Salzburger Zeitung (February 5, 1945)
Roosevelt der Urheber des Betrugsversuches
Es wird unseren Feinden nicht gelingen, das deutsche Volk von seiner Führung zu trennen
…
Führer HQ (February 5, 1945)
Kommuniqué des Oberkommandos der Wehrmacht
In Ungarn wurden südlich des Velencesees feindliche Angriffe bis auf geringe Einbrüche abgewehrt. Nördlich Stuhlweißenburg und im Nordteil des Vértesgebirges warfen unsere Truppen den Feind nach Osten zurück. Die tapfere Besatzung von Budapest wurde in ihrem schweren Kampf durch deutsche Jagd- und Schlachtflieger fühlbar entlastet.
Im südlichen Grenzgebiet der Slowakei sowie zwischen den Westbeskiden und der Oder scheiterten zahlreiche Angriffe der Bolschewisten. Beiderseits Brieg trat der Gegner aus seinen Oderbrückenköpfen mit starken Kräften zum Angriff an. Schwere Kämpfe sind hier im Gange.
An der übrigen Oderfront hat sich die Lage nicht wesentlich verändert. Gegen den Verteidigungsring von Frankfurt an der Oder sowie gegen Küstrin und Posen setzten die Sowjets ihre heftigen Angriffe fort, ohne nennenswerte Erfolge zu erzielen.
Im südlichen Pommern wehrten unsere Verbände zwischen Pyritz, Deutsch-Krone und im Raum nordwestlich Jastrow erneute feindliche Angriffe ab. Die Marienburg und die Stadt Elbing stehen im Brennpunkt erbitterter Kämpfe.
In Ostpreußen blieb den mit überlegenen Kräften bei Wormditt, Bartenstein und beiderseits Königsbergs anstürmenden Bolschewisten der Durchbruch dank der Tapferkeit unserer Truppen und ihrer Führung versagt. 53 Panzer und 63 Geschütze wurden vernichtet.
Deutsche Seestreitkräfte griffen wiederholt in die Kämpfe an der ostpreußischen Küste ein und brachten den Verbänden des Heeres Entlastung.
In Kurland flaute die Kampftätigkeit infolge der hohen Verluste des Feindes an den Vortagen ab.
Schlachtflieger, unterstützt von Jägern, griffen mit guter Wirkung in die Erdkämpfe in Ungarn, in Schlesien und in der Neumark ein. Insgesamt wurden gestern durch die Luftwaffe im Osten 73 Panzer, 44 Geschütze außer Gefecht gesetzt, über 900 Fahrzeuge vernichtet und 26 Flugzeuge zum Absturz gebracht.
Im Westen dauern vor der Rurfront die feindlichen Bewegungen und starkes Artilleriefeuer an.
Im Gebiet von Schleiden brachten unsere Truppen die amerikanischen Durchbruchsversuche vor der Urftalsperre wieder zum Stehen und zerschlugen südlich davon weiterer Angriffe. In den südwestlichen Ausläufern der Schnee-Eifel konnte der Gegner in eine Bunkergruppe eindringen, blieb dann jedoch im Abwehrfeuer liegen.
Die Eckpfeiler unseres Brückenkopfes im oberen Elsass waren auch gestern starken feindlichen Angriffen ausgesetzt. Die in der Rheinebene zwischen Breisach und Kolmar angreifenden Amerikaner wurden nördlich Neubreisach abgewiesen, südlich Kolmar nach geringem Vordringen wieder aufgefangen. 14 feindliche Panzer wurden dabei vernichtet. Im Raum nördlich Mülhausen stehen unsere Truppen in heftigen Abwehrkämpfen vor Ensisheim und Sulz.
Der Artilleriekampf um Dünkirchen und Lorient hat sich verstärkt.
In den gestrigen Abendstunden warfen britische Terrorverbände Bomben auf mehrere Orte in Westdeutschland. Besonders in den Wohnvierteln von Bonn und Godesberg entstanden Schäden.
Das Vergeltungsfeuer auf London dauert an.
Im Monat Jänner verloren die Anglo-Amerikaner durch Jäger und Flakartillerie der Luftwaffe 1.389 Flugzeuge, in der Mehrzahl viermotorige Bomber.
In hartem Kampf gegen den feindlichen Nachschub torpedierten unsere Unterseeboote in den Gewässern um England 7 Schiffe mit 54.400 BRT und 2 Geleitfahrzeuge. Das Sinken von 3 Frachtern mit über 13.000 BRT und einem Bewacher wurde beobachtet. Mit dem Untergang weiterer Schiffe, unter denen sich ein 20.000 BRT großer Truppentransporter befand, ist zu rechnen.
In Schlesien haben seit dem 14. Jänner zahlreiche Volkssturmbataillone, insbesondere im oberschlesischen Industriegebiet, den feindlichen Ansturm bis zum Eintreffen der Reserven des Heeres und der Waffen-SS aufgehalten und damit durch ihre vorbildliche Einsatzbereitschaft und Tapferkeit entscheidenden Anteil an dem Aufbau einer gefestigten Abwehrfront.
Supreme HQ Allied Expeditionary Force (February 5, 1945)
FROM
(A) SHAEF MAIN
ORIGINATOR
PRD, Communique Section
DATE-TIME OF ORIGIN
051100A February
TO FOR ACTION
(1) AGWAR
(2) NAVY DEPARTMENT
TO (W) FOR INFORMATION (INFO)
(3) TAC HQ 12 ARMY GP
(4) MAIN 12 ARMY GP
(5) AIR STAFF
(6) ANCXF
(7) EXFOR MAIN
(8) EXFOR REAR
(9) DEFENSOR, OTTAWA
(10) CANADIAN C/S, OTTAWA
(11) WAR OFFICE
(12) ADMIRALTY
(13) AIR MINISTRY
(14) UNITED KINGDOM BASE
(15) SACSEA
(16) CMHQ (Pass to RCAF & RCN)
(17) COM ZONE
(18) SHAEF REAR
(19) AFHQ for PRO, ROME
(20) HQ SIXTH ARMY GP
(REF NO.)
NONE
(CLASSIFICATION)
IN THE CLEAR
Communiqué No. 303
Allied forces northeast of Monschau gained up to 3,000 yards to reach the edge of Rührberg, and our infantry advanced 3,500 yards to the south shore of the Urftstausee, the large lake formed by the Urft River Dam. Southwest and south of the lake, we have cleared the enemy from the towns of Einruhr, Wollseifen and Morsbach, and have pushed one-half mile east of Morsbach.
Southeast of Monschau, in the vicinity of Hollerath, we have encountered rifle and machine gun fire from enemy pillboxes, and a number of pillboxes just west of the town have been neutralized. In the area two miles southeast of Udenbreth, a group of enemy infantry forming for a counterattack was dispersed by our artillery.
Roth, 11 miles northeast of St. Vith, has been cleared of the enemy, and our infantry elements have advances into the Schneifel Forest east of Buchet.
On the eastern edge of the Hardt Mountains we entered Rothbach, inflicted casualties and took prisoners. Then, we withdrew to positions southwest of the town.
Near the Rhine in the Haguenau area, fighting continued in Oberhöfen. Farther east, advances were made in the Drusenheim Forest, northeast of Rohrwiller.
In the Colmar sector, Wolfgantzen, one mile west of Neuf-Brisach, was cleared after hard fighting, and mopping up was in progress in Biesheim to the north. South and west of Colmar, the towns of Obermorschwihr, Voegtlinshoffen, Turckheim and Labaroche were liberated.
Farther south, Cernay was completely cleared while Steinbach and Uffholtz in the same area were occupied.
East of Cernay, we crossed the Thür River near Staffelfelden, which was occupied. The advance here reached Berrwiller, two miles northwest of Staffelfelden.
Weather curtailed air operations yesterday, however fighter bombers strafed enemy motor transport and troops in the Colmar area, hit the railway bridge at Breisach and bombed targets in Bremgarten and Grissheim, villages on the German side of the Rhine southeast of Breisach.
Other fighter-bombers attacked railway yards at Offenburg, Rottweil, Donaueschingen and Steig.
Last night, heavy bombers in strength, were over Germany with Bonn as the main objective. Light bombers attacked road and rail targets over a wide area in western Germany.
COORDINATED WITH: G-2, G-3 to C/S
THIS MESSAGE MAY BE SENT IN CLEAR BY ANY MEANS
/s/
Precedence
“OP” - AGWAR
“P” - Others
ORIGINATING DIVISION
PRD, Communique Section
NAME AND RANK TYPED. TEL. NO.
D. R. JORDAN, Lt Col FA2409
AUTHENTICATING SIGNATURE
/s/
U.S. State Department (February 5, 1945)
Luncheon meeting of the Foreign Ministers, 1:30 p.m.
Yusupov Palace, USSR
| Present | ||
|---|---|---|
| United States | United Kingdom | Soviet Union |
| Secretary Stettinius | Secretary Eden | Foreign Commissar Molotov |
| Mr. Byrnes | Sir Alexander Cadogan | |
| Mr. Harriman | Sir Archibald Clark Kerr | Mr. Vyshinsky |
| Mr. Page | Major Theakstone | Mr. Maisky |
| Mr. Gromyko | ||
| Mr. Gusev | ||
| Mr. Pavlov |
Page Minutes
Leningrad, February 5, 1945, 1:30 p.m.
Top secret
Subjects:
- TOASTS
- NAME OF THE CONFERENCE
- TREATMENT OF GERMANY
- ECONOMIC MATTERS RELATIVE TO GERMANY
Toasts
Mr. Molotov opened the luncheon by proposing a toast to the leaders of the three countries. Upon being informed by Mr. Harriman that Manila had been captured, Mr. Molotov immediately proposed a toast to this victory of the Allied armies.
After a brief toast by Mr. Eden to Mr. Molotov as Foreign Minister of the Soviet Union and Chairman of the 1943 Moscow Conference, Mr. Stettinius also proposed a toast to Mr. Molotov. He said that he hoped that he would be able to carry on the fine work of his predecessor, Secretary Hull. He stated that Mr. Hull, who was now in a hospital but was recovering, had asked him to present his compliments to Mr. Molotov. He concluded by stating that he looked forward to the day when he, Mr. Molotov and Mr. Eden would have frequent meetings.
Mr. Molotov immediately rose and proposed a toast to the recovery of Secretary Hull. He requested Mr. Stettinius to convey to Mr. Hull the sympathy and best wishes of all those present at the luncheon. He then proposed a toast to the British Ambassador, who reciprocated by toasting the “Moscow Commission” and its continued cooperation. This was followed by toasts on the part of Mr. Stettinius to his Dumbarton Oaks colleagues (Messrs. Gromyko and Cadogan); to the health and success of bis ally, Mr. Harriman, by Mr. Molotov, and a toast to the important head of the Drafting Committee who asserted such control over the “Moscow Commission,” Mr. Vyshinski, by Mr. Harriman.
Mr. Justice Byrnes then proposed that the guests drink to the Great Armies of the Soviet Union and Ambassador Gromyko toasted Mr. Byrnes as a great American who had served in the three most important branches of the American Government.
Mr. Vyshinski suggested that Messrs. Strang and Winant, the co-workers on the European Advisory Commission be the subject of a toast.
Mr. Stettinius then raised his glass to Ambassador Gromyko, whom he described as an able and effective representative of the Soviet Union in Washington who had won the respect and admiration of the American people.
Mr. Molotov remarked that there had been enough toasts to the diplomats. He wished to raise his glass to Mr. Byrnes who held one of the most important positions in the United States Government. He said that it was hard for the average person to imagine just how important Mr. Byrnes was.
Mr. Eden then toasted the men who were fighting the war.
After a toast to the success of the present conference, Mr. Maisky was requested to make a few remarks. He raised his glass to the closest possible unity between the peoples, governments and chiefs of the United States, Great Britain and the Soviet Union and remarked that the future of mankind depended upon this unity.
Name of the Conference
During the course of the luncheon Mr. Molotov proposed a toast to the “Crimean Conference.” After a brief discussion it was suggested that the Conference should be so-called.
Treatment of Germany
Mr. Eden inquired of Mr. Molotov as to what the Russians had in mind to discuss this afternoon.
Mr. Molotov replied that the Russian Delegation was prepared to discuss any question the United States or the United Kingdom Delegations so desired. This included those relating to the breaking up of Germany as well as political and economic matters relative to that country.
Mr. Eden stated that the general subject needed further study before any final decisions could be made.
Mr. Molotov remarked that in his view the Americans and British were considerably ahead of the Russians in their studies on this question.
Mr. Eden replied that although the British had studied the matter on a technical level, there had yet been no Cabinet discussions on the question. He stated that the President, the Prime Minister, and Marshal Stalin would in all probability be unable to come to any final decisions today on the subject of the treatment of Germany and suggested that the matter be the subject of a joint study on the part of the three countries.
Mr. Molotov favored this idea.
Mr. Eden continued with the suggestion that the Prime Minister, the President and Marshal Stalin discuss the treatment of Germany in general terms at today’s meeting, that they refer the question to the three Foreign Ministers for further study and that they instruct them to report back to the Big Three in two or three days with definite proposals.
Mr. Molotov indicated his approval of this proposal.
Economic Matters Relating to Germany
Mr. Stettinius stated in an aside remark to Mr. Molotov that the United States Government believed it very important that agreement be reached on certain economic considerations with respect to Germany.
Mr. Molotov indicated that the Soviet Government expected to receive reparations from Germany in kind and hoped that the United States would furnish the Soviet Union with long term credits.
Mr. Stettinius stated that his Government had studied this question and that he personally was ready to discuss it at any time with Mr. Molotov. This could be done here as well as later either in Moscow or in Washington.
Mr. Molotov indicated that now that the end of the war was in sight it was most important that agreement be reached on these economic questions.
Meeting of the President with certain of his advisers, 2:30 p.m.
Livadia Palace, USSR
| Present |
|---|
| President Roosevelt |
| Mr. Hopkins |
| Mr. Matthews |
| Mr. Bohlen |
Matthews in 1954: “I do not recall the subject but most such meetings were to inform the President of the results of our morning Foreign Ministers meeting and to prepare him for the afternoon agenda.”
Second plenary meeting, 4:00 p.m.
Livadia Palace, USSR
| Present | ||
|---|---|---|
| United States | United Kingdom | Soviet Union |
| President Roosevelt | Prime Minister Churchill | Marshal Stalin |
| Secretary Stettinius | Foreign Secretary Eden | Foreign Commissar Molotov |
| Fleet Admiral Leahy | Sir Archibald Clark Kerr | |
| Mr. Hopkins | Sir Alexander Cadogan | Mr. Vyshinsky |
| Mr. Byrnes | Sir Edward Bridges | Mr. Maisky |
| Mr. Harriman | Mr. Dixon | Mr. Gusev |
| Mr. Matthews | Mr. Wilson | Mr. Gromyko |
| Mr. Bohlen | Major Birse | Mr. Pavlov |
Bohlen Minutes
Leningrad, February 5, 1945, 4 p.m.
Top secret
Subject: TREATMENT OF GERMANY
The President opened the meeting by stating that it was his understanding that political matters affecting Germany would be discussed today. He said that they would not cover the map of the world and discuss Dakar or Indochina, but confine themselves to the political aspects of the future treatment of Germany. He said that the first question was that of the zones of occupation, which he understood had been agreed upon in the European Advisory Commission. He said there was one question still open and that was the desire of France to have a zone of occupation and French participation in the control machinery for Germany. He emphasized that the question of zones did not relate to the permanent treatment of Germany.
The President then handed a map of the agreed tripartite zones to Marshal Stalin, pointing out that although these zones had been agreed upon in the European Advisory Commission they had not yet been signed by the three governments.
Marshal Stalin said that in the discussion of Germany he would like to include the following points:
-
The question of dismemberment of Germany. He said that at Tehran they had exchanged views on this subject and later at Moscow he had talked this subject over with the Prime Minister. From these informal exchanges of views he had gathered that all were in favor of dismemberment, but nothing had been decided as to the manner of dismemberment. He said he wished to know first as to whether the President or Prime Minister still adhered to the principle of dismemberment.
-
Marshal Stalin inquired whether the three governments proposed to set up a German government or not and if there was a definite decision on dismemberment whether or not the three governments would set up separate governments for the various parts of Germany.
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Marshal Stalin inquired as to how the principle of unconditional surrender would operate in regard to Germany; for example, if Hitler should agree to surrender unconditionally, would we deal with his government?
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Marshal Stalin said his last point dealt with the question of reparations.
The President replied that, as he understood it, the permanent treatment of Germany might grow out of the question of the zones of occupation, although the two were not directly connected.
Marshal Stalin replied that what he wished to find out here was whether or not it was the joint intention to dismember Germany or not. He said that at Tehran, when the question had been discussed, the President had proposed the division of Germany into five parts. The Prime Minister, after some hesitation, had suggested the division of Germany into two parts with a separation of Prussia from the southern part of Germany. He said that he had associated himself with the views of the President, but the discussion at Tehran had only been an exchange of views. He added that at Moscow with the Prime Minister they had discussed the possibility of dividing Germany into two parts with Prussia on the one hand and Bavaria and Austria on the other, with the Ruhr and Westphalia under international control. He said that he thought that this plan was feasible but that no decision had been taken since the President was not there. He inquired whether the time had not come to make a decision on the dismemberment of Germany.
The Prime Minister stated that the British Government agreed in principle to dismemberment but he felt that the actual method and a final decision as to the manner of dismemberment was too complicated to be done here in four or five days. He said it would require elaborate searchings by experienced statesmen on the historical, political, economic and sociological aspects of the problem and prolonged study by a subcommittee. He added that the informal talks at Tehran and Moscow had been very general in character and had not been intended to lay down any precise plan. In fact, he added, if he were asked to state here how Germany should be divided, he would not be in a position to answer, and for this reason he couldn’t commit himself to any definite plan for the dismemberment of Germany. The Prime Minister said, however, that personally he felt that the isolation of Prussia and the elimination of her might from Germany would remove the arch evil – the German war potential would be greatly diminished. He added that a south German state with perhaps a government in Vienna might indicate the line of great division of Germany. He said that we are agreed that Germany should lose certain territories conquered by the Red Army which would form part of the Polish settlement, but he added that the question of the Rhine valley and the industrial areas of the Ruhr and Saar capable of producing armaments had not yet been decided; should they go to one country, or should they be independent, or part of Germany, or should they come under the trusteeship of the world organization which would delegate certain large powers to see to it that these areas were not used to threaten the peace of the world. All this, the Prime Minister said, required careful study, and the British Government had not yet any fixed ideas on the subject. Furthermore, he said, no decision had been reached on the question as to whether Prussia after being isolated from the rest of Germany should be further divided internally. He said that we might set up machinery which would examine the best method of studying the question. Such a body could report to the three governments before any final decision is reached. He said we are well prepared for the immediate future, both as to thought and plans concerning the surrender of Germany. All that was required was a final agreement on zones of occupation and the question of a zone for France.
Marshal Stalin replied that it wasn’t clear to him as to the surrender. Suppose, for example, a German group had declared that they had overthrown Hitler and accepted unconditional surrender. Would the three governments then deal with such a group as with Badoglio in Italy?
The Prime Minister replied that in that case we would present the terms of surrender, but if Hitler or Himmler should offer to surrender unconditionally the answer was clear – we would not negotiate under any circumstances with any war criminals and then the war would go on. He added it was more probable they would be killed or in hiding, but another group of Germans might indicate their willingness to accept unconditional surrender. In such a case the three Allies would immediately consult together as to whether they could deal with this group, and if so terms of unconditional surrender would immediately be submitted; if not, war would continue and we would occupy the entire country under a military government.
Marshal Stalin inquired whether the three Allies should bring up dismemberment at the time of the presentation of the terms of unconditional surrender. In fact, he added, would it not be wise to add a clause to these terms saying that Germany would be dismembered, without going into any details?
The Prime Minister said he did not feel there was any need to discuss with any German any question about their future – that unconditional surrender gave us the right to determine the future of Germany which could perhaps best be done at the second stage after unconditional surrender. He said that we reserve under these terms all rights over the lives, property and activities of the Germans.
Marshal Stalin said that he did not think that the question of dismemberment was an additional question, but one of the most important.
The Prime Minister replied that it was extremely important, but that it was not necessary to discuss it with the Germans but only among ourselves.
Marshal Stalin replied that he agreed with this view but felt a decision should be made now.
The Prime Minister replied that there was not sufficient time, as it was a problem that required careful study.
The President then said that it seemed to him that they were both talking about the same thing, and what Marshal Stalin meant was should we not agree in principle here and now on the principle of dismemberment of Germany. He said personally, as stated by him at Tehran, that he was in favor of dismemberment of Germany. He recalled that forty years ago, when he had been in Germany, the concept of the Reich had not really been known then, and any community dealt with the provincial government. For example, if in Bavaria you dealt with the Bavarian government and if in Hesse-Darmstadt you dealt with that government. In the last twenty years, however, everything has become centralized in Berlin. He added that he still thought the division of Germany into five states or seven states was a good idea.
The Prime Minister interrupted to say “or less,” to which the President agreed.
The Prime Minister remarked that there was no need, in his opinion, to inform the Germans of our future policy – that they must surrender unconditionally and then await our decision. He said we are dealing with the fate of eighty million people and that required more than eighty minutes to consider. He said it might not be fully determined until a month or so after our troops occupy Germany.
The President said he thought the Prime Minister was talking about the question of dismemberment. In his view he said he thought it would be a great mistake to have any public discussion of the dismemberment of Germany as he would certainly receive as many plans as there had been German states in the past. He suggested that the Conference ask the three Foreign Ministers to submit a recommendation as to the best method for the study of plans to dismember Germany and to report within twenty-four hours.
The Prime Minister said the British Government was prepared to accept now the principle of dismemberment of Germany and to set up suitable machinery to determine the best method to carry this out, but he couldn’t agree to any specific method here.
Marshal Stalin said he wished to put a question in order to ascertain exactly what the intentions of the three governments are. He said events in Germany were moving toward catastrophe for the German people and that German defeats would increase in magnitude since the Allies of the Soviet Union intend to launch an important offensive very soon on the Western Front. In addition, he said that Germany was threatened with internal collapse because of the lack of bread and coal with the loss of Silesia and the potential destruction of the Ruhr. He said that such rapid developments made it imperative that the three governments not fall behind events but be ready to deal with the question when the German collapse occurred. He said he fully understood the Prime Minister’s difficulties in setting out a detailed plan, and he felt therefore that the President’s suggestion might be acceptable: namely, (1) agreement in principle that Germany should be dismembered; (2) to charge a commission of the Foreign Ministers to work out the details; and, (3) to add to the surrender terms a clause stating that Germany would be dismembered without giving any details. He said he thought this latter point was important as it would definitely inform the group in power who would accept surrender unconditionally, whether generals or others, that the intention of the Allies is to dismember Germany. This group by their signature would then bind the German people to this clause. He said he thought it was very risky to follow the plan of the Prime Minister and say nothing to the German people about dismemberment by the Allies. The advantage of saying it in advance would facilitate acceptance by the whole German people of what was in store for them.
The Prime Minister then read the text of Article 12 of the surrender terms agreed on by the European Advisory Commission, in which he pointed out that the Allied governments have full power and authority over the future of Germany.
The President said that he shared Marshal Stalin’s idea of the advisability of informing the German people at the time of surrender of what was in store for them.
The Prime Minister said that the psychological effect on the Germans might stiffen their resistance.
Both the President and Marshal Stalin said there was no question of making the decision public, and Marshal Stalin added that as far as he knew the surrender terms which Italy had accepted had not yet been made public.
The Prime Minister said he would find it difficult to go further than to give the assent of the British to the principle of dismemberment and the setting up of machinery to study the best method of putting it into effect.
It was agreed that the three Foreign Ministers should consider Article 12 of the surrender terms instrument in order to ascertain the best method of bringing in a reference to the intention to dismember Germany.
The President then said that the question of the French zone remained to be decided. He said that he had understood from Marshal Stalin that the French definitely did not wish to annex outright the German territory up to the Rhine.
Marshal Stalin replied that this was not the case, since during the visit of General De Gaulle the French had made it quite plain that they intended to annex permanently the territory up to the Rhine.
The Prime Minister said that he did not feel it possible to discuss possible frontiers as they were considering only the zones of temporary military occupation. He added that he was for giving the French a definite zone which could come out of the British and possibly the American zones and that all he sought here was that the Soviet Government would agree that the British and American Governments should have the right to work out with the French a zone of occupation. He added that this zone would not in any way affect the proposed Soviet zone.
Marshal Stalin inquired whether or not the granting of a zone to France would not serve as a precedent to other states.
The Prime Minister pointed out that the occupation of Germany might be a long one and that the British Government was not sure that it could bear the burden alone for an extended period and that the French might be able to be of real assistance in this matter.
Marshal Stalin said that if the French were given a zone, would not that change the Tripartite control of Germany to a four-nation control.
The Prime Minister replied that the British Government expected that if France were given a zone they would, of course, participate in the control machinery, but that in regard to other nations that might assist in the occupation, such as Belgium or Holland, there would be no question of a specific zone and thus no part in the participation of the control machinery [sic].
Marshal Stalin stated that he thought it would bring up many complications if we should have four nations instead of three participating in the determination of German matters. He thought that some method might be evolved whereby England might let the French, Belgians and Dutch assist in the occupation but without the right to participate in the Three Power decisions for Germany. He said that if this was accepted the Soviet Government might desire to ask other states to help in the occupation of the Soviet zone without any right to participate in the decisions of the control commission.
The Prime Minister replied that he felt that this brought up the whole question of the future role of France in Europe and that he personally felt that France should play a very important role. He pointed out that France had had a long experience in dealing with the Germans, that they were the largest naval power, and could be of great help in the administration of Germany. He went on to say that Great Britain did not wish to bear the whole weight of an attack by Germany in the future and for this reason they would like to see France strong and in possession of a large army. He said it was problematical how long the United States forces would be able to stay in Europe, and therefore, it was essential that France be relied upon to assist in the long-term control of Germany.
The President replied that he did not believe that American troops would stay in Europe much more than two years. He went on to say that he felt that he could obtain support in Congress and throughout the country for any reasonable measures designed to safeguard the future peace, but he did not believe that this would extend to the maintenance of an appreciable American force in Europe.
The Prime Minister said that he felt that France should have a large army since it was the only ally that Great Britain had in the West, whereas the Soviet Union in addition to their own powerful military establishment could count on the support of the Poles.
Marshal Stalin said he fully appreciated the necessity of a strong France, which had recently signed a treaty of alliance with the Soviet Union. He added that he had discussed this matter with Daladier before the war and recently in Moscow with General De Gaulle.
The President then remarked that he felt that France should be given a zone, but that he personally felt that it would be a mistake to bring other nations into the general question of the control of Germany.
Marshal Stalin observed that if France was given the right to participate in the control machinery for Germany, it would be difficult to refuse other nations. He repeated that he wished to see France a strong power but that he could not destroy the truth, which was that France had contributed little to this war and had opened the gate to the enemy. In his opinion, he said, the control commission for Germany should be run by those who have stood firmly against Germany and have made the greatest sacrifices in bringing victory. He did not believe that France should belong on the list of such powers, but that it should be limited to the three nations represented here.
The Prime Minister replied that every nation had had their difficulties in the beginning of the war and had made mistakes. He said that France had gone down before the attacks of the new German tank and air units and while it was true that France had not been much help in the war, she still remained the nearest neighbor of Germany and of great importance to Great Britain. He agreed that it would be inconvenient to add France to the present group of major allies, but he felt that British public opinion would not understand why France was being excluded from a problem which was of such direct concern to her. He observed that the destiny of great nations was not decided by the temporary state of their technical apparatus. He said that sooner or later we would have to take France in. He mentioned, however, that he had been against the participation of France in the present conference, which he understood was the opinion of the President and had gathered here was also that of Marshal Stalin. He concluded by saying that we must provide for France in the future to stand guard on the left hand of Germany otherwise Great Britain might again be confronted with the specter of Germany on the Channel at the Channel ports.
Marshal Stalin repeated that he would not like to see France as a participant in the control machinery for Germany, although he had no objection to their being given a zone within the British and American zones.
The Prime Minister pointed out that the control commission will be an extraordinary body under the orders of the governments concerned and that there was no reason to fear that basic policy in regard to Germany would be made by this commission.
The President pointed out at this point that France was in fact a full member of the European Advisory Commission which was the only Allied body, apart from this Conference, which was considering the German problem.
The President said that he favored the acceptance of the French request for a zone, but that he agreed with Marshal Stalin that France should not take part in the control machinery, otherwise other nations would demand participation. He went on to say, for example, that as a result of the deliberate German destruction of the dikes that large sections of Dutch farm land had been inundated by salt water and that it would be necessary to give the Dutch farmers compensation for a temporary period from German territory. He said that he understood that it would be at least five years before the flooded lands would be suitable for cultivation. If this was done, and he personally felt that it should be done, the Dutch might well claim a voice in the control machinery for Germany.
Mr. Eden then pointed out that there was no question of any zones for any other power except France, but that France would not accept a zone of occupation within the British and American zones without participation in the control commission.
Marshal Stalin remarked that Great Britain could speak for France in the control commission.
The Prime Minister supported Mr. Eden’s theories and said that if France got a zone, they must be given representation in the control commission, otherwise, the question of the administration of the French zone and its relation to the other zones would be impossible of solution. He again pointed out that the control commission would be a subordinate body similar to the European Advisory Council.
Marshal Stalin said that the control machinery for Germany would not be an advisory body but would be actively engaged every day in the administration of Germany. He added that he felt French participation would serve as a precedent for others.
The Prime Minister then suggested that the three Foreign Ministers be asked to study the question in relation to [of the relationship of?] the French zone to the control commission.
Mr. Molotov said that the European Advisory Commission had already worked out a definite agreement on a tripartite administration of Germany.
Mr. Eden replied that there was no intention of reversing that decision but that he felt as a practical matter the question of the relationship of the French zone to that of the control commission should be considered.
In reply to a question from Mr. Molotov, the Prime Minister repeated that there was no intention of giving the Belgians or Dutch a zone.
Mr. Eden repeated that the case of France was different and that they would not accept a zone subordinate to British control.
Marshal Stalin then said that he felt that there was agreement on the fact that France should be given a zone but should not be given participation in the control commission. The three Foreign Ministers should study the question of the relationship of the French zone to that of the commission.
Marshal Stalin then said that he would like to discuss the question of German reparations.
The President said that in regard to reparations there was first of all the question of the desires and needs of principal allies and then subsequently that of the smaller countries, such as Belgium, Holland, Norway, etc. He said he would like to bring up the question of the Russian desires in regard to the utilization of German manpower.
Marshal Stalin replied that they had a plan for reparations in kind but were not ready yet to present any plan in regard to German manpower. He then said that Mr. Maisky would present the Soviet plan.
Mr. Maisky then outlined the Soviet plan for reparations for Germany. He said that the Soviet plan for reparations in kind envisaged two categories: (1) the removal from the national wealth of Germany of plants, machine tools, rolling stock, etc. to be completed within a period of two years after the end of hostilities, (2) yearly payments in kind to last for ten years. He said that in order to restore Soviet economy which had suffered so much from German aggression, and to safeguard the future security of Europe, it would be necessary to reduce German heavy industry by 80%. By heavy industry he meant iron and steel, electrical power and chemical industries. Specialized industry useful only for military purposes should be 100% removed. In this category would fall all aviation factories, synthetic oil refineries, etc. He said that the Soviet Government felt that with 20% of her heavy industry Germany would be in position to cover the economic needs of the country. He said the list of goods to be delivered during the 10-year period could be definitely fixed later on. He further proposed that in the interests of the orderly execution of the reparations plan and for the security of Europe there should be an Anglo-Soviet-American control over German economy which would last beyond the period of the reparations payment. All German enterprises which could be utilized for war purposes should be placed under international control with representatives of the Three Powers sitting on the boards of such enterprises. Mr. Maisky went on to say that in the calculation of losses as a result of German aggression the figures had been so astronomical that a selection and the establishment of a system of priorities for compensation had been necessary. He said that even direct material losses, such as public and private property, factories, plants, railroads, houses, institutions, confiscation of materials, etc. had been so large that no reparations could cover their loss. For this reason, priorities had been established according to indices, (1) the proportional contribution of any one nation to the winning of the war, (2) the material losses suffered by each nation. He said that those countries which had made the highest contribution to the war and had suffered the highest material losses would come into the first category and all others would fall into the second. Mr. Maisky proposed that there should be set up a special reparations committee of the three governments to sit in Moscow. He concluded that the total reparations shown in withdrawals and yearly payments in kind which the Soviets required would reach a total of ten billion dollars.
The Prime Minister stated that he recalled very well the end of the last war and that although he did not participate in the peace settlement he had been very fully informed of the discussions. He remembered well that there had been only two billion pounds extracted from Germany in the form of reparations by the Allies after the last war and that even this would not have been possible had not the United States given Germany credits. He said, for example, that they had taken some old Atlantic liners from the Germans, who had immediately proceeded on credit to build new and better ships. He recognized that the suffering which the Soviet Union had undergone in this war had been greater than any other power, but he felt that the Soviet Union would get nowhere near the sum which Mr. Maisky had mentioned from Germany. He said that at the end of the last war the Allies had also indulged themselves with fantastic figures of reparations but that these had turned out to be a myth. He said that the British Isles had also suffered in this war and that the British Government had disposed of the bulk of its assets abroad despite the generous help of Lend-Lease. He said that the British Isles had to export goods in order to import food, since they were dependent on imports for one-half of their food supply. He said that there would be no victorious country so burdened in an economic sense as Great Britain and that, therefore, if he could see any benefit to Great Britain in large reparations from Germany he would favor such a course but he very much doubted whether this was feasible. He added that other countries, such as Belgium, Holland and Norway also had claims against Germany. He said he was haunted by the specter of a starving Germany which would present a serious problem for the Allies since we could either say “It serves them right” or endeavor to help them. In the latter case, who would pay for the help. The Prime Minister concluded that if you wished a horse to pull a wagon that you would at least have to give it fodder.
Marshal Stalin observed that that was right, but care should be taken to see that the horse did not turn around and kick you.
The President remarked that he had also been through the last war and that he remembered very vividly that the United States had lost a great deal of money. He said that we had lent over ten billion dollars to Germany and that this time we would not repeat our past mistakes. He said that in the United States after the last war the German property that had been sequestered during the war had been turned back to the German owners, but that this time he would seek the necessary legislation to retain for the United States all German property in America. He said that the Germans had no capital, factories, or other equipment that the United States needed but that he did not wish to have to contemplate the necessity of helping the Germans to keep from starving. He said, however, that he would willingly support any claims for Soviet reparations since he felt that the German standard of living should not be higher than that of the Soviet Union. He added that just as we expected to help Great Britain expand her export trade, we would also help the Soviet Union retain the reparations in kind which she required, as well as German manpower to reconstruct the devastated regions, but he felt that the Germans should be allowed to live in order that they might not become a burden on the world. The President concluded, however, that despite his desire to see the devastated areas in all countries, in the Soviet Union, in Great Britain, in France, and elsewhere, restored, he felt that reparations could not possibly cover the needs. He concluded that he was in favor of extracting the maximum in reparations from Germany but not to the extent that the people would starve.
Mr. Maisky then stated that while he appreciated the Prime Minister’s points concerning the experiences after the last war in the matter of reparations, he felt that the failure in this respect had been due not to the fact that the reparations had been too heavy but to the transfer problem which was the rock on which the reparations policy was founded. He said that he must add that the financial policies of the United States and Great Britain contributed to the German refusal to pay. He said that the Germans had never paid more than one-quarter of the total reparations figure and had received a great deal more in credits and loans. Mr. Maisky stated that the purpose of reparations in kind was to avoid the problem of transfer. He pointed out that the amount desired by the Soviet Union was equal only to 10% of the present United States budget and equal to about six months’ of the British expenditures in the war. The Soviet demands for German reparations equaled about 1 times the United States budget in peace and about 2½ times the British budget. He said, of course, there was no intention to force Germany into starvation but he pointed out that he did not feel that the Germans had a right to a higher standard of living than that of Central Europe. He said Germany can develop her light industry and agriculture and that since the Germans would have no military expenditures there was no reason why Germany could not give a modest but decent standard of living to her people.
The Prime Minister said that the question of reparations should be examined by a sub-commission and that this commission should consider the claims of other countries who bore the facts of Nazi aggression as well.
The President said that in his opinion the commission should be confined to the representatives of the Three Powers, to which Stalin agreed.
The Prime Minister said that he was in agreement, that in the first instance the representatives of the three major powers should consider the question.
Marshal Stalin said he felt that the commission could accomplish nothing unless it was given general directives from this Conference. He said he felt that the commission composed of the representatives of the three principal Allies must work on the basis that these Powers had contributed most to the common victory and should be given priority in the matter of reparations. He said that although the United States did not need machine tools, she might well need raw materials which she could receive from Germany. He mentioned that the United States would take over German property in the United States as a part of her share.
The President expressed agreement with this view.
Marshal Stalin continued that in calculating German capabilities, Germany’s post-war resources should be also taken into consideration. Then all factories and farms would work not for war but for peace. He repeated that the Three Powers who had made the most sacrifices and had been the organizers of victory should have first claim on reparations. He stated that he did not include France among these powers since she had suffered less than Belgium, Yugoslavia, or Poland.
The Prime Minister pointed out that the Allies had done a great deal of the damage in France.
Marshal Stalin replied that France could not expect to get reparations from the Allies. He said that he respected France but that he could not ignore the truth and that at the present moment France only had eight divisions in the war, Yugoslavia twelve and the Lublin Government of the Poles thirteen.
It was then agreed that the question of the main directives to a commission on reparations which would sit in Moscow would be referred to the Foreign Ministers who would report back to the Conference. It was agreed that the next meeting would be 4:00 p.m. tomorrow, February 6, and that the questions of Dumbarton Oaks and Poland would be considered.
Matthews Minutes
Leningrad, February 5, 1945, 4 p.m.
Top secret
The President opened the meeting and said that he thought they should talk about the general aims of peace rather than about Dakar and China. There were many things to discuss. He said that one of the first questions to discuss of immediate importance was that of zones of occupation of Germany now that the situation seemed to be coming to a head. He meant not the permanent solution of Germany but just that of occupation. It was a question of the French who want a zone. Occupation also involves control machinery. He showed a map to those at the table and said that is what he and Prime Minister Churchill discussed about at Quebec. He amended this statement when it was explained to him privately that the map had its origin in the protocol on the zones of occupation and the European Advisory Commission.
STALIN: I should also like to discuss the following questions: (1) the dismemberment of Germany. There was an exchange of views at Tehran and when Churchill came to Moscow it was further discussed that [but?] there were no decisions. I understand that we are all in favor of dismemberment but I would like to know definitely do we agree, and if so, what form of dismemberment. (2) Do we admit the setting up of any government in Germany or not? Or should we confine ourselves merely to establishing their administration? If we divide Germany will each part have its own government or will each part have its own administration? (3) Unconditional surrender. We are agreed on that, but if Hitler surrenders unconditionally are we to preserve his government? One thing excludes the other. Do we still adhere to unconditional surrender? We have already had experience with that in Italy. Do we not need to work out the definite terms of unconditional surrender? (4) Reparations and the amount. All these questions are in addition to those raised by the President. (It appeared that Stalin was not familiar with the EAC approved protocol on unconditional surrender.)
PRESIDENT: All these other questions are permanent and grow out of the zones of occupation.
EDEN: (nodding) That’s right.
STALIN: That we shall find out. If Germany is to be partitioned, then in what parts? It is well known that we twice exchanged views. First at Tehran when the President then suggested partition into five parts. The Prime Minister hesitated but said he also favored partition. I associated myself with the President but that was only an exchange of views. The second time I exchanged views with the Prime Minister in Moscow. He talked of partition in two parts; one of Prussia and one of Bavaria. He suggested that the Ruhr and Westphalia be put under international control. I replied that might be appropriate but would make no decision because the President was not there. Hasn’t the time come for decision? If you think so, let us make one.
PRIME MINISTER: In principle I think we are all agreed on dismemberment, but the actual method, the tracing of lines, is much too complicated a matter to settle here in five or six days. It requires very searching examination of geography, history and economic facts and is deserving of prolonged consideration by sub-committees or committees to be set up to go into the question. The two conversations mentioned by Marshal Stalin have approached the topic in a very general way only. If asked today, “How would you divide Germany?” I would not be prepared to answer. I might make some personal suggestion but would feel free to change my views. One has in mind, first, the might of Prussia, then the [omission] of Austria. One can see that Prussia separated from other German states [would have] her power greatly reduced, and I personally myself thought establishment of another German state to the south – possibly with its capital at Vienna – would be a line of ground division between Prussia and the rest. The population would be half and half. There are other questions, in principle decided, which here present themselves for consideration: (1) We are agreed Germany should lose certain territories largely conquered by Russian arms or needed in connection with Polish settlement. (2) Also there is the question of the Rhine Valley – the Ruhr and the Saar – potent munitions areas. Should they be handed to a country like France? or made independent under Germany? or placed under some world organization for a long period of time? This obviously requires very searching study and consideration. I have no fixed ideas. (3) Finally, there is the question whether Prussia herself, having been isolated, should be subjected to internal division. I have no fixed opinion. I would like the matter explored and possibly settled in agreement with our two great allies. The French must of course be consulted. At Tehran there was some talk of an examination being made of these complex matters. We should do this quickly, mainly set up machinery for examination.
We are not ill-prepared for the immediate effect of German surrender. All details have been worked out and are well known to the three governments. There remains only formal agreement on zones of occupation and control machinery. If Germany surrenders in a few weeks or a month unconditionally we have only to march in and occupy by processes already agreed upon.
STALIN: This is not clear. How can it be carried out in practice? Suppose a group declares it has thrown out Hitler? Shall we be prepared to deal with them?
EDEN: We would set the terms agreed upon before this regime.
(I left the room at this point to get a copy of the surrender terms and missed the next few minutes.)
PRIME MINISTER: In that case we must make up our mind whether the group is worth dealing with. If so, we must make them sign the agreed terms. If they are not worth dealing with we should continue the war and occupy the whole country.
STALIN: When shall we bring up the question of dismemberment to these new people if there is no provision for dismemberment (in the surrender terms)? Shall we not add a provision to the terms of surrender for dismemberment?
PRIME MINISTER: If they sign we do not discuss with them any question about the future. There is no need to raise the question. We reserve all rights over their land, their liberty and their lives.
STALIN: This is not an additional question but it is most important.
PRIME MINISTER: I agree. But it is not necessary to discuss it with the Germans.
STALIN: No, simply to demand from them.
PRIME MINISTER: I do not think it possible to discuss the exact form of dismemberment. That would come at the peace conference.
PRESIDENT: We have not decided what the Marshal proposed. Are we going to dismember or not? He wants the matter settled in principle but not as to details. The Prime Minister says he is not yet ready to lay down the limit; that requires study. In effect, these are our terms and in addition we shall dismember. That is the only difference. Shall we all agree that Germany should be dismembered? As at Tehran, I am very much personally in favor of decentralization. Forty years ago when I was in Germany there was no word for the Reich and in Bavaria affairs were managed entirely locally. I do not know whether there should be more or less states than suggested before but shall we tell the Germans that we are going to dismember and do it our way?
PRIME MINISTER: I see no need to inform the Germans at the time of surrender whether we will dismember them or not. It is enough to tell them, “Await our decision as to your future.” We might be able to tell while our troops are marching in what is needed.
PRESIDENT: If this question is discussed all over the world there will be a hundred plans for dismemberment. Therefore, I ask that we confine it to ourselves and that the three foreign secretaries bring in tomorrow a plan for dismemberment.
PRIME MINISTER: You mean a plan for the study of the question of dismemberment, not a plan for dismemberment itself?
PRESIDENT: Yes, for the study of dismemberment.
PRIME MINISTER: His Majesty’s Government would be prepared now to assent [to the] principle of dismemberment and to set on foot the best body to study the method.
STALIN: I put the question so that we may be quite agreed on what we want. Events in Germany are developing rapidly toward a catastrophe for them. Their defeats shall increase because of the allied airforce attacks in the near future.
(I left the room to get a glass of water for the President and missed the following few minutes.)
STALIN: In view of such rapid events we should not be without preparation. Therefore, I put the questions and think they should be settled here. No details need be worked out now. I think the President’s compromise proposal should be accepted. Is it agreed (1) to dismember Germany and empower a commission to elaborate concrete plans? (2) To add to the surrender terms that Germany is going to be dismembered though not to say into how many states? I think it important that we should say this so that the group in power should know Germany is to be dismembered. I think the Prime Minister’s plan not to tell the Germans is a risky one; we should say this to them in advance. I think there are advantages to have this provision in the surrender terms so that any German group should know when they sign and bear the responsibilities.
PRIME MINISTER: The terms of unconditional surrender are terms on which the fighting stops. (He reads article 12 of surrender terms.) That is what they have got to sign.
PRESIDENT: The first paragraph on disarmament does not mention dismemberment and does not make it clear enough. The Marshal’s idea, which is somewhat my own, is that it will make it easier if it be in the terms and tell them.
PRIME MINISTER: But you don’t want to tell them. Eisenhower doesn’t want that. That would make the Germans fight all the harder. We should not make this public.
PRESIDENT: My own feeling is that the people have suffered so much that they are now beyond questions of psychological warfare.
STALIN: No, these conditions for the moment are only for us. They should not be public until the time of surrender. We can do as we have done with Italy where the surrender terms are not yet public. I want it agreed (1) to dismember and (2) to put dismemberment into the surrender terms.
PRIME MINISTER: I find it difficult to go beyond assent to the principle of dismemberment and the setting on foot of machinery as to the best method of doing it. I agree to a most rapid examination of the question of the best means of studying a method of dismemberment.
PRESIDENT: Would you put in Article 12 in addition the word “dismemberment”?
PRIME MINISTER: Yes, I would agree.
EDEN: or some other formula to make dismemberment possible.
STALIN: I have no objection to the proposal. It is agreed.
PRESIDENT: Now to take up the next question – a zone of occupation for France. (A portion missed here.)
STALIN: The French told me in Moscow that they would want a frontier on the Rhine.
PRIME MINISTER: I can’t agree. There is a question of a condominium on the Rhine. The present question is different. It applies only to zones of occupation. We are all now agreed, are we not, on the three zones? The French want a zone and I am in favor of granting it to them. I would gladly give them part of the British zone. All we want is this: It does not affect the Soviet zone. Will our Russian allies agree that the British and Americans get together on a zone to allot to the French? The line of the Moselle seems a convenient place to let them in. They are not in a position to occupy a large zone.
STALIN: Would it not be a precedent for other states? Would it not mean that the French become a fourth power in the control machinery for Germany which, so far, is only for the three of us?
PRIME MINISTER: Our answer is that France should come in and as its army grows take a larger part in the occupation.
STALIN: I think there might be complications in our work if we have a fourth member. I suggest another method – for the British to get the help of France or Holland or Belgium in occupation but not give them rights in the control machinery. We might ask on our side to invite other states to help occupy our zone but not to sit in on control machinery.
PRIME MINISTER: The discussion is on the immediate question of France. They have had long experience in occupying Germany. They do it very well and they would not be lenient. We want to see their might grow to help keep Germany down. I do not know how long the United States will remain with us in occupation. (THE PRESIDENT: “Two years.”) Therefore the French army should grow in strength and help us share the burden. If Russia wants some other power in her zone we should not object.
STALIN: I should like to know the President’s opinion.
PRESIDENT: I can get the people and Congress to cooperate fully for peace but not to keep an army in Europe a long time. Two years would be the limit.
PRIME MINISTER: I hope that would be according to circumstances. At all events we shall need the French to help us.
STALIN: France is our ally. We signed a pact with her. We want her to have a large army.
PRESIDENT: I should much rather have a small number on the control machinery. I should be just as satisfied if the French are not in on the control machinery.
STALIN: I should like to repeat that if we let the French in on control machinery it would be difficult to refuse other states. I agree that the French should be great and strong but we cannot forget that in this war France opened the gates to the enemy. This is a fact. We would not have had so many losses and destruction in this war if the French had not opened the gates to the enemy. The control and administration of Germany must be only for those powers standing firmly against her from the beginning and so far France does not belong to this group.
PRIME MINISTER: We were all in difficulties early in this war and France went down before the new tanks and I admit they were not much help in this war. But the fact remains they are the neighbor of the Germans and the most important neighbor. British public opinion would not understand if decisions vital to France are being made with regard to Germany over France’s head. I hope, therefore, that we shall not decide for an indefinite exclusion of France for all time. I was very much against General de Gaulle’s coming here and the President’s view was very much the same. Apparently Marshal Stalin feels the same. But the fact remains that France must take her place. We will need her defence against Germany. We have suffered badly from German robot guns and should Germany again get near to the channel coast we would suffer again. After the Americans have gone home I must think seriously of the future. I propose to offer the French a zone out of present British and American zones and that technical studies be made of the French position in the control machinery.
STALIN: I am still against France taking part in the control machinery.
PRIME MINISTER: I agree. (Several sentences not understood) That France cannot be a member of this group but cannot we let her into control machinery.
PRESIDENT: (On the basis of a note from Mr. Hopkins) I think we have lost sight of the French position on the European Advisory Commission. I suggest that the French have a zone of occupation but that we postpone discussion on control machinery. Others might want to come in, such as Holland or Austria.
STALIN: I agree.
PRESIDENT: The Netherlands are in a very serious situation. Several millions of their farmers are thrown off their land by flooding and we must set aside some land in Germany to take care of this. Their own land will not be suitable for cultivation for five years. The Netherlands might ask for a seat on the Control Commission.
EDEN: If the French are to have a zone, how can they be excluded from the control machinery? If they are, how can their operation of their zone be controlled?
STALIN: They could be controlled by the power from which they obtained the zone.
PRIME MINISTER & EDEN: We cannot undertake to do that and the French would never submit to it.
EDEN: The French pressed us hard on this question in Paris when we visited there. Didn’t they question it at Moscow?
STALIN: We talked about it but we said it could only be discussed by all the three powers.
PRIME MINISTER: Is it agreed that the Americans and British set aside a zone for France? I propose to leave the next step as to the future status of France when it may be approved as a whole. I propose that the three foreign secretaries sketch out the kind of commission for control to be set up. (After Eden has whispered to him) He (Eden) says it has all been worked out and I withdraw my question.
MAISKY: I think it is superfluous to discuss the question with the three foreign ministers.
MOLOTOV: The European Advisory Commission has already taken decisions and has set up for only the three powers. It is agreed that France is to have a zone and that the question of their relation to the control machinery shall be left for report by the three foreign ministers.
Reparations
PRESIDENT: The three of us are involved in this question and there is also the question of what the small powers want. First, there is the question of manpower. What does Russia want? The United States and British I believe do not want reparations in manpower.
STALIN: We have a plan for reparations in kind but we are not ready to talk about manpower.
PRIME MINISTER: Could we hear about your plan for reparations in kind?
(Stalin instructs Maisky to explain the Russian plan.)
MAISKY: Reparations in kind we think should be in two forms: (1) Withdrawals from the national wealth of Germany at the end of the war. By this is meant transfer of factories, plants, machinery, machine tools, rolling stock and investments abroad. (2) Yearly payments in kind for a period of ten years.
To restore Russian economy and for the security of Europe it is necessary to cut down German heavy industry by 80%. By heavy industry is meant iron and steel, metal working, engineering, chemicals, electrical engineering, etc. All military production and aviation as well as synthetic petroleum should be prohibited 100%. About 20% of German heavy industry would be left and this would be enough for the real need of German economy. Reparations in kind should be for a period of ten years and the list could be settled later on. The reparations in kind should be terminated in ten years and withdrawals of plants, factories, etc., in two years. In order to make Germany pay there must be very strict tri-partite control over Germany. The details can be settled later on but it must be established that the most important industries should be internationalized and members of the three great allies should be on the boards of directors, such representation to continue for the ten-year period. In estimating reparations we have considered the kind of losses to be covered. The figures are so astronomical that we believe that only those losses under the category of direct material losses, that is, destruction of state and private property of all sorts should be included. Even this is so large that the whole amount of reparations cannot be covered. Therefore, priorities among countries should be fixed by indices. We make two suggestions: (1) The proportion of contribution by a country to the winning of the war to its losses of material in the war. The highest should be in the first category and the others in the second category. (2) For discussion of the principles and details on reparations we suggest that a commission with its seat in Moscow should be set up. The question now comes how much would Russia want for reparations. We would want not less than ten billion dollars.
PRIME MINISTER: I remember well the last war and the sad experience in reparations that followed. It was with great difficulty that one billion pounds was finally extracted from Germany and that was due to the fact that Germany received much larger amounts in loans from the United States. I remember we took over some old Atlantic liners which permitted Germany to build better new ones. I do not want to repeat that experience. I admit that Russian losses are much greater than those of any other country. I feel that the removal of certain plants and materials from Germany is the proper step for restitution. I am sure that we will never get out of Germany anything like 250 million pounds a year. We too have suffered. Our houses have been destroyed. We are faced with an export problem. We must export in order to buy food, one half of which we must import. We have incurred very heavy debts outside lend-lease. No victorious country will come out so burdened financially as Great Britain. If I could see any benefit in reparations I would be glad to have them but I am very doubtful. Other countries also have suffered great devastation – France, Belgium, Norway. We must also consider the phantom of a starving Germany and who is going to pay for that. If eighty millions are starving are we to say, “It serves you right.” and if not, who is going to pay for feeding them?
STALIN: There will be food for them anyway.
PRIME MINISTER: I am in favor of setting up a commission to study the question.
PRESIDENT: We lent Germany far more than we got after the last war. That cannot happen again. We want no manpower. We do not want their machine tools or their factories. Therefore, what can we get? German stock and property in the United States? This has at present been taken over by the Alien Property Custodian. After the last war it was used as an offset against our claims in Germany. I hope to get legislation this time to take it over as a trust fund.
We must think of the future of Germany. We have always been generous through our Red Cross but we can’t guarantee the future of Germany. We don’t want to kill the people. We want Germany to live but not to have a higher standard of living than that of the USSR. I envision a Germany that is self-sustaining but not starving. There will be no lending of money. Our objective is seeing that Germany will not starve in helping the Soviet get all it can in manpower and factories and helping the British get all they can in exports to former German markets. Therefore, the time has come to set up a reparations commission. In rebuilding we must get all we can but we can’t get it all. Leave Germany enough industry and work to keep her from starving.
MAISKY: The experience of reparations has been bad but the reason was not because reparations were too heavy but because they were asked in monetary form and therefore the transfer question arose. There was also the question of Germany’s refusal to pay. What is ten billion dollars? It is 10% of the United States budget this year. It is six months war expenditure of Great Britain. It is one and one quarter times the United States peacetime budget and two and one quarter times the British each year. Yes, we should prevent Germany from having a higher standard than the middle European standard. Germany will be able to live on this and she is free to develop her light industries and agriculture. The doubts of the Prime Minister are unfounded. Germany will be able to live a decent life and we must not forget that she will have no burden of military expenditures.
PRIME MINISTER: I agree on the setting up of a reparations commission but we must keep it secret.
STALIN: Yes, it should be kept secret.
PRIME MINISTER: The commission must also consider the claims of all the victims, the assets available, and the priorities to be assigned. Differences arising in the commission must be referred to and settled by the three governments.
STALIN: We must take here common decisions as the guiding lines for the commission. The work must be done by the three parties to the commission. We three should have the first place on reparations claims as we bear the burden of the war. The United States should get German property in America. She doesn’t want machine tools. We must take into consideration not only present German resources but her future resources when her manpower returns and goes to work. I do not include France in the first category and certainly France shall not have reparations from us. I must say, in all truth, France cannot be compared to us. She takes part in the war with eight divisions and some navy. The Yugoslavs, and I am not mentioning them, have twelve divisions; Lublin Poland has ten divisions, which is more than de Gaulle has. I propose that the three foreign ministers meet and report.
PRIME MINISTER: They should settle the heads of the directivesm – the guiding principles – and I hope that within one month the governments can receive their version. You must remember I have a cabinet and parliament. Also the point of the first index on damage sustained I think is enough. I do not think that the exertion in the war should be taken into consideration. Remember the saying of each according to his needs. The President agrees to the setting up of the reparations commission in Moscow; the Prime Minister agrees also.
The meeting adjourned at 8 p.m. after determining that the next meeting should be held at 4 tomorrow afternoon, and that the world organization should be taken up first and Poland second.
The President’s Special Assistant to the President
Yalta, February 5, 1945
Mr. President: I would suggest that you say this is a very important and urgent matter and that the three foreign ministers present a proposal tomorrow as to the proceedure by which a determination as to to dismemberment can be arrived at an early date
HARRY
The President’s Special Assistant to the President
Yalta, February 5, 1945
- France is on the European Advisory committee now. That is only body considering German affairs now.
- Promise a zone.
- Postpone decision about Control Commission.
The President’s Special Assistant to the President
Yalta, February 5, 1945
Why not agree to a French zone and consider later the question of putting them on control commission for Germany? or not–
Could you not add that French participation on Control Commission might be considered later?
The President’s Special Assistant to the President
Yalta, February 5, 1945
Could you ask him
- Why not take all Gestapo-Storm Troopers and other Nazi criminals.
The Pittsburgh Press (February 5, 1945)
Half of starving Manila freed by avenging Yanks
Japs in southern part of city burn buildings for last-man stand
The end of a long, hard road for Gen. Douglas MacArthur was the entry of U.S. troops into Manila from the north and east. Other U.S. forces were gaining against the Japs on both sides of Manila Bay.
MANILA, Philippines (UP) – Avenging U.S. troops seized control of virtually all the northern half of burning, starving Manila today.
The Americans freed 3,700 imprisoned American and Allied civilians and captured the Presidential Palace.
The 1st Cavalry and 37th Infantry Divisions stabbed into the heart of the Philippines capital from the east and north and rapidly were mopping up the last enemy pockets north of the Pasig River, which bisects the city.
South of the 200 to 300-yard-wide river, several thousand crack Jap Marines were blasting and burning docks, warehouses, bridges and other vital installations preparatory to what may develop into a last-man stand in the southern half of the capital.
Gen. Douglas MacArthur at last reports was waiting impatiently in the northern suburbs for the bridging of one last river for a triumphal entry into the city he was forced to abandon to its fate three years, one month and three days ago.
A CBS broadcast from Luzon said President Sergio Osmena and Resident Commissioner Brig. Gen. Carlos P. Romulo landed at a Luzon airport from Washington Sunday and headed south to join Gen. MacArthur in his return to Manila.
MBS correspondent Royal Arch Gunnison jubilantly reported that Manila had been “liberated,” but all other sources emphasized that the southern part of the city was still in Jap hands.
100-mile advance in 36 hours
The 3,700 American and Allied civilian internees were rescued by a mechanized flying column of the 1st Cavalry Division at the Santo Tomas University concentration camp in the heart of Manila Saturday night after a spectacular 100-mile advance in 36 hours.
Virtually all of the buildings in the camp area, including the infamous, ancient Bilibid Prison, had been cleared of Japs by last night. The Americans fought literally room to room for some of the buildings.
Brig. Gen. Williams C. Chase of Baltimore, who commanded the rescuing “flying wedge,” said the condition of the internees was “most pitiful.”
“They are practically skin and bones,” he said. “It would break your heart to look at them.”
Other elements of the 1st Cavalry Division pressed on to the north bank of the Pasig River and seized the Malacanang Palace, former residence of the U.S. governor general and later the seat of the Quezon government.
The 37th Infantry Division entered Manila from the north at 6:30 a.m. yesterday and by early afternoon was within a few hundred yards of a junction with the 1st Cavalry Division units at Santo Tomas.
Airfield in suburbs overrun
The infantrymen overrun the Grace Park airfield in the northern suburbs of Manila. Though pitted by U.S. bombs, it was expected to be repaired quickly. At least one artillery observation plane has already landed there.
Both the 1st Cavalry and 37th Infantry Divisions met only sniper and machine-gun fire in their advances into the capital, but fierce fighting was expected when they attempt to force the Pasig to clean out the remainder of the city.
“It may be a hell of a job,” one high officer said. “It may be several days before we have the city cleared out, but the Japs have no chance now.”
The Jap garrison was doomed to death or surrender. Its escape to the south had already been cut off by the 511th Paratroop Regiment of the 11th Airborne Division, which seized Tagaytay Ridge and city 30 miles below the capital Saturday morning.
By Saturday night, the paratroops were only 18 miles south of Manila and advancing against light opposition.
The 11th Corps, moving toward Manila Bay fropm the west coast of Luzon, was believed on the point of sealing off the Bataan Peninsula.
The 1st Cavalry and 37th Infantry Divisions found northern Manila little damaged, thought several fires were burning in the area. Great clouds of smoke from the area south of the Pasig River, however, cast a huge pall over the capital.
First observation indicated the Japs for the present were confining their demolition below the Pasig to bridges, warehouses, supply dumps, docks and other similar installations and not indulging in blind destruction.
The demolitions shook the ground for a radius of 20 miles about Manila and for a time there was an explosion every 10 minutes. An observer who flew over the city said the National City Bank Building appeared to be smoking, but the Bayview and Manila Hotels were intact.
Even should the Japs not scorch southern Manila, heavy resistance on their part might force the U.S. command to use artillery and bombers against the fortified area, resulting in major destruction.
The 1st Cavalry Division jumped off from the Guimba area of central Luzon Friday for its 100-mile dash into Manila. Several hundred Japs were slain as the flying columns smashed through enemy pockets in a wide, enveloping sweep that carried through the hills to the east of the capital.
Captured intact were the Novaliches watershed and great dam and reservoir some 20 miles northeast of Manila. It was possible, however, that the Japs destroyed the pumping station inside Manila since city water was cut off in at least some sections of the capital.
Manila Bay, one of the world’s largest landlocked harbors, was reported a graveyard of sunken ships, most of them destroyed by U.S. aerial bombs but some scuttled by the Japs.
A Jap Domei broadcast said U.S. troops landed Jan. 18 on Kolo Island, largest of the Sulu group in the Southwest Philippines midway between Mindanao and Borneo, with a force of 3,000 troops and more than 10 tanks.
U.S. Liberators attacked enemy installations on Corregidor Island in Manila Bay Friday and next day hit the Cavite Naval Base, just south of Manila, causing many fires and explosions.
Attack bombers struck enemy defenses at Balor Bay on the east coast of Luzon, while fighters badly damaged two enemy destroyers off the north coast.
Light naval units strafed coastal installations and damaged seven beached barges in Salomague Harbor north of Vigan on the northwest coast of Luzon.
Emaciated internees hoist U.S. troops on shoulders
By Robert Crabb, United Press staff writer
Robert Crabb, a former member of the United Press staff in Manila, was interned at Santo Tomas University with his wife and two children when the Japs captured the city in 1942.
SANTO TOMAS INTERNMENT CAMP, MANILA, Philippines (Feb. 3, delayed) – The grounds and buildings of ancient Santo Tomas University were a joyous sight tonight as 3,700 internees – mostly Americans – sought the strength to carry on their shoulders the husky young Yank cavalrymen who freed them from the Japs.
Almost hysterical joy swept all of the internees as we heard the first shots, then realized American soldiers at last had arrived to free us. We hung from windows and rushed from buildings to shout encouragement without heeding Jap defense fire.
Even hostages happy
As I write, a small enemy detachment is holding out in the education building where about 300 internees are still held, but even there the prisoners are in high spirits, they are shouting constant advice to the carefully-attacking Americans.
Cpl. John Hencke of New York City was in command of the jeep which first crashed through the gates of Santo Tomas spearheading the cavalry force which made a dramatic dash through the city’s back door.
As the camp began celebrating its liberation, the first question asked of all troops was, “Did you bring any food?”
The soldiers broke out their field rations, although they themselves were hungry after their spectacular dash. They gave out all their rations in a few minutes. For the first time in many months the internees ate without worrying where the next meal was coming from. Camp administration officials promptly announced that tomorrow morning’s mush rations would be 125 grams instead of the usual 70.
Salmon and marmalade
For years to come, Cpl. Hencke will be a household word for the Crabb family. He gave my wife, our two children now in internment and me a meal consisting of salmon, marmalade, coffee and condensed milk. My wife, who is an Australian, cried when she saw the “Made in Australia” label on the marmalade container.
Even more than 36 hours after their liberation, American internees are finding it difficult to realize they actually are under the American flag again. Hundreds wept openly this morning as the Stars and Stripes were run up on the university’s flag staff for the first time in more than three years.
Reporter finds wife among 3,700 rescued in Jap camp at Manila
Allied civilians cry hysterical welcome to liberating U.S. soldiers
By Frank Hewlett, United Press staff writer
MANILA, Philippines (Feb. 3, delayed) – Some 3,700 thin, hungry Allied civilians, 2,500 of them Americans, cried a hysterical welcome to liberating American troops at the Santo Tomas University internment camp tonight.
Among them was my wife, Virginia, from whom I parted on New Year’s Eve of 1942 to go to Bataan with Gen. Douglas MacArthur. She had insisted on staying behind in Manila as a nurse in Santa Catalina Hospital.
I found her there today, recovering from a nervous breakdown. Doctors said she would be fully recovered now if she had had sufficient good food. Though never a big girl, her weight has dropped to 80 pounds. But I found her in excellent spirits.
Routed quickly
The Japs were routed quickly from most of the buildings in the camp area, but were still holding out in the former education building of Santo Tomas University late tonight with nearly 300 American, Dutch and British internees as semi-hostages.
Troops of Brig. Gen. William C. Chase’s mechanized flying column surrounded the building, but hesitated to use machine guns or other automatic weapons for fear of hitting the civilians.
Shout engagement
The civilians, nonetheless, shouted encouragement and advice from the windows of the besieged building. They included many women and children.
Hewlett, in a later dispatch, said a truce was arranged under which the 221 internees were released unharmed and the Jap force of 65 men under Col. Hayashi was permitted to leave the university area unmolested.
The internees were so overjoyed at the arrival of the American troops that they insisted on lifting them to their thin, emaciated shoulders and carrying the soldiers through the buildings.
Conditions ‘pitiful’
Robert Crabb, another member of the former United Press staff in Manila, his wife and two children were among those set free.
Gen. Chase, after a personal inspection of the concentration camp, described conditions as “most pitiful.” Most of the internees, he said, were suffering from malnutrition and were “practically skin and bones.”
“It would break your heart to look at them,” he said.
Relief convoy waiting
He urged that first priority should be given food and medical supplies for the internees.
A broadcast from Luzon said great motor convoys with doctors, Red Cross staff men and enough equipment to build a large hospital were waiting north of Manila to enter the city as soon as bridges were restored. They were also bringing 12,000 letters and other messages to the internees, the broadcast said.
Gen. Chase’s flying column, consisting of a small force of tanks, jeeps and troop-laden trucks, shoved off at 1:00 this morning on a reckless dash over a seldom-used, rough road into Manila from the northeast. The toughest fight of the day came at Novaliches, 10 miles from the capital, but brushes with the enemy were frequent all along the route.
Bypass Japs
Lt. Col. Haskett Conner Jr. of Wakeman, Indiana, led this special force which undertook the mercy errand on special orders from Gen. MacArthur, who ordered them to take any risks to get through to Santo Tomas, liberate the civilians and then protect them until stronger forces could be brought up.
Col. Conner bypassed several pockets of Jap resistance without slowing down. Our force exchanged fire with the Japs, then roared on by.
Four former Manila residents – Phil Dunn of CBS; Carl Mydans of Life; Dean Schedler of Associated Press and I – made the trip together in one vehicle. Snipers and machine guns firing on both sides of the road had us ducking most of the afternoon.
Opposition weakens
Strangely, the nearer we came to Manila, the lighter the opposition was. As we passed each kilometer, someone would remark: “Hell’s going to bust loose any minute now.”
But as we reached Grace Park airdrome, which is littered with wrecked Jap aircraft, the sniper fire was lessening. We sped past Del Norte, Manila’s greatest cemetery, then into Avenue Rizal.
We moved down Avenue Rizal several blocks, then the columns split with half of it taking up perimeter positions and the remainder moving on to Santo Tomas.
Vehicles mobbed
Civilians moved our vehicle, cheering and offering us portions of their meager food supplies. They passed out iced water, beer and liquor. The women were weeping while the men saluted and children squealed in delight.
But the Santo Tomas reception was even more delirious.
A grenade hurled from the Jap guardhouse at the entrance to the prison camp delayed us until tanks were brought up under the orders of Maj. James Gearhart of Sante Fe, New Mexico, a range officer who says he knew personally almost every New Mexico National Guardsman taken prisoner on Bataan.
Told to hold fire
Maj. Gearhart led his men into the 55-scre university grounds, warning them to hold their fire and not endanger the lives of the internees. Creeping along the buildings for what seemed an eternity Mr. Mydans and myself reached the main building where the windows were filed with excited faces. The internees were yelling so loudly we couldn’t distinguish anything they were saying.
We entered the building and were mobbed. The women kissed us and then these thin, starved people lifted us on their shoulders – an honor that should have been reserved for Col. Conner and his men. But Col. Conner’s forces were still busy outside killing Japs.
Wife at hospital
I found a little girl who could answer the question which was foremost in my mind. She told me where I could find my wife and kindly offered to accompany me to the hospital where Mrs. Hewlett was held.
It was a reunion after years about which I do not want to think.
The Americans here have suffered terribly since last June when the Japs forbade them to purchase food from the outside. Conditions have been especially bad in the last two months. The ration has not been more than 700 calories a day.
The rescue was the second mass release of Allied prisoners in five nights. Last Tuesday night, American Rangers and Filipino guerillas released more than 500 American and other Allied war prisoners at the Cabanatuan concentration camp north of Manila.
Hodges’ First Army closes on Siegfried Line anchors
Patton’s troops force arc on Prum, key transport hub and gateway to Rhineland
…
Army to speed internees’ names
WASHINGTON (UP) – Names of American internees rescued in Manila will be transmitted to Washington by the Army and released here by the War Department as rapidly as they can be compiled.
No names had been received up to noon today, and the War Department doubt that any would be received until tomorrow or later, due to the time required for making up the list in Manila.
It was expected that the process of transmitting the names from Manila to Washington would necessarily extend over several days.
The War Department plans to release the names in groups, as they become available, immediately after it has dispatched notification telegrams to the next of kin.