America at war! (1941–) – Part 5

740.00119 Potsdam/8-745: Telegram

The President to the Ambassador in China

[Babelsberg,] 24 July 1945
Top secret

Personal and Top Secret for Ambassador Hurley from the President. Number 311.

Please inform Chiang Kai-Shek that we propose to issue in the near future the following message to Japan in regard to surrender and request the Generalissimo to inform us without delay of his concurrence.

Proclamation by the Heads of Governments, United States, United Kingdom and China

  1. We, – the President of the United States, and the Prime Minister of Great Britain, representing the hundreds of millions of our countrymen, have conferred and agree that Japan shall be given an opportunity to end this war.

  2. The prodigious land, sea and air forces of the United States, the British Empire and of China, many times reinforced by their armies and air fleets from the west are poised to strike the final blows upon Japan. This military power is sustained and inspired by the determination of all the Allied nations to prosecute the war against Japan until she ceases to resist.

  3. The result of the futile and senseless German resistance to the might of the aroused free peoples of the world stands forth in awful clarity as an example to the people of Japan. The might that now converges on Japan is immeasurably greater than that which, when applied to the resisting Nazis, necessarily laid waste to the lands, the industry and the method of life of the whole German people. The full application of our military power, backed by our resolve, will mean the inevitable and complete destruction of the Japanese armed forces and just as inevitably the utter devastation of the Japanese homeland.

  4. The time has come for Japan to decide whether she will continue to be controlled by those self-willed militaristic advisers whose unintelligent calculations have brought the Empire of Japan to the threshold of annihilation, or whether she will follow the path of reason.

  5. Following are our terms. We will not deviate from them. There are no alternatives. We shall brook no delay.

  6. There must be eliminated for all time the authority and influence of those who have deceived and misled the people of Japan into embarking on world conquest, for we insist that a new order of peace, security and justice will be impossible until irresponsible militarism is driven from the world.

  7. Until such a new order is established and until there is convincing proof that Japan’s war-making power is destroyed, points in Japanese territory to be designated by the Allies shall be occupied to secure the achievement of the basic objectives we are here setting forth.

  8. The terms of the Cairo Declaration shall be carried out and Japanese sovereignty shall be limited to the islands of Honshu, Hokkaido, Kyushu, Shikoku and such minor islands as we determine.

  9. The Japanese military forces, after being completely disarmed, shall be permitted to return to their homes with the opportunity to lead peaceful and productive lives.

  10. We do not intend that the Japanese shall be enslaved as a race or destroyed as a nation, but stern justice shall be meted out to all war criminals, including those who have visited cruelties upon our prisoners. The Japanese Government shall remove all obstacles to the revival and strengthening of democratic tendencies among the Japanese people. Freedom of speech, of religion, and of thought, as well as respect for the fundamental human rights shall be established.

  11. Japan shall be permitted to maintain such industries as will sustain her economy and permit the exaction of just reparations in kind, but not those which would enable her to re-arm for war. To this end, access to, as distinguished from control of, raw materials shall be permitted. Eventual Japanese participation in world trade relations shall be permitted.

  12. The occupying forces of the Allies shall be withdrawn from Japan as soon as these objectives have been accomplished and there has been established in accordance with the freely expressed will of the Japanese people a peacefully inclined and responsible government.

  13. We call upon the Government of Japan to proclaim now the unconditional surrender of all the Japanese armed forces, and to provide proper and adequate assurances of their good faith in such action. The alternative for Japan is prompt and utter destruction.

Please acknowledge receipt of this.

HARRY S. TRUMAN

Morse-Weston conversation, afternoon

Present
United States United Kingdom
Mr. Morse Mr. Weston

The principal subject of conversation was the accuracy of Soviet statements relating to Finnish shipping captured by the Soviet Union.

Truman-Bierut conversation, 4:30 p.m.

Truman’s quarters, 2 Kaiserstrasse, Babelsberg

Present
United States Poland
President Truman President Bierut
Mr. Harriman Vice President Grabski
Mr. Dunn Prime Minister Osóbka-Morawski
Mr. Bohlen Deputy Prime Minister Mikołajczyk
Mr. Matthews Deputy Prime Minister Gomułka
Foreign Minister Rzymowski
Mr. Modzelewski
Marshal Rola-Żymierski
740.00119 (Potsdam)/7-2445

Memorandum by the Ambassador to the Soviet Union

Babelsberg, July 24, 1945
Top secret

Subject: POLAND

Mr. Bierut presented on behalf of the Polish Delegation the basis of the Polish claims to the German territory as far as the Oder-Lower Neisse line along the general lines of his presentation to the Foreign Ministers. The President explained that he had great interest in Poland and its future and would do all he could to see that they got justice; on the other hand in frankness he pointed out that he did not like the arbitrary manner in which the boundary question was being handled by the Soviet and Polish governments.

He explained that the title would not be valid unless approved at the peace settlement and that a disagreement would be a source of trouble in the future. In answer to Bierut’s argument that it was German territory that was being taken, the President pointed out that under agreement there were four occupying countries responsible for the entire territory of Germany and that he did not wish to have a fifth. He further pointed out that France might wish the Ruhr and the Rhineland but that there was no question of any territory in the western part of Germany being given to France until the matter could be considered in an orderly way with full allied agreement.

Mr. Bierut said that he understood the legal point of view but that there were many homeless people who had to be settled in the new territory which all agreed Poland was to have in compensation for the loss of territory in the East. He spoke of the 4,000,000 Poles east of the Curzon Line and 3,000,000 Poles in Germany or in western Europe.

The conversation ended with a statement by the President that the boundary question must be determined at the peace settlement and that it could not be settled here. As the Poles were fifteen minutes late, having been with Prime Minister Churchill, and as the President had a meeting of the Big Three, the conversation lasted only fifteen to twenty minutes.

W A H[ARRIMAN]

Eighth plenary meeting, 5:15 p.m.

Present
United States United Kingdom Soviet Union
President Truman Prime Minister Churchill Generalissimo Stalin
Secretary Byrnes Foreign Secretary Eden Foreign Commissar Molotov
Fleet Admiral Leahy Mr. Attlee Mr. Vyshinsky
Mr. Davies Sir Alexander Cadogan Mr. Gusev
Mr. Bohlen Manor Birse Mr. Pavlov
Mr. Cohen Field Marshal Alexander
Mr. Thompson

Thompson Minutes

Potsdam, July 24, 1945, 5 p.m.
Top secret

MR. BYRNES read his report as rapporteur of the morning meeting of the Foreign Ministers (annex l).

Admission of Italy and the Other Satellite States into the United Nations Organization

THE PRESIDENT said that the first topic of the agenda was the admission of Italy and the other satellite states into the United Nations Organization.

MR. BYRNES said he understood that agreement had been reached by the United States and the British delegations on the draft as it now stood.

MR. EDEN said that the British had been in full agreement with the first paper submitted by the United States but he had some question with regard to the second draft. As drafted it looked as though they were undertaking to reconstruct the Italian Government before Italy could be admitted to the United Nations and he questioned the effect of this on the present Italian Government.

MR. BYRNES replied that it had been agreed that there should be no odious comparisons. He submitted to the British delegation that there was no doubt nor reflection on the present Italian Government as the language proposed related only to the contraction of a peace treaty. It was not known what Italian Government there would be at that time and it was not a reflection on the present Italian Government.

MR. EDEN remarked that it was only a question of drafting and he felt that they could reach agreement.

STALIN said that if the point at issue was to ease the position of the satellite states then all satellite countries should be mentioned. The position of the Italian Government would be eased and it would be difficult to object to this. An abnormal position was being created for the other satellite states and an artificial distinction was being drawn between them. It appeared that Rumania, Bulgaria, Hungary, and Finland were being put in the category of leprous states in which fact the Soviet delegation saw a danger that attempts would be made to discredit the Soviet Union. What were the merits of Italy as compared with the other satellite states? It was the first to capitulate but it had done more harm and its behavior had been worse than that of the others. There was no doubt that Rumania, Bulgaria, Hungary and Finland had done less harm to the Allies than had Italy. He asked if the Italian Government was really more democratic than the Governments of these countries. Was the Italian Government more responsible? No democratic elections had been held in Italy or in the other satellite countries. He, therefore, did not understand the cause of such a benevolent attitude towards Italy as compared with the others. The position of Italy was eased when the first step was taken, namely, the resumption of diplomatic relations. Now a second step was proposed. He agreed to take this second step but thought that they should take this first step with regard to the other satellite states and resume diplomatic relations with them. Italy would still occupy a first place which was due to the fact that it was the first to surrender. This would be so in spite of the fact that she had done more harm than the others.

CHURCHILL said that the British were in general agreement with the United States delegation on this matter.

THE PRESIDENT said that he had a different point of view with regard to Rumania, Bulgaria, and Hungary than in the case of Italy. We had not been able to have free access to the former countries and had not been able to get information concerning them. Everybody had free access to Italy – the United States, Great Britain, the Soviet Union, and other countries. He declared that when Hungary, Rumania, and Bulgaria were set up on a basis where we would have free access to them we would recognize them but not sooner. To meet the Soviet position the language in the American document was the same in regard to Rumania, Bulgaria, and Hungary as it was in the case of Italy.

MOLOTOV stated that Italy, however, already maintained diplomatic relations with the other powers.

THE PRESIDENT replied that the satellites could have diplomatic relations if they would comply with our requirements which they had not done.

STALIN inquired what requirements were referred to and added that none of these satellite governments could hamper allied agents to move freely and to have access to information.

THE PRESIDENT replied that nevertheless they did.

MOLOTOV pointed out that there were also restrictions on the Soviet representatives in Italy.

THE PRESIDENT said that we were asking for the reorganization of the other satellite governments along democratic lines as had been agreed upon at Yalta.

STALIN said he wished to assure the President that the Governments in those countries were more democratic than that in Italy and that they were closer to the people than the Italian Government.

THE PRESIDENT pointed out that the language of the proposal meant that they would have the same status for the Council of Foreign Ministers.

MOLOTOV pointed out that if their status was equal that would include maintaining diplomatic relations.

THE PRESIDENT replied that this was not the case and that with respect to diplomatic relations he had said that we could not recognize them until they were set up on democratic lines.

MOLOTOV said that his proposal had been that the satellites would be placed in a position of equality and that he could not agree that the wording corresponded to the suggestion he had made.

MR. BYRNES pointed out that in the paper which he had circulated reference was made to the effort to ease the situation in Italy. The only way–

MOLOTOV broke in to say that there was some misunderstanding. Mr. Byrnes had suggested two amendments orally. The Soviet delegation had one of those amendments before them in writing and in Russian translation. That amendment referred to the four small satellites. The second amendment proposed by the Secretary concerning Italy they did not have in writing.

MR. BYRNES pointed out that the American delegation had circulated the final text of the document which included that amendment.

MOLOTOV replied that they did not have it in circulation.

MR. BYRNES pointed out that the only way in which it was proposed to ease the situation of Italy was to give support to the entry of Italy into the United Nations Organization. In an effort to meet the objections of the Soviet delegation, the United States delegation had submitted language which read, “The conclusion of such a peace treaty with the democratic and responsible Italian Government will make it possible for the three Governments to fulfill their desire to support the admission of Italy into the United Nations Organization.” In the next paragraph referring to Finland, Rumania, Hungary, and Bulgaria the same language was used with regard to Italy and the other satellite states. He also drew attention to the fact that this statement had been used to do what Stalin had asked to be done, namely, express a view upon the Government of Franco. This was set forth in the last paragraph of the statement.

STALIN said that the words “responsible and democratic governments” should be deleted as it served to discredit these countries.

THE PRESIDENT said that this language was used to show that the only way in which they could obtain our support for entry into the United Nations Organization was for them to have democratic governments.

STALIN said that these were not Fascist governments. There was a far less democratic government in Argentina which in spite of this had been admitted to the United Nations. “If a government is not Fascist a government is democratic.” If the word “responsible” was used it would discredit these governments.

MOLOTOV proposed to add to the paragraph on diplomatic relations that each of the three Governments would consider separately the resumption of diplomatic relations with those countries. In Italy the United States and the Soviet Union had diplomatic relations now with Italy. There were no diplomatic representatives there for Great Britain and France – only political representatives not holding the rank of Ambassador.

CHURCHILL said the British considered their Ambassador in Italy as fully accredited.

MOLOTOV pointed out that he was not called an Ambassador.

CHURCHILL said this was because the British were at war with Italy and that the status of their Ambassador did not obtain full formality but that for practical purposes he was an Ambassador. The distinction was made for technical reasons.

MOLOTOV repeated that he was not called an Ambassador.

CHURCHILL replied that he was so called and that he was 90 percent a full ambassador.

STALIN remarked that their representative was not the same as those of the Soviet Union and the United States. He suggested that the same kind of ambassador could be sent to Rumania and Bulgaria as the British had in Italy.

THE PRESIDENT said that the United States was making every effort to arrive at a point where they could send an ambassador. He had already stated the difficulties which prevented this.

STALIN remarked that that was in the past and that there were no such difficulties now. Speaking generally it was hard for the Soviet delegation to adhere to this resolution as they would be discredited by it.

THE PRESIDENT replied that we had had no such intention.

STALIN admitted this but insisted that this is what would happen.

CHURCHILL said that they wanted no words which would be a slur on any of them. He would like to put in a plea for Italy. It was not only because Italy was first out of the war that this proposal was made. Nearly two years had passed since Italy went out of the war. It was a very short time since the other satellites had been fighting against them.

STALIN rejoined that diplomatic relations with Italy had been resumed seven to ten months after Italy’s surrender.

CHURCHILL continued that Italy had been out of the war for two years and had been fighting on their side all of that time. They had been living in Italy and knew all about political conditions there. That was not the case in Bulgaria and Rumania. Italy had not been a united country. The great democratic north had been under the enemy until two months ago. Italy had given a great measure of help. It had always been recognized that Italy could not have a completely democratic government until the north was liberated. He had been in agreement with Stalin with respect to holding on to Badoglio longer and had disagreed with the Americans on this. The march of events had carried things in a different way. They had built up considerable sympathy for Italy. There was no censorship there. He had been frequently attacked in Italian newspapers only a few months after Italy had unconditionally surrendered. There was a considerable growth of freedom in Italy. Now that the north was liberated they were going to have democratic elections. He did not see why they could not discuss peace with them. With regard to Rumania and particularly with regard to Bulgaria they knew nothing. Their mission in Bucharest had been penned up with a closeness approaching internment.

STALIN broke in to ask if it were really possible for him to cite such facts that had not been verified.

CHURCHILL said that they knew this by their representatives there. Stalin would be very much astonished to read a long catalog of difficulties encountered by their mission there. An iron fence had come down around them.

STALIN broke in to exclaim, “All fairy tales.”

CHURCHILL said that of course they could call each others statements fairy tales and added that he had complete confidence in his representatives there. He had known Stevenson for many years. The conditions in the British mission there had caused them the greatest distress. It was not for him to make a statement in regard to the experience of the United States. Even their motor cars which circulated within the permitted bounds were followed by other cars which supervised their every movement. There had been complaints from their Soviet friends with regard to the size of their mission which had not been large. The Control Commission which was supposed to consist of three representatives almost always met as two. The Soviet representative sometimes saw the American representative, sometimes the British, but rarely both together. In Italy Soviet representatives were welcomed and many Russians had come.

STALIN broke in to say that this was not the case. The Russians had no rights in Italy. Vyshinski had never been on the Control Commission. He sat on the Advisory Council.

CHURCHILL said that their position was that the Russians were welcome to come to Italy and to go anywhere. The position there was not on the same footing as that in the other satellite states.

THE PRESIDENT said that there had been many difficulties encountered by our mission in Rumania and Bulgaria and that these had caused us much concern. He added, however, that we had no intention to make any reflection upon Stalin or upon his Government at this Conference.

MR. BYRNES said that in the hope of reaching agreement he suggested an amendment which was to substitute the word “recognize” [recognized] for the word “responsible.”

STALIN said this was more acceptable but he would like also that the words suggested by Molotov be added at the end of the amendment proposed by Mr. Byrnes.

MOLOTOV then read his amendment which was as follows: “The three Governments agree to consider each separately in the immediate future the establishment of diplomatic relations with Finland, Rumania, Bulgaria, and Hungary.”

CHURCHILL said that this amendment did not reflect what they had been saying.

STALIN rejoined that it was not right to say this. They had decided to prepare peace treaties with Rumania, Bulgaria, and the other satellites. This could not be done if they did not have diplomatic relations.

THE PRESIDENT said he saw no objection to Molotov’s amendment.

STALIN said that in this case they had no objections to the draft as a whole.

CHURCHILL thought this would be covering with words, which would be read by the whole world, a difficulty which had not been removed around the conference table. He thought that the President had said that he would not recognize the present governments of Rumania and Bulgaria.

THE PRESIDENT admitted that this was correct, but said that they were now agreeing only to examine the question.

CHURCHILL said that this in no way removed the disagreement and that it would mislead the public.

STALIN inquired: “Why?”

CHURCHILL replied because the purport of the statement would be that there would be immediate recognition of these governments; whereas, he understood that this was not the position of the United States and the United Kingdom Governments.

STALIN suggested that the President could speak for himself. It had already been accepted by the British and the Council for [of] Foreign Ministers was charged with the preparation of peace treaties with Rumania, Bulgaria, Hungary and Finland. A peace treaty could be concluded only after recognition; this meant that the question of recognition was on the agenda. If they made no mention of the resumption of diplomatic relations then the paragraph in regard to peace treaties should be left out.

CHURCHILL inquired if the President contemplated that in the autumn the representatives of Rumania and Bulgaria would come to the Council of Foreign Ministers and that they would discuss a peace treaty with representatives of the present governments of those countries.

THE PRESIDENT replied that the only government that could be dealt with was one that they could recognize.

STALIN replied that that was correct.

CHURCHILL said that the present governments would not be recognized and that there could be no peace treaty with them until they were.

STALIN said he did not see how that followed.

CHURCHILL said it should follow.

STALIN replied that it did not. He said that these governments might be recognized or they might not. All of them might be recognized or some of them might be recognized. It should be understood in the following way. A peace treaty with them would be considered when they had been recognized.

CHURCHILL said that anyone reading this paragraph would not realize that the United States, insofar as he had gathered, would not recognize the present governments of Rumania and Bulgaria. If other governments were created which they could recognize, then they would take up the preparation of the peace treaties. He was sorry to press on these points but this document would be published and this must be explained. They would have to say that they would make treaties with governments which they recognized, but that they did not intend to recognize these governments. That was almost meaningless.

THE PRESIDENT proposed to refer the question to the Foreign Ministers again.

STALIN remarked that Churchill was not right. There was no reference to the conclusion of the peace treaties, but only to their preparation. Peace treaties could be prepared even if governments were not recognized.

CHURCHILL replied that of course they could prepare them by themselves. He referred then to the word “with” in the second line of paragraph three. Suppose they substituted the word “for.”

STALIN said that he had “for” in his text. That was what was meant.

CHURCHILL expressed his thanks and agreed that it be sent to the Foreign Ministers to be looked at again.

This was agreed.

Question of the Black Sea Straits

THE PRESIDENT pointed out that he had circulated a paper on in-land waterways and inquired if it had been considered.

STALIN pointed out that this paper did not deal with the question of Turkey and the Straits but dealt with the Danube and the Rhine. The Soviet Delegation would like to receive a reply to their proposal in regard to the Black Sea Straits.

THE PRESIDENT replied that he wished the two questions to be considered together.

STALIN said he was afraid they would not be able to reach an agree-ment in regard to the Straits, since their views differed so widely. He said that perhaps they should postpone the question and take up the next question.

CHURCHILL said he understood that it was agreed that freedom in the Black Sea Straits should be approved and guaranteed by the Big Three and other powers and that the United States would come into that kind of an organization and said that to his mind this was a remarkable and important fact.

THE PRESIDENT said that the Prime Minister had clearly stated the position of the United States.

CHURCHILL pointed out that this was a big step.

STALIN said that this was correct with respect to freedom of passage for the British were in favor of freedom for all traffic.

CHURCHILL said that they hoped that the guarantee proposed would be more than a substitute for the fortification of the Straits.

MOLOTOV inquired if the Suez Canal were under the same principle.

CHURCHILL rejoined that it was open in war and peace to all.

MOLOTOV inquired if it were under the same international control as was proposed for the Black Sea Straits.

CHURCHILL said that this question had not been raised.

MOLOTOV said that he was asking. If it was such a good rule why not apply it to the Suez.

CHURCHILL said that they had an arrangement with which they were satisfied and that this arrangement had operated for some seventy years with no complaints.

MOLOTOV said there had been a lot of complaints. They should ask Egypt.

EDEN said that Egypt had signed the treaty with them.

MOLOTOV said that the British asserted that international control was better.

CHURCHILL said that their suggestion had been made to meet the Russian position that Russia should be able to move freely in and out of the Black Sea and that they were prepared to join in a guarantee with other nations and were prepared to press It upon Turkey. Was it to be supposed that Turkey would resist when the three Great Powers agreed and took an interest in the matter. Freedom could be attained in this way and without trouble for Turkey. He quite agreed that the question must be put off, but he hoped that the tremendous fact that they had heard at this meeting should not be underestimated by their Russian friends.

THE PRESIDENT said he wished to make clear his understanding of an international guarantee of the freedom of the Straits; it meant that any nation had free ingress for any purpose whatever. He did not contemplate any fortifications of any kind.

CHURCHILL said he fully sympathized and agreed with Stalin that a great power, such as the Soviet Union, must not have to go to a smaller power, like Turkey, hat in hand, any time it wanted to send ships through the Straits, only because Turkey said she had fears of war. He did not oppose Stalin’s complaint in this respect.

STALIN pointed out that this question had been raised at the Conference by Great Britain. It was evident that they differed in their views. They had many more urgent questions before them and this one could be put off.

CHURCHILL said the question had been brought up following all their conversations with the Russians regarding the Soviet wish to change the Montreux Convention, which position they were prepared to support.

STALIN said the question was not yet ripe. Some talks with the Turks should take place.

CHURCHILL inquired “With Turkey by whom?”

STALIN replied that the Russians had interrupted their conversations with the Turks, but only temporarily. The United States could talk with Turkey as well as Great Britain. He was not certain whether Turkey would be prepared to agree to international control.

CHURCHILL said it was more likely that they would agree to this than to the construction of big fortifications in the Straits.

STALIN replied that this might be, he did not know.

THE PRESIDENT drew attention to the word “control.” If the Straits were free there would be no control. He said that we would endeavor to make Turkey see our point of view.

STALIN then proposed that each of them work on the matter.

Preparation of the Communiqué

THE PRESIDENT pointed out that the Conference would have to be wound up in not more than a week or ten days and that a communiqué would have to be prepared. He proposed that a committee be appointed to start working on it and suggested that the Foreign Ministers make a proposal to them the next day.

STALIN inquired if they were to meet the next day.

THE PRESIDENT said he was anxious to do as much work as possible because when there was nothing more upon which they could agree he was returning home. He had much business in the City of Washington.

CHURCHILL said that Mr. Attlee and he would have to be back in England on the eighth and that he could not stay longer than the sixth.

Question of Poland’s Western Frontiers

This question was postponed upon the proposal of Mr. Churchill who said he was having talks with the Poles.

Soviet Prisoners of War in a British Prison Camp in Italy

CHURCHILL said the position was the following. It was true that there were 10,000 persons in this camp. It should be remembered that they had just taken one million prisoners. These 10,000 were in the process of being sifted by the Russian Mission at Rome. This Mission had full access to the camps in question. The personnel in these camps was said to be chiefly non-Soviet Ukrainians and to include numbers of Poles who, insofar as they could find out, were domiciled within the 1939 Polish frontiers. Six hundred and sixty-five persons within this camp wanted to return to their native Soviet Union and their return was being arranged. The British would hand over any others who would go without the use of force. The question of how much force would be used must be considered and must be carefully handled. This 10,000 had surrendered almost intact as an enemy division. They had retained the division as organized under their own general for administrative reasons exclusively. They would have been glad if General Golikov had made his complaints to Field Marshal Alexander at his headquarters.

FIELD MARSHAL ALEXANDER said that he would like everyone present to know that he had always given the Russian representatives in Italy complete freedom of movement and assistance to see anything and everything they wished to see at any time. In questions of this sort where they had a great number of Russian soldiers on their hands it was a great help to receive advice from responsible Russian representatives. He hoped that the Generalissimo would agree and that these facilities could continue to be made available.

STALIN said that under the treaty concluded between them they were bound to give each other admission to such camps and not to raise obstacles in the way of returning Soviet nationals to their own country. If Field Marshal Alexander thought this was possible he would be grateful.

CHURCHILL said that if Stalin would send his generals they would examine the situation and see if it could be done.

STALIN replied: “All right.”

Occupation of Vienna

STALIN said he had talked to Marshal Konev and that they were ready to continue to issue rations to all zones in Vienna until such time as the British and Americans found it possible to make some other arrangements.

CHURCHILL said that as soon as they got to Vienna one of the first things they would examine would be the question of the extension of the administrative control of the Renner Government in the American and British zone and that in principle they thought this could be done.

STALIN said that this would be a good thing to do.

THE PRESIDENT remarked that he agreed with the Prime Minister.

Meeting adjourned.

Cohen Notes

Potsdam, July 24, 1945, 5 p.m.

SECRETARY BYRNES reads the report of the Foreign Secretaries.

  1. The economic committee [subcommittee] was not yet ready to report on German reparations. They have not yet reported on reparations for Austria and Italy. The Russian delegation submitted papers on Austria[n] and Italian reparations. These economic matters have been postponed a day. The economic committee will meet tonight.

  2. The United States had submitted a paper on European oil supplies, but action was postponed pending the committee’s report.

  3. Implementation of Yalta Declaration on Europe and satellite states. The subcommittee was not ready to report, and the matter was postponed. The paper proposed eventual admission – Italy and neutrals, excluding Spain – into the United Nations, which was discussed.

    Disagreement of the Foreign Secretaries was to be submitted to the Big Three. Soviets’ objection to the paper was because it omitted reference to Bulgaria, Rumania, Hungary and Finland. Mr. Eden proposed certain changes regarding Italy, and these changes were agreed to. SECRETARY BYRNES proposed a paragraph to include reference to admission of Rumania, Bulgaria, Hungary and Finland when peace treaties were concluded, with responsible democratic governments of these countries. The Chairman had hoped that this would meet the objection of Mr. Molotov. As MR. MOLOTOV was not satisfied, it was referred to the Big Three.

  4. Rumanian oil equipment. British paper proposing arbitration referred to committee.

Agenda for Big Three meeting to include admission of Italy, neutrals, and satellite countries to United Nations organization, Polish western frontier, and the Straits

BYRNES: The Foreign Secretaries heard representatives of the Polish provisional government this morning. I assume the Foreign Secretaries have each made their own report to the beads of state, but I will give a brief summary, if desired.

The Polish government proposed the Oder and western Neisse, including the city of Stettin as the basis of their western frontier. The principal arguments in support of this thesis were: Poland should be compensated in the west for what was taken from her in the east. The territory proposed in the west comprises one economic unit. Poland will receive less in the west than she lost in the east. The population would be reduced, but would be more homogenous. Only one to one and a half million Germans [were?] left in area, but they would be willing to return to Germany.

This territory would enable Poland to support her population without resort to emigration. This frontier would enable many Poles to return to Germany. It is the shortest possible frontier, and the most easy to defend. Germany had attempted to destroy the Polish population, and it would be an act of historic justice to give this territory to Poland. Poland had ceded territory in the east for world peace. It was right that Germany should also cede territory for this purpose. Territory sought would take away Germany’s war potential in the east. It would leave Poland without a large minority. It would absorb excess urban population in the west, which is not absorbable in old Poland’s industries. It would enable Poles abroad to return. Territory to be taken was one of the bases of Germany’s imperialism.

It would deprive Germany of her profits from the exploitation of this area. If not given this territory, Poland would lose more territory in the war than Germany. A speedy decision was urged so that Poles abroad could return and participate in the reconstruction of Poland.

TRUMAN: The first question before us is the statement on the admission of Italy, neutrals, and other satellites to the United Nations.

BYRNES: The British and American delegations are agreed on the statement.

TRUMAN: What has the Soviet delegation to say?

STALIN: To ease the situation of all satellite countries, all of them should be mentioned on an equal basis. The artificial distinction drawn prompts us to believe that satellites other than Italy are put in a leprous category. Such a distinction tends to discredit the Soviet armies. Italy was the first to surrender, but she did more harm than any other satellite state. There is no doubt that the other satellites did less harm than Italy.

Is the Italian government really more democratic than the governments of Hungary, Rumania, Bulgaria and Finland? Is it more responsible? No elections have been held in Italy. It is not clear to me that the benevolent attitude towards Italy has been shown to the other satellites. Italy’s position has been eased by the renewal of diplomatic relations. Now a second step is proposed. Yes, let us take the second step towards Italy. But let us also take the first step towards the other satellites. That would be just. You can renew diplomatic relations with the other satellites and then you can make a peace treaty with Italy first.

CHURCHILL: We are in general agreement with the United States. Our point of view is divergent only with reference to these other satellites. We have been unable to get information, or to have free access to the satellite states. As soon as we have proper access to them, and proper governments are set up, we will recognize them – not sooner. The language is the same in the proposed document regarding Finland, and the southeastern European satellite states, as it is regarding Italy.

STALIN: But you have recognized Italy.

TRUMAN: The other satellite states will be recognized when they meet the same conditions as Italy has met.

STALIN: No one of these governments can prevent access to information to the Allied governments. There were restrictions on the Soviet government’s representatives in Italy.

TRUMAN: We are asking reorganization of these governments along democratic lines.

STALIN: The other satellites have democratic governments closer to the people than does Italy.

TRUMAN: I have made clear we will not recognize these governments until they are reorganized.

MOLOTOV: It was my suggestion that the satellites other than Italy be put on the same basis, including diplomatic recognition.

BYRNES: May I ask whether the Marshal has had translated the paper that has been circulating?

MOLOTOV: We have an amendment concerning the small satellites.

BYRNES: We submitted the whole paper in amended form. I should like it translated and read to the Marshal. It is an effort to treat Italy and the other satellites on the same basis, and to find a vehicle to condemn Franco’s Spain.

STALIN: The reference to “responsible and democratic government” should be deleted.

TRUMAN: We cannot make peace with them until we recognize them.

MOLOTOV: Reference to responsible democratic governments discredits the satellite governments. There should also be a reference to the recognition of these governments. My proposal is to add words that each of the governments will consider the resumption of diplomatic relations.

CHURCHILL: We do not want to use words to slur these governments. I would like to put in a word for Italy. It is not that she was the first out of the war, but two years have passed since she got out of the war. The other countries are out of the war only a few months. Our mission in Bucharest has been practically confined. I am sure the Marshal would be amazed to read the long list of incidents which have occurred.

STALIN: They are all fairy tale[s].

CHURCHILL: Statesmen may call one another’s statements fairy tales, if they wish.

STALIN: The same condition prevails in Italy.

CHURCHILL: That is not accurate. You can go where you like in Italy.

TRUMAN: Our missions have encountered great difficulties in the satellite states.

BYRNES: I suggest that we use the term recognize[d] democratic governments in the proposed statement, in lieu of responsible democratic governments.

STALIN: That is more acceptable, but I should also like that the amendment added by Mr. Molotov be put at the end; that is, add to the Byrnes paragraph on satellites a provision that the three governments will consider each separately in the near future, the question of the establishment of diplomatic relations with Bulgaria, Rumania, Finland and Hungary. This does not run counter to what has been said. Treaties cannot be concluded until countries are recognized.

CHURCHILL: This gives the impression that we were considering recognizing the present governments. That is not the position of the President, nor is it ours.

TRUMAN: May I suggest that we again refer the matter to the Foreign Ministers?

STALIN: Mr. Churchill is not right. Peace treaties can be prepared even though governments are not recognized.

CHURCHILL: Then we should provide for the conclusion of treaties for not with these countries.

STALIN: That will be more satisfactory.

CHURCHILL: Thank you, Marshal.

STALIN: Don’t mention it.

CHURCHILL: It would be a good thing for the Foreign Secretaries to have another look at the wording.

TRUMAN: We may now discuss the problem of the Straits. I circulated a paper on this.

STALIN: The paper put in by President Truman refers to the Danube and the Rhine, and not the Straits. We would like a reply to our statement on the Straits, and a base.

TRUMAN: I should like to consider them together.

STALIN: I am afraid we won’t reach an agreement on the Straits. Our ideas differ widely. Perhaps we can pass over this point now.

CHURCHILL: I think that the freedom of the Straits in war and in peace, for war and merchant vessel[s], should be guaranteed by the three great powers. That is a proposal worthy of discussion.

STALIN: We are also for the freedom of all traffic.

CHURCHILL: We should think that an international guaranty would be more than the equivalent of a base.

STALIN: What will be done about the Suez Canal?

CHURCHILL: It will be open.

STALIN: What about international control?

CHURCHILL: That question has not been raised.

STALIN: I am raising it.

CHURCHILL: We have an agreement, with which we are satisfied. There have been no complaints.

STALIN: Egypt should be consulted.

CHURCHILL: We have a treaty.

STALIN: You suggest that international control is preferable. We want a treaty with Turkey.

CHURCHILL: We should be prepared to press on Turkey the acceptance of this idea, which will give the Soviets a guarantee of freedom for their traffic. I quite agree that this must be put off, but I hope that the proposal put forth at this table, which gives the Soviets absolute security, will not be underrated by the Marshal.

TRUMAN: I want to make it clear that this guarantee is for freedom of traffic for all of us, without any fortifications by anyone.

CHURCHILL: I fully sympathize and agree with the Marshal that he should not have to go cap in hand to a smaller power like Turkey every time he wants to send a ship through the Straits.

STALIN: This question was brought up for discussion by Great Britain. It becomes evident that we differ in our views. We have more urgent questions than the Straits, so this question can be passed.

CHURCHILL: It was brought up by Great Britain because the Marshal indicated he wanted a revision of the Montreux Convention.

STALIN: The question is not ripe for discussion. There must be further talks with the Turks.

TRUMAN: I have made my position clear.

STALIN: The United States and the British can talk to Turkey as well as we. I am not sure that Turkey will agree to international control.

TRUMAN: Control by international guarantee that the Straits are open, means freedom of traffic, and no control. We shall endeavor to make Turkey see our point of view.

I have a suggestion. I hope we can wind up the conference in a week or ten days. I think a committee should be appointed to work on a communiqué so that everything will not have to be done at once. I hope the Foreign Secretaries will report to us on this tomorrow.

STALIN: Do we meet at eleven tomorrow?

EDEN: We had doubt[s] whether there would be enough on the agenda for the Big Three for tomorrow, but as today’s agenda is not completed, you can meet.

TRUMAN: As soon as we can finish, I must be back in Washington. Let us meet tomorrow.

STALIN: There is the Polish frontier to discuss.

CHURCHILL: Field Marshal Alexander is waiting.

TRUMAN: Shall we talk about Poland?

STALIN: Have we time to discuss it?

CHURCHILL: I am having a talk with Bierut in the morning. We can postpone it.

TRUMAN: Bring in Marshal Alexander then.

CHURCHILL: In a few words, following is our position about the Soviet war prisoners in Italy, about which the Soviets have asked information.

The Soviets have full access to the camp in question. These prisoners are said to be mainly non-Soviet Ukrainians, and they include Poles not domiciled within the 1939 Russian boundaries, and those who wish to return to Russia may go. We will hand over the others who will go, without the use of force. This body of about 10 thousand personnel surrendered almost intact as a Polish division. We would have been glad if the commanding general had made his complaint direct to Field Marshal Alexander.

ALEXANDER: I have nothing to add to the Prime Minister’s statement. I should like everyone here to know the following: I have always given Russian representatives in Italy freedom of movement to see anything at any time. I think this is a good thing to do, when we have Russian soldiers to look after in our camps. I hope that the Generalissimus will enable me to give the fullest facilities to his representatives.

STALIN: Under our treaty, we must both grant each other admission, and not raise obstacles to the return of men to their own country. I will be grateful if Field Marshal Alexander would so arrange.

CHURCHILL: Will the Generalissimus send his representatives to investigate?

STALIN: I have already talked to Marshal [Konev]. I will give you time to work this out.

CHURCHILL: There was also the question of giving the Renner government civilian administrative authority in all zones. This is one of the first questions which we will tackle when we get into Vienna. We agree that in principle this is desirable.

TRUMAN: I agree with the Prime Minister.

Meeting of the Combined Chiefs of Staff, 5:30 p.m.

CCS 200th Meeting

Present
United States United Kingdom
General of the Army Marshall Field Marshal Brooke
Fleet Admiral King Marshal of the Royal Air Force Portal
General of the Army Arnold Admiral of the Fleet Cunningham
General Somervell Admiral Mountbatten
Lieutenant General Hull Field Marshal Wilson
Vice Admiral Cooke General Ismay
Major General Norstad Lieutenant-General Macready
Captain McDill
Captain Oster
Secretariat
Brigadier General McFarland Major-General Hollis
Brigadier Cornwall-Jones
Lieutenant-Colonel Mallaby

CCS Minutes

Potsdam, July 24, 1945, 5:30 p.m.
Top secret

200th Meeting of the Combined Chiefs of Staff

The Combined Chiefs of Staff took note that this was their 200th Meeting.

Operations in Southeast Asia Command

GENERAL MARSHALL said that the United States Chiefs of Staff would like to extend a welcome to Admiral Mountbatten and take this opportunity of congratulating him personally on the conclusion of his great campaign in Burma.

ADMIRAL MOUNTBATTEN thanked the United States Chiefs of Staff and then proceeded to give an account of past, present, and future operations in his command.

In recounting the broad tale of events in Southeast Asia from the SEXTANT Conference in 1943 to the capture of Rangoon in May, 1945, he emphasized two points of importance:

a. Air transport was the lifeblood of all operations in his command. They had saved the day when things looked black in the spring of 1944 and had enabled him to complete successfully the great overland campaign to recapture Burma which had previously been thought impracticable. The Dakota was far and away the best transport aircraft for his purposes.

b. The tremendous steps in the reduction of casualties made possible by preventive medicine.

In describing the current situation in Burma, ADMIRAL MOUNTBATTEN explained that:
a. He had some 56,000 Japs still to destroy. At the moment seven divisions were employed on the job, three of which would soon be withdrawn to take part in forthcoming operations. Considerable fighting was still going on.

b. He had a big problem in getting supplies through to the native population in the face of one of the worst monsoons in history. He was being forced to use some air transport for this as well as for the maintenance of the troops.

c. His air transport squadrons were some 20 percent under strength.

As regards future operations, the Supreme Commander paid tribute to the immense effort being put forward by the India Command to organize India as a base for these operations which were the largest that had ever been undertaken from the country. He drew a picture of the problem of mounting operation ZIPPER; the vast distances over which the forces would have to converge on the objective; the fact that they would have to rely on carrier-borne air support for the landing; and the degree of opposition they were likely to meet. Risks were involved but these were calculated risks which he was prepared to accept.

Finally, he paid tribute to the morale of the troops and the high degree of inter-Allied cooperation that had been built up in the past two years. This spirit, he felt, would carry the command through forthcoming operations in spite of the disappointments inevitably involved in the acceptance of a second priority in the war as a whole.

SIR ALAN BROOKE then invited the United States Chiefs of Staff to put any questions they would like to Admiral Mountbatten, observing that the British Chiefs of Staff would have the opportunity at subsequent discussions in London.

GENERAL MARSHALL suggested that it might be possible to use more submarines to prevent the infiltration into Malaya of further Japanese reinforcements.

SIR ANDREW CUNNINGHAM said that no specific demand for further submarines for this purpose had been made from the theater and that within reason there was no limitation on the number that might be employed. There were, however, very few worthwhile targets left in the area.

ADMIRAL MOUNTBATTEN said that he felt that the present distribution of submarines, balanced as it was to meet the various tasks to be carried out, was satisfactory.

GENERAL MARSHALL asked the Supreme Commander how soon he thought he would be able to take over the new command, explaining that the United States Chiefs of Staff were very anxious to relieve United States commanders in the Pacific of their responsibilities for the area at the earliest possible moment.

ADMIRAL MOUNTBATTEN said that he had not expected to be called upon to assume these new responsibilities until Mailfist had been completed. He would like a little further time to consider the idea of taking them on earlier, but assured the United States Chiefs of Staff that he would do his best to meet them. When assured by General Marshall that the forces now in the area would be left there, he said that this certainly made things easier. It appeared that the problem would be merely a matter of assuming the higher direction of operations in the area.

GENERAL MARSHALL asked what Admiral Mountbatten thought of the idea of splitting French Indo-China into two and placing the southern half, south of 16° N, in the Southeast Asia Command.

ADMIRAL MOUNTBATTEN said that he had just heard of the proposition and that his first reactions were favorable. He would have liked some latitude in the actual northern limit of the area in case his operations were to develop either to the north or to the south of the degree of latitude suggested, but did not feel very strongly on the point. He thought the French might find the proposition a little less agreeable.

GENERAL MARSHALL explained the background to the French offer of two French divisions for operations in the war against Japan, and said that the Combined Chiefs of Staff were agreed that the best place to employ these divisions would probably be in French Indo-China. One of these two divisions had had battle experience and had done well. Both were composed of white men and the French proposal specifically provided that they would arrive with corps-supporting and service units. He asked Admiral Mountbatten’s opinion as to the acceptance of these two divisions in Southeast Asia Command. They could not be moved out for several months and it would probably be the late spring of 1946 before he could expect to get them.

ADMIRAL MOUNTBATTEN said that, subject to the views of the British Chiefs of Staff, he would certainly welcome these two French divisions provided they came with a proper proportion of service and supporting units. The obvious place to employ them would be in French Indo-China where he would be relieved of the necessity of dealing with a problem which could be satisfactorily handled only by Frenchmen.

GENERAL HULL said that General MacArthur had drawn up a list of the supporting and service units which these two divisions would require if they came out to the Pacific, and this list has been communicated to the French. He undertook to provide Admiral Mountbatten with this list.

761.94/7-2145: Telegram

The Japanese Ambassador in the Soviet Union to the Japanese Minister of Foreign Affairs

Moscow, July 24, 1945 — 5:56 p.m.
[Translation]
Urgent

1441

Re your telegram No. 932

We received this telegram on the 22nd, but your telegram No. 931 did not arrive until today, the 24th. After considering the manner of presenting our proposal, we intend to suggest a meeting with Lozovsky.

Truman-Stalin conversation, 7:30 p.m.

Cecilienhof Palace, Potsdam

Present
United States Soviet Union
President Truman Generalissimo Stalin
Mr. Pavlov

Truman: “On July 24 I casually mentioned to Stalin that we had a new weapon of unusual destructive force. The Russian Premier showed no special interest. All he said was that he was glad to hear it and hoped we would make ‘good use of it against the Japanese.’”

Byrnes: “At the close of the meeting of the Big Three on the afternoon of July 24, the President walked around the large circular table to talk to Stalin. After a brief conversation the President rejoined me and we rode back to the ‘Little White House’ together. He said he had told Stalin that, after long experimentation, we had developed a new bomb far more destructive than any other known bomb, and that we planned to use it very soon unless Japan surrendered. Stalin’s only reply was to say that he was glad to hear of the bomb and he hoped we would use it.”

Leahy: “At the plenary session on July 24, Truman walked around to Stalin and told him quietly that we had developed a powerful weapon, more potent than anything yet seen in war. The President said later that Stalin’s reply indicated no especial interest and that the Generalissimo did not seem to have any conception of what Truman was talking about. It was simply another weapon and he hoped we would use it effectively.”

Churchill: “Next day, July 24, after our plenary meeting had ended and we all got up from the round table and stood about in twos and threes before dispersing, I saw the President go up to Stalin, and the two conversed alone with only their interpreters. I was perhaps five yards away, and I watched with the closest attention the momentous talk. I knew what the President was going to do. What was vital to measure was its effect on Stalin. I can see it all as if it were yesterday. He seemed to be delighted.… As we were waiting for our cars I found myself near Truman. ‘How did it go?’ I asked. ‘He never asked a question,’ he replied.”

Byrnes conversation with members of the Polish Delegation

Present
United States Poland
Secretary Byrnes

Morse-Weston conversation, evening

Present
United States United Kingdom
Mr. Morse Mr. Weston

The principal subject of discussion was the distribution of captured German vessels. In the course of the conversation Morse communicated to Weston a draft memorandum from Land to Clayton on this subject.

Second meeting of the Subcommittee on Implementation of the Yalta Declaration on Liberated Europe, evening

Present
United States United Kingdom Soviet Union
Mr. Brown Mr. Gromyko

Brown: “There was a conference tonight on freedom of press and movement in liberated areas in Balkans. Gromyko came up with a weasel-worded statement on assuring correspondents the right to report out of these countries. He still insisted on military censorship and admitted this could cover political censorship of certain stories. Would not agree to affirmative declaration against political censorship and freedom of press in these areas. Meeting adjourned with no agreement.”

The Pittsburgh Press (July 24, 1945)

JAP FLEET HIDEOUT RIDDLED
Enemy fliers lash back fiercely

2,000 planes hit foe, including 1,000 Navy craft, 600 Superforts

Big Three to recess for results of British voting

Churchill to leave Potsdam tomorrow
By Merriman Smith, United Press staff writer

Churchill to know election fate by Thursday evening

LONDON, England (UP) – Prime Minister Churchill should know by 5 p.m. (noon ET) Thursday whether he has been returned to office by the British electorate.

Ballots in the 640 constituencies of the United Kingdom have been sealed in the boxes where they were cast since July 5 or, in the case of a few districts where local holidays coincided with the general election date, since July 12 and 19.

The ballots of servicemen overseas have been accumulating and have been impounded.

The official count will begin between 9 a.m. and 10 a.m. Thursday in each constituency under supervision of the local town clerk. The results are announced by the local clerks. The count requires from two to seven hours, depending on the size of the constituency.

By 5 p.m., it is expected, virtually all the returns will have been counted. The results are flashed to the headquarters of the Conservative, Labor and Liberal Parties, and are tabulated there.

Jap offensive launched in China

Enemy tries to ease pressure on Kweilin

Reynaud: Petain in league with Nazis for 10 years

Ex-premier brands marshal arch-apostle of defeatism who wanted to be dictator

Lack of men perils shifting of Army

ODT, senators ask for 75,000 railroaders

Polish waif to stay in U.S. if inquiry upholds story

Orphan may go to boys’ school

Ration Book No. 5 due in December

Price chief hopes it will be last


Public promised more ‘heavy’ soap

‘Whitewash’ seen in Elliot’s case


Morgenthau says he was fired

I DARE SAY —
Junior Miss

By Florence Fisher Parry