Election 1944: Pre-convention news

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Mistakes blamed for war’s lag

Boston, Massachusetts (UP) –
Former Massachusetts Governor Joseph B. Ely, a candidate for the Democratic presidential nomination, charged last night that mistakes of the “Communist-CIO-New Deal combination” have prolonged the war and cost the lives of American soldiers.

Mr. Ely told a Jeffersonian Democrats’ meeting:

The morale of the German people is sustained by the faults and inadequacies of the Roosevelt administration which will be the cause of sacrificing our sons, brothers, husbands and sweethearts.

Urging defeat of a fourth term, Mr. Ely asked:

Who are the fourth-term proponents? There is Earl Browder, the Communist; Sidney Hillman, the CIO revolutionary, and David Niles and John McCormack of the palace guard. What a strange conglomeration of bedfellows are lying down to sleep in the bed of Thomas Jefferson.

Mr. Ely will head an anti-Roosevelt slate on the April 25 Massachusetts presidential primaries.

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Editorial: The MacArthur letters

Gen. MacArthur is the victim of careless letter-writing and of a friend who made public two of the general’s answers to fan mail. That seems to be the net of the incident caused by Rep. A. L. Miller’s publication of his correspondence with the general last fall and two months ago.

Why the freshman Nebraska Congressman, a leader in the Draft-MacArthur-for-President movement, should thus embarrass the general is not clear.

Since the general did not publicly request withdrawal of his name from primaries in which he was entered without authorization, he is in the position of an inactive though receptive candidate. But he has not publicly admitted that much, as has LtCdr. Harold E. Stassen.

Presumably the general’s unwillingness to fight for the nomination, or to participate in public debate, results from his feeling that a man cannot conduct a military campaign and a personal political campaign at the same time. Certainly Gen. MacArthur’s friends and backers – of all people – should respect this.

The private MacArthur statements in the letters are of three kinds:

First, in his October reply to Mr. Miller’s September statement that he could get the presidential nomination and carry every state, the general said: “I do not anticipate in any way your flattering predictions.”

Second, in the same letter, the general told Mr. Miller, “I do unreservedly agree with the complete wisdom and statesmanship of your comments.” This was an apparent reference to Mr. Miller’s assertion that “unless this New Deal can be stopped this time, our American way of life is forever doomed.”

When Mr. Miller in January deplored “this monarchy which is being established in America.” Gen. MacArthur replied to his “scholarly letter” that “we must not inadvertently slip into the same condition internally as the one which we fight externally.”

This, of course, was an extreme partisan implication, as unworthy of the general as Vice President Wallace’s loose “Fascist” name-calling is unworthy of him.

Third, when Mr. Miller criticized the allocation of war supplies to the Pacific, the general replied: “Out here we are doing what we can with what we have. I will be glad, however, when more substantial forces are placed at my disposal.” Like all commanders, Gen. MacArthur naturally would like stronger forces. But that is a decision for the General Staff to make in line with global strategy, not a subject for a subordinate commander to discuss with a civilian.

It is regrettable that Gen. MacArthur wrote these letters, even if they might have been written in confidence. The Allies need great generals, and Gen. MacArthur is one of them. To permit a political indiscretion to detract from his military prestige is seriously unfortunate.

The Pittsburgh Press (April 15, 1944)

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Dewey praises teamwork in home state

Governor attacks Roosevelt ‘liberalism’

Albany, New York (UP) –
Governor Thomas E. Dewey, making his second report to the people, said last night that the “cobwebs” of past Democratic regimes in New York State had been wiped out, and that the present state government is “infused with new blood and new energy, filled with a spirit of teamwork between the legislative and executive branches.”

While devoting most of his address to a review of accomplishments by his administration during the last year, Governor Dewey indirectly attacked the Roosevelt administration.

Roosevelt ‘liberalism’ attacked

He criticized:

…that type of personal government which talks fine phrases of liberalism while seeking to impose its will and whims upon the people through centralized bureaucracies issuing from directives from a distance.

Governor Dewey, the leading possibility for the 1944 Republican presidential nomination, said his state administration was attempting to “establish and maintain a genuinely competent and progressive government.”

He continued:

Three immediate and fundamental purposes have guided our work to strength the state government. First, to win the war; second, to prepare for a rapid and smooth readjustment to peaceful pursuits, once complete victory is won; third, to preserve and develop that freedom at home for which your men are fighting abroad.

Workable soldier ballot

Anti-discrimination legislation, drastic revision of the Workmen’s Compensation Administration, new health bills, streamlining of various departments and bureaus, veterans’ legislation and greater aid to the New York farmer were other accomplishments cited by Governor Dewey.

He continued:

Your state administration also took the lead in proposing a simple, workable formula for soldier voting. This soldier ballot will… give every man and woman in the armed services by the simple act of signing his name once, a valid note for every candidate from President to the local officers in his hometown.

Formula for freedom

Governor Dewey said the day would come:

…when free men everywhere, regardless of race, color or creed, can live in freedom, can work at occupations of their own choosing, can raise their children in the traditions of their parents, can worship God in the manner of their own choosing.

He said:

We can, and we must, keep out own society clean of those within who would lead us into paths of narrow or bigoted selfishness.

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Merger convention

Minneapolis, Minnesota (UP) –
The Farmer-Labor Party, once spoken of as the “core of revolution in the Midwest,” met in state convention today to vote itself out of existence so its remnants can merge with Minnesota Democrats to reelect President Roosevelt.

Both the Farmer-Labor Party and the state Democratic Party opened simultaneous conventions in different hotels for the purpose of joining forces under a new hyphenated organization to be known as the Democratic-Farmer-Labor Party.

Permanent convention officers were named and the nearly 400 delegates began caucusing for district committeemen. The Democrats expect to complete merger arrangements today.

Elmer Benson of Appleton, former U.S. Senator and last Farmer-Labor governor, pleaded for fusion of the two groups and attacked former Governor Harold E. Stassen and Senator Joseph H. Ball as “plain American Fascists.”

He said:

The Stassen-Ball crowd was largely responsible for the defeat of Wendell Willkie in Wisconsin. That means they are tied up with the Hoover-McCormick crowd, that they are agents of the capitalistic group that wants to destroy our present national administration. These people are plain American Fascists.

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Stassen support reiterated

New York (UP) –
Senator Joseph H. Ball (R-MN) reiterated his support of LtCdr. Harold E. Stassen for the 1944 Republican presidential nomination last night and asserted that President Roosevelt and Congress “are not longer working as a team to solve the serious problems facing our country.”

Before the New York Young Republican Club, Senator Ball criticized the asserted lack of teamwork and said:

There is controversy, and often deadlock, on almost every major issue outside the actual prosecution of the war, on which there is unity.

Mr. Ball also criticized the administration for “the present jungle of overlapping bureaus and agencies.”

He said:

I have been on the Truman Investigating Committee for three years and it is a continual miracle to mw how American industry and labor continue to produce the huge volume of war materiel they are producing in the face of bureaucratic red tape and confusing and contradictory regulations emanating from Washington.

Urging the nation to ace speedily in “working out a just peace and the machinery to maintain it,” Senator Ball said:

Let our Republican Party and our nominee for President stand unequivocally for an international organization with the authority and the power to shape the peace now and to maintain it in the future.

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Editorial: The phony issue

With each passing week those fourth-termers who hope to make a campaign issue of an imaginary isolationism look sillier and sillier.

Last week, the Wisconsin primary exploded the myth that Midwest Republicans oppose world cooperation. For the international collaborationist Thomas E. Dewey won without running, and the superstater Harold E. Stassen placed second over Gen. MacArthur and Wendell L. Willkie. Now the Nebraska primary – with Mr. Stassen winning easily and an unexpectedly large write-in vote for Mfr. Dewey – underlines the obvious.

This week, the American Federation of Labor urged American participation in world organization for peace and security. The AFL post-war reconstruction committee reported:

The conflicts of today have proved that we can no longer rely on our favored geographical position to maintain our national safety.

It approved an international police force or any necessary means to prevent war, and modification of trade barriers to facilitate exchange of good and services between all nations. It opposed expansionism and imperialism, as well as isolationism, and rejected attempts by any nation to force unilateral solutions to territorial and other problems affecting peace. It stressed the need for international organization to handle health and welfare problems, and to control epidemics and drug traffic.

Of course, the fourth-termers have had no chance of fooling the people with a fake crusade against GOP isolationism since the Mackinac Declaration, and the Republican votes for the Fulbright and Connally resolutions.

All but an insignificant number of Democrats and Republicans support the bipartisan Congressional commitment to a democratic international; organization. The real issue is whether President Roosevelt can deliver on the American mandate and the Allied pledges, or whether European powers will put another league front on the old balance-of-power system.

About the only bright part of this picture is that there is no party division here on the need for effective and democratic world organization. This American unity in foreign policy is a source of great national strength and of world hope in this crisis. For fourth-termers, or any other group, to insist on seeing disunity where unity exists is exceedingly shortsighted partisanship.

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Background of news –
Wallace’s trip to China

By Jay G. Harden

Washington –
Rarely have home politics and the war abroad been so tangled up as they are in speculations relating to the trip of vice President Henry A. Wallace to China, cryptically announced to occur “sometime in the late spring or early summer.”

The political implication, which diligent inquiry in Democratic Party circles so far has failed either to remove or amplify, is self-evident. It arises from the circumstance that the vice-presidential nomination has been boiling up as the chief point of contention in the Democratic National Convention July 19, and Mr. Wallace’s prospective tour would seem to synchronize exactly with the time when he should be making his bid for delegate support.

Proceeding from the assumption that Mr. Wallace must be going abroad at President Roosevelt’s request, two diametrically opposite theories as to the latter’s political purpose are advanced.

One of these is that Mr. Roosevelt, desiring to be rid of Mr. Wallace as a 1944 running mate, is providing him with a graceful exit. The counter-conjecture holds that the President, having decided in favor of Mr. Wallace’s renomination, is seeking to build him up as a second horse that, in interest of winning the war, it is imperative not to change in midstream.

Chinese attitude important

A serious feature of this political speculation is the foreign skepticism as to Mr. Wallace’s official standing which it has aroused. For example, a leading spokesman for the Chungking government commented that:

If Mr. Wallace is being sent to China merely to shunt him off, it is an insult to the Chinese people.

From the standpoint of foreign opinion alone, it would seem necessary that Mr. Wallace’s political status be clarified before he embarks on his mission.

There is plenty of reason, entirely unrelated to Democratic politics, why an outstanding American envoy just now should be sent to China. Due to rapidly mounting currency inflation, coupled with severe shortage of food, the domestic economy of that country has been reported very near the point of total breakdown.

Coincidentally, it is said, Soviet Russian encouragement of rebel elements has placed the Kuomintang government of Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek in serious danger of disruption and that there have long been serious differences between Allied military authorities in the Chinese-Indian theater is well known.

At a meeting of the Kuomintang Central Committee last September Generalissimo Chiang publicly recognized an existing state of armed revolution by calling on the “Chinese Communist Party” to:

…abandon its policy of forcefully occupying our national territory and give up their past tactics of assaulting national government troops in various sectors.

Prestige feared slipping

The subsequent meeting of Generalissimo Chiang with President Roosevelt and Prime Minister Churchill at Cairo, coupled with the naming of Chinese at Moscow as one of the “Big Four,” helped the Chungking government greatly, but latterly its prestige again has been slipping away.

One cause for this decline, State Department authorities say, was the seeming Soviet support of the Chinese Communists, contained in the issuance from Moscow of a blast against the Chiang-sponsored government of the Chinese-Russian border province of Sinkiang.

The report that, after Chungking, Mr. Wallace may go to Moscow suggests that he is being sent to mediate between the Chinese and Russians.

The main American military dissatisfaction arises from the distaste which both British and Chinese have shown for fighting in Burma.

The Pittsburgh Press (April 16, 1944)

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Political deal laid to WLB in labor case

‘Special privilege’ to CIO union charged

Washington (UP) – (April 15)
Rep. Clare E. Hoffman (R-MI) today criticized the War Labor Board action in the Montgomery Ward & Company strike as an instance of trading of administrative “special privilege to CIO unions in return for political support for the fourth term.”

The WLB referred the dispute to the White House after ordering renewal of a contract with the CIO Mail Order, Warehouse and Retail Employees Union.

Company officials have contended the union no longer represents a majority of the employees and that the WLB cannot compel employers to sign closed shops or maintenance-of-membership contracts.

Not in war business

Mr. Hoffman argued that Montgomery Ward is not engaged in war business and therefore not within WLB jurisdiction.

Hoffman said:

Nevertheless, the WLB has issued an order which would ultimately, if the usual procedure is followed, compel the employees of that organization to join a CIO union, pay dues and assessments.

Maintenance of membership, which the board ordered for Montgomery Ward employees, does not require workers to join a union, but binds those already members to remain in good standing during the life of the contract. They are usually offered 15 days to resign from the union if they do not wish to be bound by the clause.

Assessments cited

Some CIO affiliates are assessing members $1 each for a political fund, “a part of which is to be used in support of the administration and New Deal candidates for Congress,” Mr. Hoffman said.

He asked:

Is it not logical to argue that the administration and the WLB force employees to join a CIO affiliate, which in turn forces them to work to earn the dollar which goes into the campaign fund of the CIO’s Committee for Political Action and which in turn supports the President for a fourth term and supports those candidates who agree to go along with the President’s program?

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Farmer-Labor Party votes ‘own’ death

Minneapolis, Minnesota (UP) –
The Farmer-Labor Party, one of the most persistent of third-party movements, voted itself out of political existence today.

The party, whose tradition extends in a direct line to the Populist Party of the 1890s, joined forces in Minnesota with the Democrats in an attempt to reelect President Roosevelt to a fourth term.

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Jap war blamed on dereliction

Administration blasted by Governor Bricker

San Francisco, California (UP) – (April 15)
Ohio Governor John W. Bricker, candidate for the Republican presidential nomination, today blamed the Roosevelt administration for the “disgrace of Pearl Harbor” and declared that the United States “might not have been dragged into the European War if the Pacific War had been prevented.”

In an address before the Commonwealth Club here, Mr. Bricker charged that either the administration’s ignorance of or failure to inform the public of Japan’s fortification of the Pacific mandated islands “is one of the gravest derelictions in all our history.”

He said:

If the American people had known of the islands’ fortification and the sales of war materials to Japan, there would have been such public indignation that it would have either prevented the Japs doing what they did in the mandated islands, or would have resulted in increasing our preparations.

We would have been ready. There was no excuse for getting caught. The war might not have occurred if we had been ready.

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Hughes spurns role as GOP keynoter

Washington (UP) – (April 15)
A group of influential Republicans have considered offering to Charles Evans Hughes the important job of keynoting the Republican National Convention, but the former Chief Justice let it be known tonight that he was not interested.

The keynoter and the permanent chairman of the convention, which opens June 26, will be selected in Chicago on Wednesday by the GOP Arrangements Committee. House Republican Leader Joseph W. Martin Jr. (R-MA), who served as permanent chairman of the 1940 convention, will do so again this year.

It was reported that Rep. Clare Boothe Luce (R-CT) was gathering strong support as a potential keynoter.

Some GOP leaders are urging that the post be given to one of the party’s 26 state governors, but the difficulty, as one spokesman put it, is that so many governors “have their lightning rod up.”

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Eric Johnston: Three Roosevelts at odds – The man, the President, and the politician

Chamber of Commerce admits robust admiration; ruthless politically, but man is kind
By Eric Johnston, North American Newspaper Alliance

This story, reprinted in part from the April American Mercury Magazine, is an interesting appraisal of President Roosevelt by Eric Johnston, president of the U.S. Chamber of Commerce.

Are you for the New Deal or against it?

Although the question makes no sense, few sensible Americans will refrain from answering it. Most of them, in fact, will proffer a categorical answer with the emphasis of fervor normally reserved for a discussion of the virtue of one’s mother. Approval and denunciation are usually of the blanket type – despite the fact that few New Deal leaders can themselves adequately define the phrase; and despite the fact that the more excited anti-New Dealers who attempt a definition peter out in cusswords.

Quarrels always explode around symbols, and the most potent of these was Franklin Delano Roosevelt himself. Not since Andrew Jackson and Abraham Lincoln, I suppose, has any President been so execrated and so glorified by his own generation. At the risk of upsetting the metabolism of my more unbending anti-FDR friends, I want to confess a robust, non-partisan admiration.

There are, it seems to me, three Roosevelts, one impinging on the other.

Roosevelt the man

There is Roosevelt the man, as fine a specimen as our country has produced. Born into wealth and family, he is a democrat to his fingertips, with a genuine sympathy for the underdog. No ne who has known him intimately doubts the sincerity of his social conscience. Friend and foe alike must be thrilled by the courage and the spiritual vigor that conquered physical handicaps which would have laid lesser men low.

Although there is more than a touch of the snob in his heritage and makeup, he meets all men as equals, whatever their race, creed or station. There is nothing remotely stuffed-shirt about him. He talks easily and racily – on occasion excessively, I must add – in man-to-man spirit. He laughs easily and contagiously, and with equal exuberance whether his friends or his enemies are the butt of the joke.

Let me put this first Roosevelt, the man, into the most elementary terms I can find. If he were not President, but your next-door neighbor, an associate in your business, or a casual Pullman acquaintance, you couldn’t help liking him. You would decide that you want him as a friend, because he is an interesting, amusing, and authentic personality.

Roosevelt the politician

Secondly, there is Roosevelt the politician. Unless you have a special taste for such things, you would be decidedly less enthusiastic about this one. It is, as a matter of fact, the cunning, conniving politician, rather than the man who has been so successful in transforming enthusiasts into detractors: Hugh Johnson, Raymond Moley, Joseph Medill Patterson, Stanley High, James Farley – the list could be extended into at least a prominent score.

Roosevelt understands and enjoys the game of politics as other men enjoy their favorite sport, and he has no more conscience about toppling an opponent than a halfback in the throes of a hotly contested game. He has the shrewdness and a lot of the ruthlessness of the political adept, he thinks in deals, bargains, blocs or votes and pressure groups as naturally as you and I, if we are both businessmen, think in terms of markets, costs, overheads, profits and losses. There are few men in public life, I venture to say, more skilled in dangling the carrot of promises before the eyes of plodding political donkeys. And he is not a man to hand around too long with a lost cause.

Roosevelt the President

Finally, there is Roosevelt the President. In that capacity, I am convinced, he has as keen a sense of the sacredness of his position and the magnitude of his responsibility as any of his predecessors. Those who doubt this are, I fear, unmindful of the psychological effect the Presidency has on a man. I do not believe that any man invested with the dignity of the greatest office in the world could fail to respond to its challenge, or be less than a total patriot. The very title of President of the United States works its magic over the most self-centered and mediocre men – and Franklin Roosevelt is neither of these.

He has an acute sense of his own place in history, and of his obligations to coming generations. In talking to him, I have sometimes had the feeling that he was stepping back a few decades and looking at himself in the perspective of time. Men who knew Woodrow Wilson intimately have told me this trait was especially strong in the Princeton president as White House incumbent. Perhaps it is one of the “occupational diseases” associated with the office; but it has its wholesome side, in that it makes a man President first – Democrat, Republican, New Dealer or whatnot second.

Three characters conflict

Small wonder that these three Roosevelts, confined in one vigorous personality, jostle and contradict one another. The politician intrudes on the President, the President reproves the politician, the man brushes them both aside. They dispute one another and strike compromises, to the confusion of admirers and critics alike.

The President soars to peaks of patriotism; the politician condescends to vituperation and small vengeances that grieve his friends; the man shows streaks of generosity, horseplay, pettiness, vanity, like all sons of Adam. Had Roosevelt been more the statesman-President and less the politician, his administration might have been less embittered his reforms on a more constructive and more enduring level.

If I were to summarize the evils of the New Deal, as I would list the following:

  • Its unfortunate resort to the language, techniques and philosophy of class conflict, at a time when the urgent need has been cooperation.

  • Its attempts, all too successful on occasion, to legislate by administrative decrees, substituting government by officials for government by law.

  • Its clear tendency to excessive centralization, whereby it has intruded upon the prerogatives of the states and, more important, the prerogatives of the people.

  • Its deleterious emphasis upon negative and defeatist ideas and procedures, such as “made” work, plowing-under, spread work, measures against saving and investment. The very habit of productivity, the faith in abundance has been hurt by such insistence on curbing, restricting, beating down the creative urge of man.

Despite excesses in their practice, I approve the principle of many phases of New Deal policy.

Relief for all Americans in distress, because of unemployment or other reasons, seems to me a matter beyond doubt.

The same holds true for relief to farmers hard hit by economic dislocations. Distress in agricultural regions is less evident than in urban centers, but it is nonetheless real.

The protection of labor’s right to collective bargaining, a field in which the New Deal has advanced onto new ground, remains as a permanent gain.

The Security Exchange Commission, in the same way, can be made a stout support for the capitalist system.

These and a good man many other New Deal measures can be absorbed and brought into alignment with a freely functioning private enterprise world.

The designation New Deal has been ostentatiously abandoned by the President, indicating a trend “to the Right,” to use an expression that is not altogether accurate. But the facts compassed by the New Deal, good and bad, are with us. The time has come to sift reality from legend, to examine the crucial Roosevelt Era without passion or bitterness, so that we may retain the constructive elements and repudiate the destructive tendencies.

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House voice on peace demanded by Bloom

Washington (UP) – (April 15)
Chairman Sol Bloom (D-NY) of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, tonight called on both major political parties to go on record as favoring ratification of all international agreements and treaties by a simply majority of both branches of Congress.

Declaring that the House, as well as the Senate, should have a voice in drafting the peace treaty and other agreements with foreign countries. Mr. Bloom urged that a plank advocating such procedure be written into both the Democratic and Republican platforms.

The Constitution empowers the Chief Executive, “by and with the advice of the Senate, to make treaties, provided two-thirds of the Senators present concur.” Mr. Bloom would have international “agreements” subject to ratification by simple majority of both House and Senate.

The Pittsburgh Press (April 17, 1944)

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MacArthur opens door to draft by Republicans

Sole ambition is to help win war by fulfilling ‘such duty as may be assigned to me’

Allied HQ, Southwest Pacific (UP) –
Gen. Douglas MacArthur, in a statement interpreted as meaning that he would be available for the Republican presidential nomination if drafted but would not seek it, said today that his sole ambition was to aid in winning the war “by the fulfillment of such duty as has been or may be assigned to me.”

Gen. MacArthur, in a statement on his correspondence with Rep. A. L. Miller (R-NE) who urged him to run, said his letters were not intended for publication, that they were not politically inspired and that he repudiated the “sinister suggestion that they were intended as criticism of any political philosophy or of any personages in high office.”

He said the American election system was of “so imposing a nature as to be beyond the sphere of any individual’s coercion or decision,” and added in conclusion:

I can only say, as I have said before, I have not sought the office nor do I seek it. I have devoted myself exclusively to the conduct of the war.

My sole ambition is to assist our beloved country to win this vital struggle by the fulfillment of such duty as has been or may be assigned to me.

Two years ago, Gen. MacArthur said he was not a candidate; in March 1942, when he arrived in Australia, he said: “I began the war as a soldier and I will end it as one.”

Last year, when American politicians started demanding that Gen. MacArthur declare his intentions, he said, “let’s get on with the war.”

Hence Gen. MacArthur’s statement today tended to confirm the growing impression in the best-informed quarters here that he would not seek the Republican nomination but would accept it if the party drafted him.

The final sentence of his statement, regarding duty that might be assigned to him, was taken to mean that, if drafted for what he believed the country’s good, he would accept.

‘Personal correspondence’

Gen. MacArthur said:

My attention has been called to the publication by Congressman Miller of a personal correspondence with him.

Their perusal will show any fair-minded person that they were neither politically inspired not intended to convoy blanket approval of the Congressman’s views.

Mr. Miller, urging Gen. MacArthur to run, had said that “unless this New Deal can be stopped this time, our American way of life is forever doomed” and that “I am certain that this monarchy which is being established in America will destroy the rights of the common people.”

Gen. MacArthur called these letters wise, statesmanlike and scholarly and said Mr. Miller’s description of conditions “is a sobering one indeed and is calculated to arouse the thoughtful consideration of every true patriot.”

In his statement today, Gen. MacArthur said:

I entirely repudiate the sinister interpretation that they [his letters] were intended as criticism of any political philosophy or of any personages in high office.

The letters, Gen. MacArthur said, were “amiable acknowledgements” to a Congressman’s letters “containing flattering and friendly remarks to me personally.”

Warns of misrepresentation

To continue them otherwise, he said, was to misrepresent the intent.

Gen. MacArthur said he had not received Mr. Miller’s third letter, urging him to announce his candidacy, and commented:

The high constitutional processes of our representative and republican form of government in which there resides with the people the sacred duty of choosing and electing their Chief Executive are of so imposing a nature as to be beyond the sphere of any individual’s coercion or decision.

Then he continued with his final paragraph saying that he did not seek office but would do the duty assigned him.

Regrets publication

Well-informed quarters expressed belief that Gen. MacArthur obviously regretted the publication of his letters and felt that he had been put on the spot.

Of Mr. Miller’s letter saying that “unless this New Deal can be stopped our American way of life is forever doomed,” Gen. MacArthur had written that “I do unreservedly agree with the complete wisdom and statesmanship of your comments.”

Mr. Miller’s second letter, saying a monarchy was being established in the United States, Gen. MacArthur had called scholarly.

It was felt here that publication of the letters had done Gen. MacArthur no service and, in fact, would seem to be the very thing his supporters would want to avoid because it might antagonize some people.

Finally, it was felt here that the whole Miller affair was a teapot tempest because Gen. MacArthur never had more than an outside chance and that was lessened by Wendell L. Willkie’s withdrawal.

Out here, so far from the United States, it had been felt that any chance for Gen. MacArthur would have been in a Dewey-Willkie deadlock but that now it appeared that Governor Thomas E. Dewey probably would be nominated on the first ballot.

When Mr. Willkie announced his withdrawal, one MacArthur supporter commented:

I’ll bet the Democrats are laughing like hell this morning. Willkie has won the election for them by assuring the nomination of the one man they are sure to beat.

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Johnston denies he’s in politics

Detroit, Michigan (UP) –
Eric Johnston, president of the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, who has frequently been mentioned as Republican presidential material, denied today that he had political ambitions and asserted that he was doing a job for business in which politics had no part.

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Bricker: Great era near

Los Angeles, California (UP) –
Governor John W. Bricker of Ohio will arrive today for a 36-hour visit to wind up the West Coast lap of a swing around the country to spur his nomination as Republican candidate for President.

He will deliver three major addresses and confer with Republican leaders before returning to Columbus, making a brief stopover in Phoenix, Arizona, to attend a special session of the Arizona Legislature.

Mr. Bricker, speaking before the California Republican Assembly at San Jose last night, said he was convinced that America “is at the threshold of its greatest era.”

He said:

Let us have faith that in the period ahead, America may help bring a better life and greater freedom to the peoples of the world, that the wounds of war and bitter hatreds which follow may be healed.

Earlier, in a press conference at Sacramento, Mr. Bricker said he was “shooting at the top” and would not be satisfied with being Vice President.

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Washington opinion –
MacArthur puts self on ‘available’ list

Vandenberg, leading supporter, silent

Washington (UP) –
Gen. Douglas MacArthur’s statement on American political affairs was interpreted here today as indicating his availability for a draft to the Republican presidential nomination despite his decision not to press active candidacy.

Political observers counted it significant that Gen. MacArthur did not specifically eliminate himself for consideration as the GOP’s 1944 standard-bearer, although his statement could have been a vehicle for such an elimination.

With ‘availables’

The statement thus appeared to place Gen. MacArthur alongside New York Governor Thomas E. Dewey and LtCdr. Harold E. Stassen as “available” for the Republican nomination. Of the leading GOP possibilities, only Ohio Governor John W. Bricker is an announced candidate.

Gen. MacArthur’s statement was issued primarily to clear up his part in the publication of correspondence between him and Rep. A. L. Miller (R-NE), an active MacArthur-for-President supporter who released the letters last week.

Gen. MacArthur said the letters were neither intended for publication nor politically inspired, strongly implying that Mr. Miller had violated confidence by revealing them to the press.

Vandenberg silent

Senator Arthur H. Vandenberg (R-MI), a leading MacArthur supporter, declined to comment on the general’s statement.

Rep. Hamilton Fish (R-NY) said:

It bears out Gen. MacArthur’s earlier assertions that he is not a candidate for office. He might accept it if were offered to him – as anyone would.

Senator Styles Bridges (R-NH) said he thought the letters made public by Mr. Miller:

…indicated MacArthur’s availability but his statement that he is interested solely in winning the war must be taken at face value because of the magnificent and courageous job that he has done.

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Editorial: Wallace’s junket

The President seems to have a dual purpose in shipping the Vice President off to China. He wants to take the heat off Henry here at home in the pre-convention period. And he wants to counteract, with a few kind words to the Chinese, the British reverses in Burma and India. But we wouldn’t put much money on the line that this junket will succeed.

It is not hard to figure why the President would like to get Mr. Wallace out of the country for a while. Though the Senate has a heavy schedule ahead, he is not particularly needed there as a presiding officer – in fact some are unkind enough to suggest that things will go better without him. He is unpopular with the Southern and conservative groups of the party, which the President is trying to butter up in a campaign year.

If the President decides to force him as a vice-presidential candidate on the next Democratic convention as in 1940, will that task be easier if Mr. Wallace remains out of sight and sound for two or three months? Our guess is that the President has not yet made up his mind whether he will run again, or if so, made his choice for second place on the ticket.

But since left-wing help will be needed in the campaign, he apparently intends to use Mr. Wallace in some capacity. We doubt, however, that Mr. Wallace’s absence will have made the party heart grow any fonder by the time he returns for the convention.

The Chinese situation is more important than the political fortunes of Mr. Wallace, and even less likely to be changed by the President’s simple device of sending him on a trip. Chinese morale is low, because they have fought a long time without appreciable help. Repeated promises have grown dangerously thin. Words, however eloquent and sincere, will not serve for weapons – the weapons required to stand off the Japs, much less lick them.

Why expect Mr. Wallace, a year later, to impress the Chinese with American good intentions if that was not achieved by Congress and the President personally when Mme. Chiang Kai-shek came here asking aid? Americans, for selfish as well as for humanitarian reasons, know that China must be liberated before Japan can be defeated. But it is now a matter of performance.

Our real ambassadors of goodwill to China are Adm. Nimitz, Gen. MacArthur, Gen. Stilwell and Gen. Chennault. Messengers of regret to Chungking, with alibis for the failure of the over-advertised Mountbatten offensive to get started before the rainy season, can accomplish nothing. If Mr. Wallace has powers of persuasion, he had better spend them in London and New Delhi.

The Pittsburgh Press (April 18, 1944)

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I DARE SAY —
Many a true world–

By Florence Fisher Parry

One of the most pungent comments on the Willkie defeat can be found in Newsweek for April 17 in Raymond Moley’s excellent column, “Perspective.” Not only does it apply to Wendell Willkie, but it applies to every one of us who thinks that he can accomplish anything single-handed. No one so strong but needs help. This is what Mr. Moley has to say:

It was Mr. Willkie who defeated Mr. Willkie. Ever since his nomination in 1940, he has tried to enjoy the sweet satisfaction of two irreconcilable roles. He has tried to lead a party and be independent of it. He has tried to be a free commentator on public affairs and an actor in those affairs. It can’t be done. Not in this world. The thousands of average people who pay for theater tickets at night, the next morning pay for newspapers which pan the play. They don’t want actors’ opinions or critics’ acting.

Let us take an example from the dust of the last century – William E. Gladstone. Whenever, in his long career as opposition leader or Prime Minister, Gladstone decided to bring his party to a new course of action, he labored incessantly, patiently and earnestly with his fellow leaders. He made more speeches in a year than Willkie has made in his life, but they were mostly in the homes of his colleagues or in the cabinet room, and the net of it all was that Gladstone ultimately brought his party around to almost every position that he thought best. That is party leadership.

Public speeches are easy to make. A crowd doesn’t talk back. It cheers or boos; but the private persuasion of doubtful colleagues is hard labor, for it must be achieved by a mastery of facts and endless patience…

The loss of Mr. Willkie has been serious to him, to the party and to the country.

I read this passage over twice. It struck home. It is true what Mr. Moley says. The old saw, “Hew to the line and let the chips fall where they may” is a good metaphor so long as one is adjured to disregard the “chips” only; but if, when hewing to the line, one cleaves so deep that the timber which one would plane falls apart, that is not good carpentering.

Bristling facts

Lawrence Sullivan wrote a peerless report on our present federal government which, for candor and bristling facts, is matched only by Senator Harry F. Byrd’s report to the nation after having investigated non-essential federal expenditures. Here are some facts which Mr. Sullivan divulges:

Our federal government has a payroll of $522 million per month. That’s $18 million a day; $42,500 a minute. This payroll pays 3,300,000 federal employees. That means that to every three men now in the Armed Forces, there is one government jobholder. That means that our government employs twice as many people to do its civil, not military, mind you civil work, than are employed by this country’s entire steel industry, one-half again as many as are employed in ship construction; several times as many as the states employ. For example, Pennsylvania has 44,500 state employees and she has 215,000 federal employees.

And how do you suppose these 215,000 federal employees are going to vote in November?

Senator Byrd’s report

It’s too bad that Senator Byrd’s report was not required reading for every voting citizen of the United States. Here are a few sentences of its testimony:

Our government is the chief offender in wasting and hoarding manpower. At no time in history has there been so much waste and inefficiency as now exists in the multitude of bureaus which sap the strength of our nation. It is imperative that the people of the United States become aware of this shocking abuse on manpower in the federal government, and that they promote the transfer of all unnecessary government workers to essential war industries.

Unless this is done quickly, the overstaffing in the federal establishment will constitute a serious peril in our war effort. Excluding those engaged in mechanical and construction work, one may say that one-third of the entire civilian personnel of the federal government could be dismissed.

Mr. Sullivan offers the development of OPA as typical of our present government’s tendency to extend its authority, expand its payrolls and invite voting support. The OPA began in April 1941, with a staff of 84. In one year, its staff numbered more than 8,000, and by its second birthday, it employed 90,000 persons.

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Simms: Parties look to Roosevelt and Churchill

U.S., British political situations likened
By William Philip Simms, Scripps-Howard staff writer

London, England –
A very interesting parallel is developing between the political fortunes of Prime Minister Churchill and those of President Roosevelt.

Some of Britain’s shrewdest observers tell me that the Prime Minister may not be able to retire in the full flush of victory as he would like.

Immediately after the European War, Great Britain will have a national election. With Mr. Churchill as leader, many are saying the Conservative Party will remain in power. With anyone else in his place, the chances are it would be defeated.

The Prime Minister would like to retire from public life as soon as possible after victory. As a student and a maker of history, he knows that would be the moment to step down. But he has yet to reckon with his party.

Today in America, scores of Democratic candidates are plugging for a fourth term for President Roosevelt.

Without Mr. Roosevelt at the head of the ticket, they are afraid the Democratic Party will be defeated. And as their best, if not their only, chance of election is by riding on the President’s coattails they are doing everything in their power to keep him in the race.

Just as the Democrats want President Roosevelt to run, the Conservatives here want the Prime Minister to run.

The big question is whether Mr. Churchill will let himself be persuaded.

Like others in his position, I am told, he is not without a strong feeling of party responsibility. Whether President or Prime Minister, a political leader doesn’t like to “let his party down” at a critical moment and certainly Britain’s post-war election will come at such a time.

Should Mr. Churchill listen to his party’s call however, I am told, he would almost certainly seek an early opportunity to withdraw after the elections.