.0011 European War 1939/32357: Telegram
Ankara, December 1, 1943 – 1 p.m.
1958.
The following telegram has been sent to Cairo, repeated for the Department’s information:
Most Immediate December 1, 1 p.m. Most secret for the President.
In a conversation with the Foreign Minister this morning he referred to your presence in Cairo and again expressed the hope that a meeting could be arranged between Inonu and yourself. He intimated that given sufficient notice Inonu could meet you in Aleppo, just across the Turkish frontier.
For your information Aleppo is about 26 hours by special train from Ankara and would seem satisfactory from a security point of view.
Please instruct the Security Officers to transmit any reply you may send me as quickly as possible.
STEINHARDT
Tehran, December 1, 1943
Secret
Please pass following message immediately to President Inonu from President Roosevelt:
Prime Minister Churchill and I, having had our meeting with Marshal Stalin, will be in Cairo next Saturday and Sunday, accompanied by a representative of the Soviet Government. We should greatly value a meeting with Your Excellency and hope it might be possible for you to join us in Cairo.
You should if possible hand this message in person to the President, and you must of course impress upon him its extreme secrecy.
Your American [British] and Soviet colleagues are being instructed to convey similar messages to President and you should concert with them simultaneous presentation.
You are authorized to tell President Inonu that we have no objection to his consulting his Parliament in secret session regarding his leaving his country if he finds it necessary to do so.
It would be useful if you could accompany the President.
ROOSEVELT
| Present | ||
|---|---|---|
| United States | Soviet Union | |
| President Roosevelt | Marshal Stalin | |
| Mr. Harriman | Foreign Commissar Molotov | |
| Mr. Bohlen | Mr. Pavlov |
December 1, 1943, 3:20 p.m.
Secret
The President said he had asked Marshal Stalin to come to see him as he wished to discuss a matter briefly and frankly. He said it referred to internal American politics.
He said that we had an election in 1944 and that while personally he did not wish to run again, if the war was still in progress, he might have to.
He added that there were in the United States from six to seven million Americans of Polish extraction, and as a practical man, he did not wish to lose their vote. He said personally he agreed with the views of Marshal Stalin as to the necessity of the restoration of a Polish state but would like to see the Eastern border moved further to the west and the Western border moved even to the River Oder. He hoped, however, that the Marshal would understand that for political reasons outlined above, he could not participate in any decision here in Tehran or even next winter on this subject and that he could not publicly take part in any such arrangement at the present time.
Marshal Stalin replied that now the President explained, he had understood.
The President went on to say that there were a number of persons of Lithuanian, Latvian, and Estonian origin, in that order, in the United States. He said that he fully realized the three Baltic Republics had in history and again more recently been a part of Russia and added jokingly that when the Soviet armies reoccupied these areas, he did not intend to go to war with the Soviet Union on this point.
He went on to say that the big issue in the United States, insofar as public opinion went, would be the question of referendum and the right of self-determination. He said he thought that world opinion would want some expression of the will of the people, perhaps not immediately after their reoccupation by Soviet forces, but some day, and that he personally was confident that the people would vote to join the Soviet Union.
Marshal Stalin replied that the three Baltic Republics had no autonomy under the last Czar who had been an ally of Great Britain and the United States, but that no one had raised the question of public opinion, and he did not quite see why it was being raised now.
The President replied that the truth of the matter was that the public neither knew nor understood.
Marshal Stalin answered that they should be informed and some propaganda work should be done.
He added that as to the expression of the will of the people, there would be lots of opportunities for that to be done in accordance with the Soviet constitution but that he could not agree to any form of international control.
The President replied it would be helpful for him personally if some public declaration in regard to the future elections to which the Marshal had referred, could be made.
Marshal Stalin repeated there would be plenty of opportunities for such an expression of the will of the people.
After a brief discussion of the time of the President’s departure and that of Marshal Stalin, the President said there were only two matters which the three of them had not talked over.
He said he had already outlined to the Marshal his ideas on the three world organizations but he felt that it was premature to consider them here with Mr. Churchill. He referred particularly to his idea of the four great nations, the United States, Great Britain, the Soviet Union, and China, policing the world in the post-war period. He said it was just an idea, and the exact form would require further study.
Mr. Molotov said that at the Moscow Conference, in accordance with the Four Power Declaration, it had been agreed that the three governments would give further study as to the exact form of world organization and the means of assuring the leading role of the four great powers mentioned.
During the conversation, in reply to the President’s question, Marshal Stalin said that he had received the three papers which the President had handed him the day before yesterday, one in regard to air bases, and the other two in regard to secret contacts involving the Far East, but said he had not had time to study the documents carefully, but would take it up in Moscow with Ambassador Harriman.
At this meeting, Stalin, referring to his conversation with the President on November 28 [29] on the world organization, said that after thinking over the question of the world organization as outlined by the President, he had come to agree with the President that it should be worldwide and not regional.
| Present | ||
|---|---|---|
| United States | United Kingdom | Soviet Union |
| President Roosevelt | Prime Minister Churchill | Marshal Stalin |
| Mr. Hopkins | Foreign Secretary Eden | Foreign Commissar Molotov |
| Mr. Harriman | Sir Archibald Clark Kerr | Mr. Pavlov |
| Mr. Bohlen | Major Birse |
December 1, 1943, 6 p.m.
Secret
The President stated he thought that there were two main questions to be discussed – the question of Poland and the treatment of Germany.
Mr. Molotov inquired whether it would be possible to obtain any answer on the Soviet Union’s request for Italian ships.
The President replied his position on this question was very clear; that the Allies had received a large number of Italian merchant ships and a lesser number of warships and that he felt they should be used by our three nations in the common cause until the end of the war when the division based on title and possession might be made.
Mr. Molotov answered that the Soviet Union would use these ships during the war in the common war effort, and after the war the question of possession could be discussed.
The Prime Minister asked where the Soviet Union would like to have these ships delivered.
Marshal Stalin replied in the Black Sea if Turkey entered the war. If not, to the northern ports.
The Prime Minister said it was a small thing to ask in the face of the tremendous sacrifices of Russia.
Marshal Stalin said that he knew how great the need for war vessels was on the part of England and the United States but that he felt the Soviet request was modest.
Both the President and the Prime Minister said they were in favor of acceptance of the Soviet suggestion.
The Prime Minister said it would require some time to work out the arrangements and that he personally would welcome the sight of these vessels in the Black Sea and hoped some English war vessels could accompany them in action against the enemy in those waters.
He said it would take a couple of months to work out the arrangements with the Italians, since they wish to avoid any possibility of mutiny in the Italian Fleet and the scuttling of the ships.
It was agreed that the ships would pass over to Soviet command sometime around the end of January 1944.
The Prime Minister remarked that it would be one of the advantages to be attained from Turkey even if she did not enter the war; namely to permit the passage of war vessels through the Dardanelles.
The President, turning to the subject of Poland, said it was his hope that negotiations could be started for the reestablishment of relations between the Polish and Soviet Governments. He felt that the reestablishment of relations would facilitate any decisions made in regard to the questions at issue. He said he recognized the difficulties which lay in the way.
Marshal Stalin replied that the Polish Government-in-exile were closely connected with the Germans and their agents in Poland were killing partisans. He said it is impossible to imagine what is going on in Poland.
The Prime Minister said the great question before the English was the fact that they had declared war because of the German invasion of Poland.
He said he personally had been astonished when Chamberlain had given the guarantee in April 1939 to Poland when he had refused to fight for the Czechs. He had been astonished and glad.
He said that England and France had gone to war in pursuance of this guarantee and it was not that he regretted it, but still it would be difficult not to take cognizance of the fact that the British people had gone to war because of Poland.
He said he had used the illustration of the three matches the other evening in order to demonstrate one possible solution of the questions.
He said that the British Government was first of all interested in seeing absolute security for the Western frontiers of the Soviet Union against any surprise assault in the future from Germany.
Marshal Stalin replied that Russia, probably more than any other country was interested in having friendly relations with Poland, since the security of Soviet frontiers was involved.
He said the Russians were in favor of the reconstitution and expansion of Poland at the expense of Germany and that they make distinction between the Polish Government-in-exile and Poland.
He added that they broke relations with Poland not because of a whim but because the Polish [Poles] had joined in slanderous propaganda with the Nazis.
He inquired what guarantee could there be that this would not be repeated. He said they would like to have a guarantee that the Polish Government-in-exile would cease the killing of partisans in Poland and secondly to urge the people to fight against the Germans and not to indulge in intrigues.
The Russians would welcome relations with a Polish Government that led its people in the common struggle but it was not sure that the Polish Government-in-exile could be such a government. However, he added, if the government-in-exile would go along with the partisans and sever all connections with the German agents in Poland, then the Russians would be prepared to negotiate with them.
The Prime Minister said he would like to obtain the views of the Soviet Government in regard to the frontier question, and if some reasonable formula could be devised, he was prepared to take it up with the Polish Government-in-exile, and without telling them that the Soviet Government would accept such a solution, would offer it to them as probably the best they could obtain. If the Polish Government refused this, then Great Britain would be through with them and certainly would not oppose the Soviet Government under any condition at the peace table.
He said the British Government wished to see a Poland strong and friendly to Russia.
Marshal Stalin replied this was desirable, but it was not just for the Poles to try and get back the Ukraine and White Russia; that the frontiers of 1939 had returned the Ukrainian soil to the Ukraine and White Russian soil to White Russia. The Soviet Government adheres to the 1939 line and considers it just and right.
Mr. Eden said that was the line known as the Ribbentrop-Molotov Line.
Marshal Stalin said call it what you will, we still consider it just and right.
Mr. Molotov interjected to say that the 1939 frontier was the Curzon Line.
Mr. Eden said there were differences.
Mr. Molotov replied in no essential points.
There was then an examination of maps as to the exact location of the Curzon Line, and its location was finally established.
Line “A” = Polish-Soviet boundary, 1921-1939
Lines “B,” “C,” and “D” = Hypothetical Polish-Soviet boundaries
Line “E” = The “Curzon Line”
Line “F” = Portion of the German-Polish boundary, 1939-1941
The marks in red pencil on the attached map were made by Stalin himself to illustrate the fact that if part of eastern Prussia, including the ports of Königsberg and Tilsit, were given to the Soviet Union he would be prepared to accept the Curzon Line (the blue line “E” on the map) as the frontier between the Soviet Union and Poland. The red pencil marks to the east of the 1941 Soviet-Polish frontier (the red line “F” on the map) and to the west of the Curzon Line were put on the map by Stalin to show the areas which would go back to Poland. The small area marked in red west of the River Bug northeast of Lublin was put on by Stalin as indicating a place where there would remain in Poland a small area chiefly inhabited by Ukrainians. The Soviet Union, however, would not claim this area but would accept the Curzon Line running along the River Bug. Although it was admitted that the city of Lwów was predominantly Polish, it was situated in the heart of an overwhelmingly Ukrainian region and for that reason (according to Stalin) could not be returned to Poland.
The President inquired whether in the opinion of Marshal Stalin, East Prussia and the area between the old Polish frontier and the Oder was approximately equal to the former Polish territory acquired by the Soviet Union.
Marshal Stalin replied he did not know.
The Prime Minister said that if it was possible to work out some fair solution that it would be up to the Polish [Poles] to accept it.
Marshal Stalin replied that the Soviet Union did not wish to retain any regions primarily occupied by Poles even though they were inside the 1939 Line.
The President inquired whether a voluntary transfer of peoples from the mixed areas was possible.
Marshal Stalin said that such a transfer was entirely possible.
Turning to the question of Germany, the President said that the question was whether or not to split up Germany.
Marshal Stalin replied that they preferred the dismemberment of Germany.
The Prime Minister said he was all for it but that he was primarily more interested in seeing Prussia, the evil core of German militarism, separated from the rest of Germany.
The President said he had a plan that he had thought up some months ago for the division of Germany in five parts. These five parts were:
He proposed that these five areas should be self-governed and that there should be two regions under United Nations or some form of International control. These were:
The Prime Minister said, to use an American expression, “The President had said a mouthful.”
He went on to say that in his mind there were two considerations, one destructive and the other constructive.
The separation of Prussia from the rest of the Reich.
To detach Bavaria, Baden, Württemberg and the Palatinate from the rest of Germany and make them part of the Confederation of the Danube.
Marshal Stalin said he felt if Germany was to be dismembered, it should really be dismembered, and it was neither a question of the division of Germany in five or six states and two areas as the President suggested. However, he said he preferred the President’s plan to the suggestion of Mr. Churchill.
He felt that to include German areas within the framework of large confederations would merely offer an opportunity to the German elements to revive a great State.
He went on to say that he did not believe there was a difference among Germans; that all German soldiers fought like devils and the only exception was the Austrians.
He said that the Prussian Officers and Staffs should be eliminated, but as to the inhabitants, he saw little difference between one part of Germany and another.
He said he was against the idea of confederation as artificial and one that would not last in that area, and in addition would provide opportunity for the German elements to control.
Austria, for example, had existed as an independent state and should again. Hungary, Rumania, and Bulgaria likewise.
The President said he agreed with the Marshal, particularly in regard to the absence of differences between Germans. He said fifty years ago there had been a difference but since the last war it was no longer so.
He said the only difference was that in Bavaria and the Southern part of Germany there was no officer caste as there had been in Prussia. He agreed with Marshal Stalin that the Austrians were an exception.
The Prime Minister said he did not wish to be considered as against the dismemberment of Germany – quite the contrary, but he felt to separate the parts above would merely mean that sooner or later they will reunite into one nation and that the main thing was to keep Germany divided if only for fifty years.
Marshal Stalin repeated what he had said as to the danger of the reunification of Germany. He said no matter what measures were adopted there would always be a strong urge on the part of the Germans to unite.
He said it was a great mistake to unite Hungary with Germans since the Germans would merely control the Hungarians and to create large frameworks within which the Germans could operate would be very dangerous.
He felt the whole purpose of any international organization to preserve peace would be to neutralize this tendency on the part of the Germans and apply against them economic and other measures and if necessary, force, to prevent their unification and revival. He said the victorious nations must have the strength to beat the Germans If they ever start on the path of a new war.
The Prime Minister inquired whether Marshal Stalin contemplated a Europe composed of little states, disjoined, separated and weak.
Marshal Stalin replied not Europe but Germany.
He supposed for example that Poland would be a strong country, and France, and Italy likewise; that Rumania and Bulgaria would remain as they always had; small States.
The President remarked Germany had been less dangerous to civilization when in 107 provinces.
The Prime Minister said he hoped for larger units.
The Prime Minister then returned to the question of Poland and said he was not asking for any agreement nor was he set on the matter but he had a statement which he would like to have the Marshal examine.
This statement suggested that Poland should obtain equal compensation in the West, including Eastern Prussia and frontiers on the Oder to compensate for the areas which would be in the Soviet Union.
The President interjected to say that one question in regard to Germany remained to be settled and that was what body should be empowered to study carefully the question of dismemberment of Germany.
It was agreed that the European Advisory Committee [Commission] would undertake this task.
The Prime Minister said in his opinion the Polish question was urgent.
He repeated if it would be possible to work out a formula here, and then [sic] he could go back to the Polish Government in London and urge on them the desirability of at least attempting to reach a settlement along those lines, without however indicating any commitment on the part of the Soviet Government.
Marshal Stalin said that if the Russians would be given the northern part of East Prussia, running along the left bank of the Niemen and include Tilsit and the City of Königsberg, he would be prepared to accept the Curzon Line as the frontier between the Soviet Union and Poland.
He said the acquisition of that part of Eastern Prussia would not only afford the Soviet Union an ice-free port but would also give to Russia a small piece of German territory which he felt was deserved.
Although nothing definitely was stated, it was apparent that the British were going to take this suggestion back to London to the Poles.
Tehran, December 1, 1943
Mr. President: It is 8:10.
Do you wish at dinner to introduce the method of our occupation of Germany after her collapse?
HARRY
Tehran, December 1, 1943
Mr. President: What do you think of letting the Russians give dinner tonight – your last chance at Russian food
HARRY
OK but I have to leave early as we sleep at the camp.
FDR
You are watchig Stalin playing the Allies. In the case of France he is suggesting the Allies should replace the German occupation with a more harsh British occupation. In the case of Germany he is preparing for a German communist (and Soviet controlled) self rule. Bulgaria is not at war with the SU, but because the Allies asked him, the SU will take her. And “The Straits” should be saved from the contol of a to neutral Turkey (not the bird).
Thatcher lost by 5 years, after everybody knew for decades that it will never happen.
What?? The emus are joining the allies? But Australia and emu empire don’t like each other. I confuse very much.
Basically coerce the Turks to join the allies.
| Present | ||
|---|---|---|
| United States | United Kingdom | Soviet Union |
| President Roosevelt | Prime Minister Churchill | Marshal Stalin |
| Mr. Hopkins | Foreign Secretary Eden | Foreign Commissar Molotov |
| Mr. Harriman | Sir Archibald Clark Kerr | Mr. Pavlov |
| Mr. Bohlen | Major Birse |
The Declaration on Iran and the Conference communiqué were discussed and put into final form.
Harry Truman?
We – The President of the United States, the Prime Minister of Great Britain, and the Premier of Soviet Russia, Marshal of the Red Army, have met these four days past, in this city of Tehran, and have bent our united efforts toward solutions of our military and political problems.
We express our determination that our nations shall work together in war and in the peace that will follow.
As to war – our military staffs have joined in our roundtable discussions, and we have concerted our plans for the final destruction of the German forces. We have reached complete agreement as to the scope and timing of the operations which will be undertaken from the East, West and South, and arrangements were made to ensure intimate and continuous cooperation.
As to peace – the road is still bloody and hard and long. But the common understanding which he we have here reached guarantees that victory will be ours.
And as to post-war plans – our mutual understanding [?] gives us courage to hope for an enduring peace. We recognize fully our great responsibilities to help in the writing determination of a peace which will meet approval of the greater part of the peoples of the world, and ensure a lasting surcease from war.
With our diplomatic advisors we have surveyed the problems of the future, [(] and we now reiterate our aim to strengthen democratic principles in the world. We shall seek the cooperation and the active participation of all nations, large and small, whose people in heart and mind are dedicated, as are our own peoples, to the elimination of tyranny and slavery, oppression and intolerance. We will welcome them, as they may choose to come, into a world family of democratic nations. [)]
[(] We say to the German people:[)]
[(] “We do not seek to enslave you. We do mean to destroy not only your military forces, but also the false leaders who have led a generation of Germans into bitter excesses against common decencies, culminating with your being plunged, by this same leadership, into a useless war which has cost caused millions of your sons to die, and may sacrifice millions more.” [)]
“ No power on earth can prevent our destroying the German armies by land, their submarines by sea, and their industrial war plants from the air. Our attack will be relentless.”
Emerging from these conferences we look with confidence toward the day when all peoples of the world may live free lives, untouched by tyranny, and according to their varying desires and their consciences.
We came here with hope and determination. We leave here, friends in actuality fact, in spirit as well as in purpose.
And we shall meet again as the war – and the peace – progresses!
FRANKLIN D. ROOSEVELT
WINSTON CHURCHILL
JOSEPH STALIN
WE – The President of the United States, The Prime Minister of Great Britain, and The Premier of Soviet Russia, Marshal of the Red Army, have met these four days past, in this city of Tehran [& have shaped & formed confirmed our united policy for the future] and have bent our [their] united efforts toward solutions of our their our military and political problems. of the three great allies
We express our determination that our nations shall work together in war and in the peace that will follow.
As to war – our military staffs have joined in our roundtable discussions, and we have concerted our plans for the final destruction of the German forces. We have reached complete agreement as to the scope and timing of the operations which will to be undertaken from the East, West and South, and arrangements were made to ensure intimate and continuous cooperation.
The road is still bloody and hard and long. But t The common understanding which we have here reached guarantees that victory will be ours.
And as to peace – our mutual belief we are confident that it will our concord gives us courage to hope that we may will make it endure. We recognize fully our great the supreme responsibilitiesy resting upon us & all the United Nations to help in the determination making of make a peace which will meet approval of the greater part command the good will of the overwhelming mass of the peoples of the world, and ensure a lasting surcease from war banish the scourge & terror of war for many generations.
With our diplomatic advisors we have surveyed the problems of the future. We shall seek the cooperation and the active participation of all nations, large and small, whose peoples in heart and mind are dedicated, as are our own peoples, to the elimination of tyranny and slavery, oppression and intolerance. We will welcome them, as they may choose to come, into a world family of democratic nations.
No power on earth can prevent our destroying the German armies by land, their submarines U boats by sea, and their war plants & armies from the air.
Our attack will be relentless & increasing.
Emerging from these cordial conferences we look with confidence toward the day when all peoples of the world may live free lives, untouched by tyranny, and according to their varying desires and their own consciences.
We came here with hope and determination. We leave here, friends in fact, in spirit as well as & in purpose.
And And we shall meet again as the war – and the peace – progresses!
We – The President of the United States, The Prime Minister of Great Britain, and the Premier of the Soviet Russia Union, Marshal of the Red Army, have met these four days past, in this city of Tehran, the capital of our ally, Iran, and have shaped and confirmed our mutual common policy.
We express our determination that our nations shall work together in war and in the peace that will follow.
As to war – our military staffs have joined in our roundtable discussions, and we have concerted our plans for the final destruction of the German forces. We have reached complete agreement as to the scope and timing of the operations which will to be undertaken from the East, West and South, and arrangements were made to ensure intimate and continuous cooperation.
The road is still bloody and hard and long. But t The common understanding which we have reached guarantees that victory will be ours.
And as to peace – we are confident sure that our concord will make it win an enduring peace. We recognize fully the supreme responsibility resting upon us and all the United Nations to make a peace which will command the good will of the overwhelming mass of the peoples of the world, and banish the scourge and terror of war for many generations.
With our diplomatic advisors we have surveyed the problems of the future. We shall seek the cooperation and the active participation of all nations, large and small, whose peoples in heart and mind are dedicated, as are our own peoples, to the elimination of tyranny and slavery, oppression and intolerance. We will welcome them, as they may choose to come, into a world family of democratic nations.
No power on earth can prevent our destroying the German armies by land, their U-boats by sea, and their war plants and armies from the air.
Our attack will be relentless and increasing.
Emerging from these cordial friendly (in Russian) cordial (in English) conferences we look with confidence to toward the day when all peoples of the world may live free lives, untouched by tyranny, and according to their varying desires and their own consciences.
We came here with hope and determination. We leave here, friends in fact, in spirit and in purpose.
And we shall meet again as the war – and the peace – progresses!
FDR
S
C
Tehran, Iran
December 1, 1943
As corrected this becomes the final draft.
December 1, 1943
To be released to the Press
8:00 p.m. Moscow Time
December 6, 1943
The President of the United States, the Premier of the USSR, and the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom, having consulted with each other and with the Prime Minister of Iran, desire to declare the mutual agreement of their three Governments regarding their relations with Iran.
The Governments of the United States, the USSR, and the United Kingdom recognize the assistance which Iran has given in the prosecution of the war against the common enemy, particularly by facilitating the transportation of supplies from overseas to the Soviet Union.
The Three Governments realize that the war has caused special economic difficulties for Iran, and they are agreed that they will continue to make available to the Government of Iran such economic assistance as may be possible, having regard to the heavy demands made upon them by their world-wide military operations and to the worldwide shortage of transport, raw materials, and supplies for civilian consumption.
With respect to the post-war period, the Governments of the United States, the USSR, and the United Kingdom are in accord with the Government of Iran that any economic problems confronting Iran at the close of hostilities should receive full consideration, along with those of other members of the United Nations, by conferences or international agencies held or created to deal with international economic matters.
The Governments of the United States, the USSR, and the United Kingdom are at one with the Government of Iran in their desire for the maintenance of the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Iran. They count upon the participation of Iran, together with all other peace-loving nations, in the establishment of international peace, security and prosperity after the war, in accordance with the principles of the Atlantic Charter, to which all four Governments have subscribed.
WINSTON S. CHURCHILL
И. СТАЛИН
FRANKLIN D. ROOSEVELT
Spoiler alert: "If the US is controling the Panama canal without consent of Panama, and the British contol the Suez canal without consent of Egypt, why should the SU need the consent of Turkey to control the “Russian Straits” " (quoted from memory only)
Cut out by ? Because of what reason?
Bracketed for possible deletion from the final communiqué. I’m not quite sure why.
If we know who we will know why. At the eastern front German communist units had been sending messages like this. If it was Stalin, he wanted to get more Germans than the Britts.
And made parts of Iran occupied, or made “Indepedent Peoples Republics”.
The Teheran Conference is case study of why the Euro/American view of history is not shared.