The Evening Star (November 23, 1945)
ON THE RECORD —
Reason for De Gaulle stand made clear
By Dorothy Thompson
The shortcomings of our own civilization; the dissatisfaction we feel over our social system or support of European empires against native revolts, even when engineered by former Axis collaborators or with the open or veiled support of other great powers; the doubts we entertain about supporting Chiang Kai-shek in his attempts to unify China against the opposition of Chinese Communists; our feeling of guilt over the mere possession of the however-temporarily-secret atomic bomb; all these contribute to what I have called the Hamlet frame of mind, the self-analysis and self-castigation which always plague sensitive and civilized men.
In themselves they indicate a high state of moral consciousness – the wish to do only the absolutely right thing. But they deflect us from a consideration of ends by paralyzing our wills in regard to means.
The end of that state of mind is either to make a decision too late to avert catastrophe or to play the role of the black lamb to the grey falcon of those who are ruthlessly regardless of means.
Consider the situation of Gen. Charles de Gaulle. The Communist party emerged from the French elections as the strongest single party, with the most numerous membership in the new Chamber of Deputies. According to democratic procedures, the Communist faction should therefore have one of the key government posts – war, foreign affairs or interior (police).
The vice premier of the French Chamber, Jacques Duclos, has emerged as a real party leader over Maurice Thorez, the titular chief, who fled to Moscow in September 1939 when the Soviet Union, while declaring neutrality, was putting its weight on the German side. Thorez is regarded by many resistance Frenchmen as a deserter.
But what about Jacques Duclos?
Gen. de Gaulle, as an army man, is certainly familiar with army intelligence matters. He thus must know that Jacques Duclos was, during the war, the chief of one branch of the Russian intelligence in France.
The Russians, like other governments, maintain in foreign countries open military intelligence through embassy attaches and a secret espionage service operating through paid agents. But in addition, they have a third – feeding in also to the coordinator of military intelligence in Moscow – and working through fervent Communist partisans in trade unions, factories and bureaucratic government positions.
Duclos, originally an important figure in the party, was picked by the Russians to head this branch. During the war he was openly called “the spy” in Paris newspapers, which – obviously in possession of documentary proofs – challenged him to sue for libel before the courts. He never did.
When President Roosevelt demanded the dissolution of the Comintern as a condition for satisfactory cooperation between the Allies, he was not acting in behalf of capitalism, but in behalf of the freedom of nations, including our own.
There is evidence to indicate that Duclos has become the leading figure in the revived Comintern, which now seemingly operates, not from Moscow, but from Paris. Pressure on American Communists to get rid of Earl Browder and return to the “class struggle” came from Jacques Duclos in a 7,600-word article, published immediately on the collapse of the German armies, and led to a complete reversal by Communists here of the wartime policy.
If we are now called “reactionaries” and “tools of imperialist interests” for reporting to the American public what must obviously be the reason behind President de Gaulle’s stand, we must inquire at what point liberalism stops short of national suicide? The granting of key military positions to Duclos is asked on the ground of parliamentary democracy, which Molotov, in his last speech, denied is “true democracy” at all.
A Russian agent in charge of the French Army, foreign policy or police force is not only the concern of France, but of ourselves, when this same Duclos, four months ago, influenced the actions of an American party which presents candidates for elections.
President Roosevelt, who staked all on his determination to bring about genuinely trustful relations with the Soviets, on the basis of reciprocal good faith, was tough when deceived. I would he were alive today.