America at war! (1941–) – Part 4

8359

Editorial: The Big Three – and others

The Big Three communiqué does not tell much. Having failed to keep the secret the whole world knew, they confirm that they are meeting with their military and political advisors in the Black Sea area. Perhaps their joint announcement at the close of the conference will be more enlightening.

The American people, at least, are tired of having to rely on Churchill crumbs in Commons and on Marshal Stalin’s acts to discover Allied policies and American commitments which President Roosevelt fails to report. Resentment against the President’s secrecy is building barriers of suspicion, which will cause needless trouble when the people are called upon to support the settlement.

We believe the President is sincerely trying to represent a basic American policy acceptable to Congress and the public. If so, it is all the more unfortunate that his yen for lone-hand methods and for keeping the people in the dark weakens him in these Black Sea negotiations. For his power is in direct ratio to the weight of enlightened public opinion behind it. Only as that popular will is known to our allies can the President speak with authority. Fortunately, there have been some such public expressions from Congress, from Protestant organizations and the Catholic hierarchy, from the press and other private agencies, despite the President’s lack of cooperation.

From these expressions, it is clear that the American people – regardless of party or creed or national origin – take very seriously the pledges in the Atlantic Charter, the United Nations Declaration and the Hull-Moscow Pact. They are fighting not only for complete military victory, but also for peace terms and post-war conditions under a democratic international organization which can prevent another war. This is more than sentimental concern and humanitarian regard for the rights of small nations. The kick in American opinion today is the practical conviction that a system of big power dictatorship and conflicting spheres of influence means war in the future as in the past.

Next to military unity, which the communiqué says has been achieved, the biggest issue at the Black Sea session is Allied political unity versus separate settlements – imposed by Marshal Stalin or Mr. Churchill, or both, without consent of the United States, France and the others. The test of this meeting is whether or not it speeds a representative conference with the other Allies, which the Big Three have prevented so far. When de Gaulle says France will be bound by no agreement to which it is not a party, he is speaking for every ally.

“Joint plans for the occupation and control of Germany, the political and economic problems of liberated Europe and proposals for the earliest possible establishment of a permanent international organization to maintain peace” are what the Big Three are discussing, according to the official communiqué. But there is not one word indicating that the Big three recognize that they alone should not and cannot really settle anything. Only a majority of the Allies, backed by a majority public opinion, can do that. Even then, the post-war forces of disorder and chaos will strain the strongest peace settlement.

8360

Editorial: After three years–

Consider, for at least a moment, the story of Frank Hewlett, United Press war correspondent in the Philippines, and Mrs. Hewlett.

On New Year’s Eve, less than a month after Pearl Harbor, Frank Hewlett, the UP man in Manila, having suddenly found himself in the midst of a war, followed the dictates of duty and separated himself from his wife to “cover” Gen. MacArthur’s withdrawal to Bataan Peninsula.

Mrs. Hewlett, at her own insistence, remained in Manila, where her services as a nurse were in demand.

Came the dreary weeks of inevitable defeat on Bataan, followed quickly by the siege of Corregidor and, for Mr. Hewlett, escape from the Philippines to cover the war elsewhere.

For three years Mr. Hewlett has been covering the war in the Pacific. He has seen it from its most disastrous days to the new days of triumph. And throughout, he was unaware of Mrs. Hewlett’s fate.

Except for the fact that he is one of the best of the war correspondents, Mr. Hewlett’s story is only another item in the whole grim episode which began with the surprise Jap attack on Manila and now has been brought to a climax by Gen. MacArthur’s return.

But to us at home, it surely can serve as convincing example of the sacrifice and day-by-day torture to which so many thousands of our citizens – those in the Philippines and those with relatives and friends in the Philippines – have been subjected. It is an inspiring story of courage and patience against insuperable odds. Let’s treasure it as such.

8361

Editorial: Scouts are resourceful

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8362

Edson: Transportation troubles to get worse this year

By Peter Edson

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8363

Ferguson: Conceited men

By Mrs. Walter Ferguson

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8364

Background of news –
Manila, 1898 and 1945

By Bertram Benedict

As Manila falls into American possession, thoughts inevitably go back to the day in the war with Spain when the American flag flew over the city.

In each case, the Philippine capital lay open to capture because of a naval victory several months before – in 1945, the Battle of Leyte Gulf; in 1898, the Battle of Manila Bay. In each case the city was only lightly defended. But there the similarity ends. In fact, reading today of the capture of Manila in the Spanish-American War makes it seem 470 rather than 47 years ago.

At the outbreak of war in 1898, the U.S. Navy was divided into two parts, an Atlantic squadron and a smaller Pacific squadron under Cdre. Dewey. Dewey’s fleet wouldn’t be considered much of a fleet today. None of his six ships was over 6,000 tons, two were under 3,000, one was unprotected by armor. There were also a revenue cutter and two supply ships.

The commander of the Spanish fleet in the Pacific, Adm. Montojo, also had six ships, none over 3,500 tons, five under 1,500. There were a so-called battleship, two protected cruisers, two gunboats and something with a wooden hull which had to be towed because its machinery wouldn’t work. Several other Spanish warships at Manila were unfit for action because they were undergoing repairs.

Harbor entered May 1

The Spanish fleet sailed for Subic Bay to find out if this were a stronger position; not liking the setup there, Montojo took his force back to Manila. Dewey’s intelligence facilities were little better; he had to send several of his ships to Subic to find out if the Spaniards were still there, before making for Manila.

The American fleet entered Manila Harbor early in the morning of May 1. The shore batteries did not open fire until most of the fleet had slipped by. The Americans waited for the dawn, then opened fire on the Spanish ships at a range of about two and one-half miles, The American fleet sailed back and forth opposite the Spanish ships, and the Spanish gunners weren’t able to score any hits of consequence.

This was the pre-smokeless era, and after several hours the Americans had to stop firing for the smoke to lift so that they could see how much damage they had inflicted. When the smoke cleared, it was seen that the Spanish fleet had been badly damaged; another hour of firing finished it off completely.

Waited three months

Manila then lay open to capture, but Dewey had no troops to occupy the city; he therefore waited patiently in the harbor for infantry to come. It was three months before the troops sent out from San Francisco reached a total of 15,000. They landed unopposed. In the meantime, Aguinaldo, leader of the Filipino native force, had surrounded and besieged Manila with about 14,000 men.

Finally, on August 7, Dewey and Gen. Merritt sent a joint note to the Spanish commander at Manila. ordering him to surrender. He had some 13,000 men but no real facilities for resistance; he asked and was refused time to consult Madrid: on August 13, the Americans advanced, managing to keep the Filipino army out of it; the Spaniards fired only a few shots as token resistance, and then surrendered the city.

On the day before, a truce to all hostilities had been signed, but word had not reached the Philippines, so that Manila, like New Orleans in 1815, was an American victory won after the war was over.

8365

Stokes: Strange business

By Thomas L. Stokes

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8366

Othman: Day is saved

By Frederick C. Othman

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8367

Love: Important

By Gilbert Love

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8368

U.S. credit agencies accused of ‘loan shark’ tactics

By Daniel M. Kidney, Scripps-Howard staff writer

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8369

Gracie Allen Reporting

By Gracie Allen

I’ve always thought that the California Chamber of Commerce did a pretty good job of attracting travelers, but apparently our local boys can’t hold a candle to those Berlin ballyhooers.

Why, every single newspaper I pick up has a story datelined Stockholm, or Madrid, or Lisbon which starts like this: “Travelers arriving from Berlin report that – etc., etc.” Honestly, that is the most visited city I have ever seen.

You just watch your newspaper – you’ll see story after story credited to “travelers arriving from Berlin.” Now honestly, if they can attract tourists to that bombed, battered, overcrowded spot, then Californians should hang their heads.

But, as usual, those Germans have done too thorough a job. They’ve gone and made their capital so attractive that about eight million Russians have decided to move in for the season.

8370

Monahan: Opulent tune film opens at the Harris

Tonight and Every Night stars Hayworth, Bowman and J. Blair
By Kaspar Monahan

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8371

Work-or-else bill demanded ‘now’ by Krug

Chief of WPB cites dangers of delay

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Kaiser plans to buy, merge 2 steel mills

Independent western industry proposed

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8372

Skein stretched to 25 wins –
Unbeaten Army team whips Panther floormen, 71-51

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8373

Nothing softer than being radio standby

Job means pay without work
By Si Steinhauser

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8374

U.S. State Department (February 8, 1945)

Log of the Trip

Thursday, February 8, 1945

1200: The President conferred with Mr. Hopkins, Mr. Harriman, Justice Byrnes, and Mr. Bohlen. The conference was held in the President’s study.

The British and American Combined Chiefs of Staff met in the grand ballroom at Livadia. Neither the President nor the Prime Minister attended this meeting.

1330: The President and Mrs. Boettiger had lunch in his study from a tray.

1500: The President signed an Executive Order authorizing the Secretary of War to take over and operate the plants and facilities of the Detroit Edison Company of Detroit, Michigan.

1545: Marshal Stalin, Mr. Molotov, Mr. Harriman, Mr. Bohlen and Mr. Pavlov conferred with the President in the President’s study.

1615: The Fifth Formal Meeting of the Crimea Conference was convened in the grand ballroom of Livadia. Present were:

For the U.S. For Great Britain For the USSR
The President. The Prime Minister. Marshal Stalin.
Mr. Stettinius. Mr. Eden. Mr. Molotov.
Admiral Leahy. Mr. Cadogan. Mr. Vyshinski.
Mr. Hopkins. Mr. Clark Kerr. Mr. Maisky.
Justice Byrnes. Mr. Jebb. Mr. Gousev.
Mr. Harriman. Mr. Bridges. Mr. Gromyko.
Mr. Matthews. Mr. Wilson. Mr. Pavlov.
Mr. Bohlen. Mr. Dixon.
Mr. Hiss. Major Birse.

The meeting adjourned at 1940.

2030: The President and certain members of his party left Livadia by motor for Koreiz Villa to dine as guests of Marshal Stalin. The complete guest list was:
Marshal Stalin. The President. The Prime Minister.
Mr. Molotov. Mr. Stettinius. Mr. Eden.
Mr. Vyshinski. Admiral Leahy. Field Marshal Brooke.
Mr. Beria. Justice Byrnes. Air Marshal Portal.
Admiral Kuznetsov. Mr. Harriman. Admiral Cunningham.
General Antonov. Mr. Flynn. Mr. Cadogan.
Air Marshal Khudyakov. Mrs. Boettiger. Field Marshal Alexander.
Mr. Gousev. Miss Harriman. Mr. Clark Kerr.
Mr. Gromyko. Mr. Bohlen. General Ismay.
Mr. Maisky. Mrs. Oliver.
Mr. Pavlov. Major Birse.
8375

U.S. Navy Department (February 8, 1945)

CINCPOA Communiqué No. 252

Army Liberators of the Strategic Air Force, Pacific Ocean Areas, bombed installations on Iwo Jima in the Volcanos on February 6 and 7 (East Longitude Date).

Army bombers of the same force attacked Okimura Town on Haha Jima in the Bonins on February 7. Three large fires were observed.

Woleai in the Western Carolines was bombed from high altitude by StrAirPoa Army bombers on February 7 and shore installations on Yap in the same group were bombed by torpedo aircraft of the Fourth Marine Aircraft Wing on the same date. Marine aircraft bombed and strafed targets on Ponape in the Carolines on the following day.

Marine planes attacked installations on Babelthuap in the Palaus on February 7.

Fourth MarAirWing fighters strafed targets on Rota in the Marianas on February 7.

Planes of Fleet Air Wing Two continued neutralizing attacks on enemy-held bases in the Marshalls on February 8.

8376

U.S. State Department (February 9, 1945)

Meeting of the Combined Chiefs of Staff, 11:00 a.m.

Livadia Palace, USSR

Present
United States United Kingdom
Fleet Admiral Leahy Field Marshal Brooke
General of the Army Marshall Marshal of the Royal Air Force Portal
Fleet Admiral King Admiral of the Fleet Cunningham
Major General Kuter Field Marshal Wilson
Lieutenant General Somervell General Ismay
Vice Admiral Cooke Admiral Somerville
Rear Admiral McCormick
Major General Hull
Major General Deane
Captain McDill
Commander Clark
Secretariat
Brigadier General McFarland Major General Jacob
Captain Graves Brigadier Corn wall-Jones
Commander Coleridge
Colonel Capel-Dunn

CCS Minutes

Leningrad, February 9, 1945, 11 a.m.
Top secret

Approval of the Minutes of the 187th Meeting of CCS

The Combined Chiefs of Staff: Approved the conclusions of the minutes of the CCS 187th Meeting and approved the detailed record of the meeting subject to later minor amendments.

Draft Final Report to the President and Prime Minister (CCS 776/2)

The Combined Chiefs of Staff considered those paragraphs of the draft final report which had been added since they had approved CCS 776/1.

Sir Alan Brooke drew attention to the directive to the Supreme Allied Commander, Mediterranean, contained in Appendix “A” of CCS 776/2. He pointed out that in paragraph 4c of the directive it was stated that, “The nomination of ground formations to be withdrawn and the arrangements for their transfer will form the subject of a separate instruction.” In order to avoid any possible delay in the movement of these forces he suggested that the Combined Chiefs of Staff should send an instruction to the Supreme Allied Commander, Mediterranean repeated to the Supreme Commander, Allied Expeditionary Force in the following sense:

Reference paragraph 4c of the directive issued to you… The move of two Canadian and three British divisions should proceed under plans to be agreed between yourself and SCAEF, without awaiting any further instructions from the Combined Chiefs of Staff.

General Marshall said that this proposal was acceptable.

The Combined Chiefs of Staff:
a. Approved the text of the report to the President and Prime Minister on the ARGONAUT Conference (CCS 776/2).

b. Approved the dispatch of the … [instruction] proposed by Field Marshal Sir Alan Brooke…

Liaison with the Soviet High Command with Regard to Strategic Bombing in Eastern Germany (CCS 778, CCS 186th Mtg., Item 7, Two Tripartite Military Meetings)

Sir Charles Portal referred to the discussions which had been taking place between himself and General Kuter and Marshal of Aviation Khudyakov. At the meeting a draft agreement had been drawn up and agreed and submitted to the three High Commands. It was acceptable to the British and, he understood, to the United States Chiefs of Staff. However, on the previous evening identical letters had been received by General Kuter and himself from Marshal Khudyakov setting out a considerably revised draft agreement.

General Kuter said he had redrafted the Russian proposals in such a way as to make them acceptable to the U.S. and British; he proposed putting this new draft to the Russians. If this were not acceptable to the Russians, it would probably be wisest to inform them that we planned to continue with the previous arrangements.

Sir Charles Portal explained the main difference between the Russian proposals and the draft which had been agreed at the meeting of the Heads of Air Staffs. In the original draft the Allied air forces could bomb a target to the east of the line, provided 24 hours’ notice was given to the Soviet High Command and no objection was raised. In the Russian proposal, however, it was necessary to obtain agreement for any Allied bombing east of the line 24 hours before the attack was to take place. It had been his understanding in conversations with Marshal Khudyakov, that the Russian Staff was more interested in preventing incidents between Allied and Soviet aircraft than they were in protecting their ground forces.

General Kuter pointed out that there was one further important change in the Russian proposals. The Soviet Staff had now proposed that a rigid line should exist which would be moved from time to time by the Soviet Staff whereas in the original agreement the bomb-line was to move forward automatically at a given distance from the Russian front line. An example of the difficulties which would arise under Marshal Khudyakov’s proposals had recently occurred. Marshal Tito had asked that the town of Brod be bombed on a certain day and a request for permission to do so had been made by General Deane in Moscow. General Deane had written letters to the Staff on this subject four consecutive days without receiving any reply and in fact no answer had yet been received. In his view the present Russian proposal was an entirely unworkable procedure.

The Combined Chiefs of Staff then discussed the best method of handling further action with regard to the Russian proposals.

The Combined Chiefs of Staff: Agreed that Marshal of the Royal Air Force Sir Charles Portal and General Kuter should each reply separately to Marshal of the Soviet Air Force Khudyakov, making it clear that the revised agreement proposed by the Soviet High Command differed substantially from that which it was thought had been agreed between the Heads of the three Air Forces on 6 February; that these differences made acceptance of the revised agreement impracticable; and that the British/United States High Command therefore intended to continue with the arrangements in force prior to the Crimean Conference.

Concluding Remarks

Admiral Leahy said he would like to express on behalf of the United States Chiefs of Staff their appreciation for the cooperation and assistance received from the British Chiefs of Staff during the present conference. He felt that progress had been made on the general plans of the war as a whole, and that much had been accomplished.

Sir Alan Brooke said that he would like to reciprocate on behalf of the British Chiefs of Staff the feelings expressed by Admiral Leahy. He was convinced that great progress had been made during the present conference.

8377

Völkischer Beobachter (February 9, 1945)

Die Kämpfe in Manila

Tokio, 8. Februar – Den im Norden Manilas eingedrungenen feindlichen Truppen ist es gelungen, ihre Bodengewinne zu erweitern, aber die wichtigsten Punkte sind nach wie vor fest in japanischer Hand. Durch heftige Gegenangriffe werden dem Feind Verluste an Mannschaften und Material zugefügt. Von den feindlichen Landetruppen, die vom Süden her gegen Manila Vordringen, ist es nur einem kleinen Teil gelungen, den Südteil von Manila zu erreichen.

Im Gebiet von Clark Field behaupten sich die Japaner nach wie vor. Artillerie und Infanterie stehen in heftigen Angriffen. Die Zahl der Toten des Feindes sowie der Verwundeten wird auf etwa 7.000 geschätzt, während die Japaner nur geringe Ausfälle und Schäden hatten.

In Anbetracht der Kriegslage Verlegte die philippinische Regierung ihren Sitz nach Nordluzon.

8378

Die ‚Friedensorganisation‘ der Weltverbrecher

Berlin, 8. Februar – Nachdem um die Reise Churchills und Roosevelts zu Stalin von feindlicher Seite ein dichter Schleier des Geheimnisses gelegt worden war, ist nunmehr eine Erklärung bekanntgegeben worden, wie man sie normalerweise erst am Schluss solcher Besprechungen erwartet.

Aber die drei Kriegsverbrecher haben ihre Heimlichkeit vor ihren Völkern nicht länger verbergen können. In England und in den USA wartete man ungeduldig auf Nachrichten. Um diese Ungeduld zufriedenzustellen, wurde offenbar die erste amtliche Verlautbarung bekanntgegeben. Weiter haben die deutschen Enthüllungen über die geplante Neuauflage des Wilson-Schwindels dazu beigetragen, den drei Kriegsbrandstiftern eine vorläufige Erklärung über ihre geheimnisvollen Auseinandersetzungen abzuzwingen.

Wie nicht anders zu erwarten, besagt die Erklärung nichts. Sie beschränkt sich lediglich auf die Wiedergabe ihrer angeblichen Tagesordnung, um dann mit ein paar leeren Phrasen über „Besetzung und Kontrolle Deutschlands und Schaffung einer internationalen Organisation zur Aufrechterhaltung eines internationalen Friedens“ zu schließen.

Dies alles sind wieder einmal nur Worte, die den geplanten neuen Weltbetrug tarnen sollen. Hinter ihnen soll die wahre Absicht des Verbrechertrios, das sich am Schwarzen Meer zusammengefunden hat, verschleiert werden. Die Rauhe Wirklichkeit erfährt die Weltöffentlichkeit durch die Veröffentlichung der bolschewistischen Grausamkeiten im deutschen Osten. Diese sowjetischen Methoden des Massenmords und der Vergewaltigung wehrloser Frauen reißt den drei Erzheuchlern die Maske vom Gesicht. Alle ihre Redensarten können heute die Weltöffentlichkeit nicht mehr darüber hinwegtäuschen, dass der Sieg der plutokratisch-bolschewistischen Weltverschwörer das Chaos, die Vernichtung der Völker und den Triumph des Untermenschentums bedeuten würde.

So wie heute schon Stalin an die plutokratischen Trabanten Churchill und Roosevelt seine Befehle ausgibt, so würde et morgen bestimmen, was mit den Völkern geschieht, die sich durch die verlogenen Lockungen und die Täuschungsmanöver des Dreiertreffens blenden ließen und ihre Waffen aus der Hand legten.

Das deutsche Volk läßt sich nicht mehr täuschen. Der Wilson-Schwindel von 1918 steht ihm als brennende Warnung vor Augen, und das bolschewistische Mordbanditentum, die Schändung deutscher Frauen und Mädchen, die Abschlachtung von Kindern, Frauen und Greisen, die Folterung und Deportierung von Männern, die als Arbeitssklaven in die Sowjetunion verschleppt werden, zeigen uns das wahre Gesicht der feindlichen Kriegsverbrecher. Diese viehischen Massenmorde an deutschen Männern, Frauen und Kindern, wie wir sie schon von Nemmersdorf kennen auf deutschem Boden, können unsere Entschlossenheit, unseren Kampf bis zum letzten Atemzug durchzustehen, nur noch fanatischer machen.

Was wir gewusst und wovor wir Europa gewarnt haben, das wird nun durch die Sowjetgreuel erneut bestätigt. Es gibt für uns Deutsche nur das eine; Kämpfen bis zur Vertreibung dieser Mordbestien sowie ihrer anglo-amerikanischen Komplicen und bis zur Vernichtung der jüdisch-bolschewistischen Mordhetzer, die hinter ihnen stehen.

Wir müssen und werden alle Kraft zusammenballen, um wieder einen schützenden Wall um das Reich zu legen. Das ganze deutsche Volk, Front und Heimat, werden unter Einsatz aller Kraft und Übernahme aller Opfer dieses Ziel erkämpfen. Mit verbissener Wut schlagen sich die deutschen Soldaten mit den bolschewistischen Horden, und mit der gleichen verbissenen Wut steht hinter ihnen die Heimat, die ihnen die Mittel in die Hand gibt, um den neuen Mongolensturm zu brechen.

Deutschland muss freigekämpft werden, damit wir in Freiheit und Frieden leben und arbeiten können, damit das Leben deutscher Frauen lind Mädchen sicher und die Zukunft unserer Jugend gewährleistet ist.