Behind Russia’s Iron Curtain (1946)

1

The Pittsburgh Press (March 21, 1946)

Moscow trying to imitate setup of Britain’s power

By Joachim Joesten

This is the first of a series of articles on the men “Behind Russia’s Iron Curtain,” written by a veteran foreign correspondent.

NEW YORK (NEA) – Russia today is an empire in the making. Not in the sense of the old Czarist Empire, which recognized no nationalities other than the Russian, but rather in an association of more or less independent states, reminiscent of the British Commonwealth.

There is a palpable tendency in Moscow to imitate the British setup. The most striking step yet taken by the Kremlin in this direction was the constitutional amendment of February 1, 1944. It authorized the 16 republics of the Soviet Union to “enter into direct relations with foreign states, to conclude agreements with them and exchange diplomatic and consular representatives with them.” This privilege previously was reserved to the central government.

Thus, the first Soviet “dominions” were born: White Russia and the Ukraine. Both are members in their own right of the United Nations Organization. The Ukraine, in particular, already has played a conspicuous role in the allied organization.

Neither of these two enjoy an independence comparable to that of Canada or any other British dominion. Empires like the British Commonwealth grow organically. They are not created by a stroke of the pen.

Difference is vast

Hence the difference between the new Soviet setup and that of Great Britain is as wide as Russia’s concept of democracy is apart from ours.

The political trend in the Soviet Union, however, is toward a more loosely-organized federation than in the past. This is a development of outstanding importance from an international point of view. It has greatly enhanced the attraction of the Soviet Union for its neighbors.

Countries that for many years ere obsessed with fear of being “gobbled up” by Russia now move, with apparent unconcern, to the Soviet orbit.

Czechoslovakia, for example, feels more at ease dealing with the Ukraine – now its immediate neighbor – than with Moscow directly. Poland would rather settle a point at issue with the government of White Russia than with the Kremlin. The setup may be illusory, but it has proven effective.

Since the defeat of Germany, which made further westward expansion possible, Moscow has worked persistently, and with considerable success, at the establishment of a vast system of dependent states, outside the Soviet Union, but influenced and closely controlled by it.

It would be an oversimplification to say that Russia is out to “Bolshevize” her neighbors. Stalin and his advisers know very well that to do so at this time would be a first-rate blunder.

Seek to win friends

Whatever their ultimate aims may be, their present policy is not to absorb or to convert, but to “win friends and influence people.” Not, perhaps, in the Big Three councils, but certainly among Russia’s direct neighbors.

All former enemies – Finland, Bulgaria, Romania, Hungary, as well as the former allies, Yugoslavia and Albania, today are to all practical purposes dependencies of the Soviet.

In the case of the first four it is the result of the armistice treaties. But with the latter two it is voluntary, due to ideological kinship.

In all those countries, Stalin rules as effectively as at home, though by proxy. The men who locally exercise supreme authority are, in effect, his viceroys. They have either been handpicked by him, or they govern by permission.

All of them refer issues of fundamental importance to Moscow for decision. None would dare antagonize Stalin. There is comparatively little interference by Russia in the country’s internal affairs.

Who are these men and where do they come from?

What were their lives and records before they became Stalin’s viceroys, voluntarily or by force of circumstances?

What have they achieved and what are their plans for the future?

In dispatches to follow, I shall review them individually, each in his own national setting and against his social and political background. They are:

  • Juho Paasikivi, Finland.
  • Petru Groza, Romania.
  • Kimon Georgieff, Bulgaria.
  • Zoltan Tildy, Hungary.
  • Tito, Yugoslavia.
  • Enver Hoxha, Albania.

TOMORROW: Paasikivi of Finland

2

The Pittsburgh Press (March 22, 1946)

Paasikivi, a conservative, pilots Finland in Red orbit

By Joachim Joesten

This is the second of six articles on the men “Behind Russia’s Iron Curtain.”

NEW YORK – That Finland today still is a relatively free and democratic country, she owes above all to the wisdom and diplomatic skill of President Juho Paasikivi, who recently succeeded former President Mannerheim.

Paasikivi not only is Finland’s chief exponent of amity with Russia but also has been for years a personal friend of Stalin’s. So it is natural to presume that he must be at least a parlor pink.

The opposite is true. Paasikivi’s career has been about as revolutionary as that of Herbert Hoover. Even today his political and economic views are no redder than those of, say, Eric Johnston.

Yet Stalin would rather have him run the country than any Finnish Communist.

There is no great mystery in this seeming paradox. Paasikivi’s outstanding characteristic is as solid and reliable as Brooklyn Bridge. He has stood for more than half a century where he stands today. He may have brushed up and modernized his views a bit here and there. Yet essentially he is the same man he has always been. Nothing could sway or swerve him.

He is the type of man Stalin likes to do business with. He is able, sound, has a sense of humor.

A Finnish patriot, a well-to-do banker, and a conservative politician, he nevertheless has given ample proof of his desire to get along with Russia. And he has an open mind for all ideologies, including Communism.

Paasikivi is no Quisling. He can’t be ordered or kicked around. Yet he will accept the necessities of a given situation. Once he has given his word you can build a skyscraper on it.

In spite of his deceptively Finnish-sounding name, and of his genuine Finnish patriotism, Paasikivi is not really a Finn. He comes from pure Swedish stock.

His father, Johan August Hellsten, a merchant, belonged to the Swedish minority which centuries ago settled on Finland’s west and south coasts. His mother, Karolina, also was a Swedo-Finn.

Born on November 27, 1870, at Tampere, he was christened Johan Gustav Hellsten. But later he “Finnified” his name.

Physically, Paasikivi is thickset, with a square head, ruddy face and bushy gray hair. He has been married twice and has a grown-up daughter, Anniki.

Paasikivi’s start in life was easy and undramatic. After studying law at Finnish, Swedish and German universities, he went into the banking and insurance business. He soon gained a reputation as a financier and fiscal expert.

From 1914 to 1924, he was managing director of the State-owned Kansallis Osake Bank. During most of this time he also was vice president of the Helsinki Stock Exchange. Since 1928, he has headed the Finnish section of the International Chamber of Commerce.

Elected in 1907

He entered public life in 1907, when he was elected a member of the Diet (Parliament). The following year he became minister of finance of Finland, which at that time still was a semi-autonomous grand duchy under Russian rule. After the emancipation of his country, he held the premiership for a brief period in 1918.

A significant phase of Paasikivi’s life began in 1920 when he was picked to head the Finnish peace delegation which negotiated the Treaty of Dorpat on October 14. Thus it was Paasikivi who ended Finland’s first war with Soviet Russia and secured his country’s existence as an independent state.

Little did he know then that he would have to repeat the performance over and over again.

In 1936, Paasikivi became minister to Stockholm. There he met Soviet Russia’s famous woman ambassador, Mme. Alexandra Kollontay. With her he established personally amicable relations despite the persistent tension between their countries.

Later, this friendship proved a great asset in Finland’s efforts to get out of the war.

And quite recently it was reported from Stockholm that Paasikivi had nominated his former official antagonist but personal friend, Mme. Kollontay, as a candidate for the 1946 Nobel Peace Prize – a unique event in the annals of international diplomacy.

The great test: of Paasikivi’s statesmanship came in October 1939. He was recalled from his Stockholm post to head the Finnish mission to Moscow which sought in vain to reach a peaceful settlement of Russia’s territorial demands.

Tanner spoiled it

Paasikivi probably would have succeeded in this arduous task but for the arrival, a few weeks later, of Foreign Minister Vaino Tanner. The latter blocked all concessions made by the former and thus caused the breakdown of negotiations.

On February 21, 1946, Tanner was sentenced to 5½ years in prison by a “war guilty tribunal” in Helsinki.

Despite the underlying gravity of the talks, the atmosphere in Moscow was genial and at times downright playful, thanks to Paasikivi’s good humor and quiet composure. While Tanner and Soviet Foreign Commissar V. M. Molotov bargained heatedly. Paasikivi swapped jokes with Stalin.

Some of these were of the grim variety the Soviet dictator particularly delights in. Once, when Stalin threatened to hurl two million men against Finland, Paasikivi is said to have replied with a chuckle: “Dear me, where on earth do you think we could bury that many in our little country?”

As it was, a lot of Russians – and Finns – were buried during the short but bloody “winter war” that followed the collapse of these negotiations. When it was over, it was again Paasikivi who led the peace delegation to Moscow and there signed the peace of March 17, 1940.

A few weeks later, he was named Finnish minister to Moscow where he stayed until the renewed outbreak of war in June 1941.

Paasikivi thoroughly disapproved of the Finnish alliance with Germany. He labored persistently to bring about a separate peace between his country and Russia.

Blocked by war party

At least twice, in September 1942 and again in February 1944, he turned up unofficially in Stockholm to talk things over with Mme. Kollontay. But each time the war party in Helsinki nullified his efforts.

When Finland eventually was forced to sue for an armistice, in September 1944, Paasikivi kept in the background. But a close friend of his, Premier Antti Hackzell, headed the new peace delegation to Moscow.

This time, Finland, amputated again and subjected to a Soviet-dominated Control Commission, was in real danger of being swallowed up by Russia. Again Paasikivi came to the rescue, assuming the premiership on November 17, under the most trying conditions.

Upon taking office, he promised to “work in mutual understanding with the Soviet Union and meticulously to fulfill the armistice terms.” So he did, while at the same time guarding what is left of Finland’s independence and seeking to ease its burdens.

It is a measure of Paasikivi’s statesmanship that he is liked and trusted both by his people and the Kremlin. He has tied Finland closely to Russia in matters of foreign policy and trade. And he has accepted Communist influence in the government.

Yet, as long as he is president, his country will not become a Soviet republic or anything like it.

TOMORROW: Groza of Romania

3

The Pittsburgh Press (March 23, 1946)

Romania follows Russia under left-wing banker

By Joachim Joesten

This is the third of a series of articles on the men “Behind Russia’s Iron Curtain.”

NEW YORK – Stalin’s viceroy in Romania, Premier Petru Groza, is even more of a paradox than Finland’s Paasikivi. He is the type of man whom Russians inevitably would exile to Siberia. Yet, he heads a Communist government.

Groza is anything but a proletarian. He is what the Russians would call a kulak – a prosperous gentleman farmer.

At one time or another he has been hotel owner, banker and industrialist. For all his wealth and social prominence, however, Groza stands very far to the left. He is not a member of the Communist Party, however.

Up to a year ago, he was virtually unknown abroad. Since he became premier, on March 6, 1945, he has been in the news frequently. But details about his background and his personality still are sparse.

A burly, tough-looking fellow, with keen eyes under beetling brows, white hair clipped close on the sides, and a Mussolini-type jaw, Groza is in his early sixties.

He hails from Deva in Transylvania. That picturesque borderland, ringed by the Carpathians, long has been a source of trouble between Hungarians and Romanians.

Son of a clergyman, who also was a wealthy landowner, Petru received a careful education in what was then the Austro-Hungarian double monarchy. Transylvania is populated chiefly by Romanians. But it has a large Hungarian minority, and a somewhat smaller German one.

During his youth, the Hungarians were in full control, pursuing a strict racial policy. Thus Groza, though a Romanian, imbibed a predominantly Hungarian culture at school. He still speaks Hungarian fluently. Recently he stretched out the hand of friendship to the new Budapest regime.

As a young man, Groza added a great deal to the vast estate he had inherited from his father. When Transylvania was annexed to Romania in 1918, he possessed several thousand acres of farm land, three hotels, a bank, a textile factory and a distillery in Arad.

Joined People’s Party

About that time, he also went into politics, joining the People’s Party of Gen. Alexandre Averescu. That party was born under the fear of Russia and Communism, then so prevalent among the propertied classes of Romania.

Groza at that time stood just about at the other extreme of where he stands now. In the following years, however, he gradually worked his way toward the left.

He opposed the rise of Fascism in his country. When Gen. Ion Antonescu established his dictatorship with Nazi help, Groza was thrown into a concentration camp.

He was released, along with thousands of other political prisoners, after King Michael’s dramatic ouster of Antonescu on August 23, 1944. He immediately re-entered the political arena as head of the newly formed Plowmen’s Party, which advocated a drastic land reform.

One day, as he walked through the foyer of a Bucharest hotel, Groza was set upon by two enraged fellow landowners. Fists flew as Groza, a man of athletic build and exceptional strength, charged back like an angry bull. After a brief and unhappy melee, the two assailants retreated.

The Plowmen’s Party’s is a vital element of the so-called National Democratic Front. After Romania’s defeat, the Front made a determined bid for power with Moscow support.

Made deputy premier

On November 5, 1944, Groza for the first time entered the government as deputy premier under Gen. Constantin Sanatescu. He retained this office also in the Cabinet of Gen. Nicolae Radescu, which was formed a month later.

Groza, and his political friends of the Democratic Front, did not get on well with either of the two generals picked by King Michael for the premiership. Both Sanatescu and Radescu opposed the radical land reform and the nationalization plans favored by the Front and by Russia.

Late in February 1945, mass demonstrations organized by the Communist-controlled Democratic Front led to bloody clashes with Radescu’s police.

The situation became so tense that Stalin personally intervened in the crisis. Assistant Soviet Foreign Commissar Andrei Vishinsky was hurried to Bucharest with written instructions to force Groza upon King Michael as premier.

At the end of three dramatic interviews with Vishinsky, the king bowed to Stalin’s ultimatum. On March 3, he invited Groza to form a Cabinet. It took office three days later. Radescu fled into the British Legation.

Groza has ruled Romania with an iron hand. One of his first acts, on March 12, was to proclaim a sweeping land reform. It split up all estates of more than 125 acres.

Previously, Groza himself had voluntarily deeded over his own vast farm lands to the peasants who used to work for him. He has not given up his other holdings, however.

Makes him popular

Stalin, having handpicked Groza for the job as Romanian premier, promptly acted to provide him with a ready-made popularity. A few days after his installation in office, Groza appealed to Moscow for return of Transylvania (which Hungary had grabbed in 1940 with Axis aid) and got it posthaste.

In Groza’s own words: “We addressed the great Marshal Stalin and within one hour he gave us a favorable answer.”

Transylvania’s reunion with Romania was a festive event. It gave Groza a head start in popularity over his arch-enemy and fellow-Transylvanian, Juliu Maniu.

Relations between King Michael and his Moscow-appointed premier have been marked from the first by a lack of cordiality. The king repeatedly but unsuccessfully tried to get rid of his chief of government. He even appealed to the Western Allies for help.

Groza not only ignores all Michael’s demands for his resignation; he even ignores the Crown’s rights. Since last fall he has governed by decrees in council, without bothering to obtain the king’s signature.

Delay recognition

The United States and Great Britain waited for many months before they finally granted recognition to the Groza regime on February 4, 1946. Even so recognition was based on the understanding that the Romanian government would hold free general elections no later than in May.

In the meantime, Washington and London are keeping a sharp eye on conditions in Romania, which, from the democratic point of view, still leaves a great deal to be desired. The recent inclusion of some liberal elements has by no means broken the Communists’ solid grip on the Groza Cabinet.

In spite of his dictatorial ambitions and at times rough-and-tumble manners, Groza is not an unpleasant person to deal with. He is good-natured, affable, and has a keen sense of humor.

A big land owner, who carries out a sweeping agricultural reform. A capitalist who plays a communist game. A tough guy who talks like a professor. That’s Petru Groza of Romania.

MONDAY: Bulgaria

4

The Pittsburgh Press (March 25, 1946)

Bulgarian runs to Uncle Joe for help

U.S. requests Georgieff to take opponents into Sofia Cabinet
By Joachim Joesten

Fourth of a series.

NEW YORK (NEA) – Every time Uncle Sam shakes a finger at little Kimon Georgieff, that naughty boy runs to Uncle Joe for help. No wonder the democratic education of Bulgaria is being retarded.

It happened last November, when we didn’t like the way the general election was held. It happened again after the Big Three conference at Moscow, where it was decided that at least two members of the opposition should be included in the Cabinet.

It has just happened a third time, following a reminder sent by the State Department to Sona on February 22, urging Georgieff to get busy on his Cabinet reshuffle and to pick a couple of “truly representative” oppositionists.

Each time Sofia promptly referred the matter to Moscow with a request for “friendly advice.” Each time Stalin took his time and nothing happened. Result: Bulgaria today is the only Balkan country whose government has not yet been recognized by the United States.

Premier Kimon Georgieff is the only professional military man among Stalin’s viceroys. He holds the rank of colonel in the Bulgarian Army. He has fought many battles, against the enemies of his country and against his political adversaries, who are many.

Born in 1882 at Pazardzhik, a small town of Southern Bulgaria, Georgieff, after graduating from high school, entered the Royal Military Academy. He fought in the Balkan wars of 1912 and 1913. He commanded a regiment in World War I and was severely wounded, losing an eye.

Enters politics

Bulgaria lost the last two of the three wars in which Georgieff fought. It came out an impoverished country.

In 1922, Col. Georgieff retired from active service. He threw himself headlong into politics. He became a putschist of note. His record to date includes four major uprisings – all but one of them successful.

First, in June 1923, he took a leading part in a coup d’etat which ended the regime of Bulgaria’s famous peasant leader Stambolisky. During the struggle, Stambolisky was taken prisoner and tortured to death.

In 1926, Georgieff joined the Liaptcheff Cabinet as minister of railways. But he resigned two years later with a resounding blast against “the abuses and favoritism” of the regime and the “rapacity of foreign and local vested interests.”

Even before resigning, Georgieff, in 1927, had founded the “Zveno” (Link), a political club composed of malcontent officers and radical intellectuals. For some years, the organization had a distinctly Fascist tinge. But later on, it veered toward communism.

On May 19, 1934, the Zveno and the allied “Military League,” headed by Col. Damian Veltcheff, overthrew the civilian government and set up a military dictatorship. Georgieff became premier; his friend Veltcheff was named minister of war.

The new government attempted, among other things, to curtail the power of the Crown. On January 23, 1935, King Boris staged a counter-putsch. Colonels Georgieff and Veltcheff were dismissed and arrested.

Released shortly after, they attempted another coup d’etat in October. But it misfired completely. Veltcheff was condemned to death and his sentence commuted to life imprisonment. Georgieff got off with a shorter stretch.

Runs for Parliament

In 1940, Georgieff ran for Parliament on a united opposition ticket. The government, already subservient to Nazi Germany, annulled his election, however.

In March 1941, the Germans occupied Bulgaria. Georgieff, along with hundreds of other oppositionists, was sent to a concentration camp. Even so, he managed to remain in touch with his followers.

In 1942, the Zveno, the Communists and other radical groups joined hands in the “Fatherland Front.” It became the spearhead of underground resistance.

Georgieff’s hour finally struck on September 9, 1944. After a four-day war with Russia, Bulgaria sued for peace. The pro-Nazi regency (set up after King Boris’ death in 1943) was tottering. That night, armed partisans of the Fatherland Front seized all government buildings and arrested the Cabinet.

Georgieff again became premier; Veltcheff again took the job of war minister. The communists were given the key portfolios of Interior and Justice.

Country purged

The new regime carried out one of the bloodiest purges that have occurred in any Soviet-controlled country since the end of the war. At least 3000 persons were executed last year. Among the victims were Prince Cyril, brother of the late King Boris, and a score of former Cabinet ministers.

These harsh reprisals, and the radical policies of the Georgieff regime, have given rise to strong opposition within the country. However, at the general election held on November 18, 1945, the Communist-dominated Fatherland Front won a smashing victory. There is some doubt as to the regularity of this poll, which was boycotted by the opposition.

Late developments in Bulgaria suggest that Georgieff has become something of a figurehead. The real power behind his throne is the aggressive boss of the Communist Party, Georgi Dimiroff, of Reichstag Fire fame. He and Col. Veltcheff – now a general – have concluded a hard and fast alliance.

Georgieff is fervently pro-Russian. But he does not regard himself as a Communist.

Nominally, Bulgaria is still a monarchy. However, Georgieff has little regard for the Crown. Little boy King Simeon, aged 8, and Queen Mother Iona are held in virtual confinement at the royal castle of Vrana.

The royal functions are exercised by a leftist three-man regency, dominated by a Communist Party stalwart, Todor Pavloff, a well-known writer on Marxist doctrine.

TOMORROW: Tildy of Hungary

5

The Pittsburgh Press (March 26, 1946)

Hungarian president bows to Russia

Zoltan Tildy not handpicked by Soviet chief, however
By Joachim Joesten

Fifth of a series.

NEW YORK – President Zoltan Tildy of Hungary is the only ruler in the Soviet orbit not handpicked by Stalin; he was elected by the people. Despite this slight irregularity in procedure, he now is a member in good standing of the viceroys’ club.

Tildy may not see eye to eye with the Soviet dictator on a good many points. But he has resigned himself to loyal acceptance of the basic fact that Hungary, for a long time to come, will have to dance to Moscow’s tune.

Tildy’s appearance on the international scene has been truly meteoric. Six months ago, he was totally unknown outside of his country. Suddenly he had won a national election. He became premier, then president. Beaten Hungary had a new strong man.

Zoltan Tildy is the most incongruous man in the Soviet setup. He is not only a landowner like Groza; not just a moderate conservative like Paasikivi; he’s also a baron and a clergyman!

He was born in 1899 at Losonc, a medium-sized town in what now is Slovakia.

Tildy, after attending a Hungarian Protestant school at Papa, went to North Ireland to study theology and history at the Belfast Presbyterian College.

During this stay in Ireland, in 1913-14, he learned to like western life and thinking. After his return to Hungary, he became a Protestant minister. For many years he was the head of Hungary’s Calvinist Church.

Entered party

In the agitated years following the end of the first World War, Baron Tildy rallied to the Small Holders’ Party. It is a moderately conservative group which was led for many years by Tibor Eckhardt.

Tildy was elected to Parliament in 1936. He became one of the most influential leaders of his party, which he worked hard to liberalize.

In 1941, he succeeded Eckhardt as party boss. Two years later he concluded a political alliance with the Social-Democrats. The two groups attempted vainly to stem the rising trend of Nazi influence in the country.

As a result of the complete occupation of Hungary by the Germans in March, 1944, Tildy, like other anti-Nazi Magyars, was forced to go underground. He became one of the leaders of the Hungarian Independence Front. It organized resistance against the German-controlled Budapest regime.

On October 15, 1944, Regent Horthy sued for an armistice. He immediately was deposed by Hitler and taken to Germany.

Seized by Nazis

At the same time all Hungarian political leaders not previously imprisoned were taken into custody, with the exception of the completely Nazified “Arrow Cross” movement. Among the hundreds arrested and deported to German concentration camps was Baron Tildy.

A few months later, Germany surrendered. Tildy was set free.

He returned to his country, where an anti-Nazi government headed by Gen. Bela Miklos had taken power. The new Cabinet was controlled largely by Communists.

On November 4, a national election was held. It resulted in a sweeping victory for the Small Holders. The party captured 59 percent of the votes and 61 percent of the seats in Parliament.

Becomes premier

Miklos immediately resigned. Baron Tildy was called upon to form a new government.

The Soviet authorities did not oppose his selection. But they insisted that he include several Communists in his Cabinet.

On February 1, 1946, the Hungarian Parliament abolished the regency. For the third time, the Magyar state was made a republic. (The first two republics, in 1848 and 1918, were both of short duration.)

At the same time, the Assembly elected Tildy president of the republic for a four-year term. Another member of his party, Ferenc Nagy, succeeded him as premier.

One of his most unpopular actions was the ratification of the trade agreement with Russia which gave the latter a 50-50 interest in Hungary’s economic life.

The treaty was protested by the United States and Great Britain. But Russia insisted on its acceptance.

TOMORROW: The Two Titos

6

The Pittsburgh Press (March 27, 1946)

Two Titos rule Albania, Yugoslavia

Hoxha and Broz rode to power as leaders of Partisan armies
By Joachim Joesten

Last of a series.

NEW YORK – In the southwestern marches of the Soviet Empire, bordering on the Adriatic Sea, the “Two Titos” rule supreme: Josip Broz of Yugoslavia, and Enver Hoxha of Albania.

Marshal Tito is the only manual worker, and the only Moscow-trained Communist among Stalin’s viceroys. The son of a Croat farmer, he was born near Zagreb in 1892 where he became a metal worker and one of the earliest organizers of the Yugoslav trade union movement.

He spent many years in Moscow, imbibing the orthodox Marxist faith, and many more years in jail for trying to apply at home what he had learned.

Tito is the most powerful man in the Soviet orbit. His position is virtually impregnable.

He reached the height of his power when the Yugoslav Constituent Assembly, on November 29, 1945, formally dethroned King Peter and proclaimed a “Federal People’s Republic.”

No president has been elected yet. But on February 1-3, 1946, Tito was invested by the Assembly with almost unlimited powers as premier, minister of defense, and supreme commander of the armed forces. His position now closely resembles that of Stalin in Russia.

Also Partisan chief

Far less well-known abroad is Tito’s “little brother,” Col. Gen. Enver Hoxha of Albania. He, too, rode to power as leader of a Partisan army.

Hoxha is a striking personality. He is the youngest (37), tallest (six feet), and heaviest (180 pounds) of Stalin’s viceroys.

Hoxha hails from a much-disputed borderland, the Epirus, which is now being claimed by Greek nationalists.

He was born in 1908 in the most important town in the Albanian portion of Epirus, Gjinokaster. His father once worked as a cotton factory hand in Biddeford, Maine.

Became teacher

After being graduated from high school, Hoxha went to study in France on a government fellowship. Before he could complete his university education, however, the funds ran out. He then served for a few years as secretary of the Albanian Consulate in Brussels.

He returned to Albania in 1937 to take a job as professor of French at the high school where he had studied.

In his spare time, he conspired for the downfall of tyrannical King Zog.

On Easter Sunday 1939, Zog was overthrown by the invading Italians.

The Italians didn’t like Hoxha either and he soon lost his job as a teacher. He then became the leader of the Albanian resistance movement.

In the late summer of 1942, Hoxha took to the hills. On September 16, a conference of guerrilla leaders at Peza set up the National Liberation Movement with Hoxha as its head. For the next two years, his Partisans fought relentlessly, side by side and in close liaison with Tito’s armed bands.

Capture Tirana

On November 17, 1944, Tirana fell to Hoxha’s mountaineers.

On December 2, Hoxha triumphantly rode into the capital, and took up residence in the bullet-riddled palace of ex-King Zog.

The new regime wasn’t democratic by western standards. The United States waited a considerable time before recognizing it.

Hoxha, while not himself a Communist, surrounded himself with a cabinet at least half of whose members are Communists.

As a condition of recognition, the Western powers demanded an untrammelled general election. It was held on December 2, 1945.

The opposition abstained, because that was the safest thing to do. Hoxha’s Democratic Front captured all 82 seats in the Constituent Assembly.

On January 11, 1946, the Assembly deposed of King Zog and set up a “People’s Republic” on the Yugoslav pattern. Hoxha was elected premier.

THE END