Maj. Williams: The Formosa drive
By Maj. Al Williams
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Japs tie 100 on sub deck… and then submerge
One of few Yank survivors tells of brutality in reporting victim’s oral will
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Is there any further information on this?
Address of New York Governor Thomas E. Dewey
October 25, 1944, 10:00 p.m. EWT
Broadcast from Chicago, Illinois
It is good to come again to Chicago and to be the guest of your great Governor, Dwight Green. It is also good to hear from everyone that he, together with your next Senator, Richard Lyons, will be overwhelmingly elected on November 7.
Since I was last here in June, a great campaign has gained force daily to restore honesty and competence to our government. All over the country, that movement has taken hold until now it has become an irresistible tide, sweeping on toward victory for a free America in November. The strength of that movement does not lie in any individual. It springs from an urgent conviction in the minds of our people.
The women of our country have had a vital part in advancing this cause. Today, throughout the nation, there has been a splendid demonstration of women’s contribution to public affairs and of their faith in America. And tonight, Republican women in cities, towns and farm areas all over the country are meeting to perfect their plans to get out the largest possible vote.
Governor Bricker and I appreciate deeply the great work women are doing in this campaign. They have again shown an active and public-spirited citizenship. They will, I hope, take an increasing part in our national leadership in the years to come.
The women of America have a special interest in this campaign, because they know that the decision they make will determine the kind of a country their husbands, brothers, sons and sweethearts will return to when the war is over. They know, too, that the decision we make November 7 will determine whether America is to have the kind of government which can carry through to success the hopes of all of us for world cooperation to prevent future wars. And women also are deeply concerned in this campaign because the fundamental issues of this campaign are moral – the simple questions of honesty and good faith.
As this world war moves toward our inevitable victory, it becomes our high duty to decide in an election whether we shall save in America the principles for which we have fought abroad. We have fought at greater cost than ever before in our history for high moral principles – for freedom, justice and integrity. Without these, America would become an empty husk. With these, America is the land of opportunity, of faith and of freedom.
Governments, like people, are judged on the principles by which they live. Thomas Jefferson defined the basic principle of government this way. He said: “The whole art of government consists in the art of being honest.” That was a good definition when Jefferson pronounced it. And I am old-fashioned enough to believe it is still a good definition today.
Now, let us see how the New Deal’s most vigorous supporters define the art of government as it has developed these past 12 years. Here is the opening sentence of a fourth-term campaign pamphlet, of which two million copies have been distributed on behalf of Franklin D. Roosevelt. It reads: “Politics is the science of how who gets what, when, and why.”
There, in brief, is the practical lesson of 12 years under the New Deal. There is the practical reason why we find working together for a fourth term the bosses of the corrupt big city machines, Sidney Hillman’s Political Action Committee, and Earl Browder and his Communist Party.
They are working together to perpetuate my opponent in office for 16 years because they think they know the answer to the question of “who gets what, why and when.” What it is they expect to get, the American people are not supposed to know. When and why they expect to get it is clear. They expect to get it in the next four years – as a reward for the services in behalf of the fourth term.
But the American people will have another answer. From the American people this whole greedy, power-hungry assortment will get a resounding “no” next November 7.
The New Deal began by casting aside the platform it adopted in this city 12 years ago. That was the platform that was called a solemn “covenant with the people” and which Mr. Roosevelt promised to support 100 percent.
It went on from there to exploit for its own political ends the plight of millions of American men and women for whom in peacetime it never succeeded in providing jobs.
Men and women on WPA and on relief in state after state were shaken down for political contributions to the New Deal. For the sordid purpose of buying votes with money which belonged to the needy, people were added wholesale to the WPA payrolls before election only to be brutally thrown off after the votes had been safely counted.
Take, for example, the following instructions given to director of WPA by a Democratic county chairman in South Dakota:
Please place this man on WPA on the special setup you have that takes care of fish men as welfare will not certify. Have looked into affair – his nine votes in family.
The whole story was set forth by a Senate committee, four of whose five members were Democrats “Funds appropriated by the Congress for the relief of those in need,” this Senate committee said, have been diverted… to political ends.” The facts, it said, “should arouse the conscience of the country.”
But my opponent’s conscience was not aroused. Instead, he made a speech in Kentucky where some of the worst of the scandals had been uncovered, and said: “Personally, I am not gently disturbed by these stories.” Instead of government consisting in the art of being honest,” we had government as the science of “who gets what, when and why.”
The tragedy was that the needy suffered so votes could be garnered at election time. We don’t want to go back to that after the war. That’s why it’s time for a change.
Time and again this administration has sought to do by subterfuge what it did not dare to do directly. You remember Mr. Roosevelt’s attempt to pack the Supreme Court. He had a Congress overwhelmingly composed of his own supporters, but that was not enough. He wanted an obedient Supreme Court – one which would follow his advice to Congress not to “permit doubts as to constitutionality, however reasonable,” to stand in the way of his designs. He knew no such proposal could succeed if presented in a straight-forward manner. So, he disguised it in a lengthy plan to “reform” the courts. He solemnly said in a message to the Congress of the United States that the Supreme Court was behind in its work. But the Chief Justice of the United States nailed that one personally. He announced that “the Supreme Court is fully abreast of its work” and he cited the figures to prove it.
The Senate Judiciary Committee, a majority of whose members were Democrats, denounced the plan as “a proposal that violates every sacred tradition of American democracy.” The Congress rejected it. But time and mortality and 12 years in office have enabled Mr. Roosevelt to pack the courts with his New Deal appointees. The very preservation of our liberty demands that this practice be stopped – and that’s another reason why it’s time for a change.
Now, my opponent, whose veracity had to be corrected by the Chief Justice of the United States, is now talking in this campaign about “fraud” and “falsification.” He implies that others have adopted his devious methods. Well, once again, he had asked for it. Here it is.
A few months ago, Mr. Roosevelt drew up a list of New Deal achievements for the benefit of the press. Almost the first achievement for which he took credit was the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation for insuring bank deposits. This is a matter that goes right to the heart of the honesty of this present administration. The truth is the man who sponsored federal insurance of bank deposits was Senator Arthur Vandenberg of Michigan, a Republican, and Mr. Roosevelt opposed and fought against it every step of the way.
Here is the record. Senator Vandenberg first introduced a bill for deposit insurance in December 1932. Mr. Roosevelt had previously opposed the whole idea as “an impossible drain on the Federal Treasury.” Senator Vandenberg again proposed it as an amendment to the Banking Act of 1933. Mr. Roosevelt, on June 2, 1933, wrote Senator Carter Glass as follows:
I must, therefore, again express to you my definite feeling that the Vandenberg amendment must be rejected in toto, even as revised, and again repeat, no modification of this amendment proposed so far will avoid a serious situation.
I am glad to say other members of this administration have acknowledged the truth. For example, the chairman of the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation wrote to Senator Vandenberg in 1934: “I consider you to be the father of the Federal Deposit Insurance Act.”
Once again, we find that social progress is not the property of any one party, or of any one man. Certainly, it is not the property of the tired and worn-out New Deal.
Yet, my opponent, who brazenly claims credit for what another man did, recklessly tosses about the words “falsification” and “false witness.”
This is the same man who, when he ran for a second term, said: “My great ambition on January 20, 1941, is to turn over this desk and chair in the White House to my successor.”
This is the same man who, when he ran for a third term, said: “When that term is over, there will be another President.” And to make that doubly impressive, he said to his neighbors on the evening before he cast his ballot in that election that this, and I quote, “is the last time, very obviously, that I will do this as a candidate for office.”
And now he’s running for the fourth time. Is it any wonder that when the White House speaks, the first question the people ask is not whether the news is good or bad, but “is it true?” Is it any wonder that the Christian Century, an outstanding religious publication read by thousands of God-fearing men and women in this country, has passed this sober judgment on the present administration:
From the very beginning, Mr. Roosevelt has used deception as a major political stratagem until today he has lost the moral confidence of the nation. Even in the ranks of those blocs which represent his followers, his support rests not upon their confidence in his integrity, but upon the cynical assurance that he will serve their interests because their votes are necessary to his maintenance in power.
But deception is not the only political stratagem that this administration has employed in the effort to perpetuate itself in power for 16 straight years. Listen to this brazen piece of business.
I have here a letter dated October 16, 1944. It is written on the letterhead of the National Democratic Campaign Headquarters, Little Rock, Arkansas, and signed by H. L. McAlister and Sam J. Watkins, state finance directors.
It begins: “This is an invitation to you to join the One Thousand Club…”
“The idea of such a club,” the letter continues, “originated at a recent conference at the White House between the President; Robert E. Hannegan, chairman of the Democratic National Committee, and Edwin W. Pauley, treasurer of the committee. At this meeting the President commented:
“I think it would be a good idea to have a list of one thousand persons banded together from all over the United States to act as a liaison to see that facts relating to the public interest are presented factually to the President and members of Congress.”
The letter explains the idea behind this plan of my opponent. This is what it says, and I quote:
Members of this organization undoubtedly will be granted special privilege and prestige by party leaders. These members will be called into conference from time to time to discuss matters of national importance and to assist in the formulation of administration policies.
To be eligible for membership in the One Thousand Club will require a contribution of $1000 to the National Democratic Campaign Fund.
There, in crude unblushing words, is the ultimate expression of New Deal politics by the theory of “who gets what, when and why.” For a thousand dollars laid on the line to finance the fourth-term drive, this administration boldly offers for sale “special privilege,” including the special privilege of assisting” in the “formulation of administrative policies.”
And the sponsor of this idea is frankly stated in that letter to be the President himself. The man who holds the highest office within the gift of the American people at a conference in the White House sponsors an idea to sell “special privilege” and a voice “in the formulation of administration policies” for $1,000 on the barrel head. That’s why it’s time for a change.
Let me make one thing clear. In the new administration that takes office next January 20, there will be no special privilege for sale to anyone at any price. There will be no special privilege for individuals, groups or sections of our people.
When that new administration takes office, every American will stand equal in the eyes of our government. We will once again restore honesty and integrity to the White House, so that its spoken word can be trusted.
In the years that lie ahead, the United States must have leadership to the world if we are to realize the aspiration of people everywhere for enduring peace.
How can we give that leadership when our own government has lost the moral confidence of the nation? How can such an administration give strong and effective representation to the interests of the American people anywhere? How can we hope to solve the massive social and economic problems that will confront us in the post-war years with an administration which lacks every rudimentary honesty – an administration which has forgotten that “the whole art of government consists in the art of being honest?”
Let us resolve here and now to put an end to government by the cynical theory of “who gets what, when and why.” We need a housecleaning of the followers of that practice who have for 12 years infested our nation’s capital.
We need then to create a responsible cabinet composed of the ablest men and women in the country. We need once more to make government responsible to the will of the people. We need men in Washington who believe in the people of America and in the unlimited future of this country. We need the kind of government in which there will be no place for deception or for special privilege. We need a government which believes and practices, in public and in private, the art of being honest.
With such a government, quarreling and bickering will come to an end and victory on every front will be speeded. With faith in our future, we can and will bring 10 million heroes home promptly after victory – home to an America with jobs and opportunities for all.
Völkischer Beobachter (October 26, 1944)
Moskau arbeitet demokratisch –
Welteroberung – das unverrückbare Sowjetziel
Anglo-Amerikaner ebnen dem Bolschewismus den Weg
…
Führer HQ (October 26, 1944)
Kommuniqué des Oberkommandos der Wehrmacht
In Westholland verwehrten unsere Stützpunkte beiderseits und östlich der Westerschelde dem Feinde weiterhin den erstrebten Zugang zum Hafen von Antwerpen. Starke kanadische Angriffe gegen die Landverbindung zur Insel Südbeveland blieben nach geringfügigem Einbruch in unserem Abwehrfeuer liegen. Gegen eine örtliche Landung im Südteil der Insel sind Gegenmaßnahmen im Gange. Konzentrische Angriffe von Süden und Osten gegen den Raum Tilburg–Herzogenbusch wurden unter Abschuß zahlreicher feindlicher Panzer zum Stehen gebracht. In Herzogenbusch sind erbitterte Straßenkämpfe entbrannt.
Unsere Angriffe im Kampfraum von Bruyères gewannen gegen heftigen feindlichen Widerstand mehrere Kilometer nach Westen Boden. Der wichtige Col du Menil südlich Cornimont ist nach schweren Kämpfen wieder in unserer Hand.
Die Besatzung von Saint-Nazaire hob eine feindliche Beobachtungsstelle aus.
London lag wieder unter dem Feuer unserer „V1.“
Die Kampftätigkeit in Mittelitalien beschränkte sich gestern auf einzelne feindliche Angriffe westlich und südwestlich Imola, die zum Teil unter hohen Verlusten für den Gegner scheiterten.
In den Gebirgstälern des mittleren Balkans haben sich schwere Kämpfe entwickelt. Bulgarische Vorstöße im Raum östlich und nordöstlich Skopje wurden ebenso abgewiesen wie heftige Angriffe der Bolschewisten bei Kraljevo und im westlichen Moravatal.
In Südungarn führten deutsche und ungarische Truppen erfolgreiche Vorstöße und wiesen Übersetzversuche des Feindes über die untere Theiß ab. Im Kampfraum Debrecen dauern die harten Kämpfe an.
Unsere Grenadiere wehrten erneute starke Angriffe der Bolschewisten in den Ostbeskiden unter Abschuß von zwölf sowjetischen Panzern ab. In einer Einbruchsstelle wird noch gekämpft.
In und bei Augustow stehen unsere Truppen in heftigen Kämpfen. Eigene Panzerverbände vereitelten durch Gegenangriffe in der Schlacht im ostpreußischen Grenzgebiet erneute Durchbruchsversuche frischer sowjetischer Kräfte südöstlich Gumbinnen. In den Kämpfen der letzten vier Tage verloren die Bolschewisten hier 295 Panzer und 102 Geschütze aller Art. Volkssturmbataillone kämpften tapfer Seite an Seite mit unseren Divisionen zum Schutze ihrer Heimat. In anderen Abschnitten dieses Kampfraumes wurden in schwerem Ringen starke feindliche Angriffe abgewehrt oder zum Stehen gebracht. Nach erbittertem, den ganzen Tag anhaltendem Häuserkampf konnten die Bolschewisten gegen Abend in Ebenrode eindringen.
In Kurland scheiterten einzelne örtliche Angriffe der Sowjets.
Auf der Halbinsel Sworbe wurden bei der Abwehr feindlicher Angriffe elf Panzer der Bolschewisten abgeschossen.
Eigene Unterseeboote versenkten im Finnischen Meerbusen sechs mii Munition und anderem Nachschubmaterial voll beladene Transportfahrzeuge und vier zu ihrer Sicherung eingesetzte Bewacher der Bolschewisten.
In norwegischen Gewässern wurden durch Sicherungsfahrzeuge der Kriegsmarine zwei feindliche Unterseeboote vernichtet.
Anglo-amerikanische Terrorflieger warfen bei dichter Wolkendecke Bomben auf Hamburg, Essen, Neumünster, Münster, Hamm und griffen weitere Orte im Rheinland-Westfalen sowie Südostdeutschland an. Zwölf Flugzeuge, darunter elf viermotorige Bomber, wurden abgeschossen.
Das Flakregiment 133 unter Führung von Oberstleutnant Hortian hat sich in den schweren Abwehrkämpfen in Südungarn durch besondere Standhaftigkeit ausgezeichnet.
In den schweren Kämpfen im ostpreußischen Grenzgebiet hat sich die Flakabteilung 802 unter Führung von Oberstleutnant Salomon im Erdkampf hervorragend geschlagen.
Supreme HQ Allied Expeditionary Force (October 26, 1944)
FROM
(A) SHAEF FORWARD
ORIGINATOR
PRD, Communique Section
DATE-TIME OF ORIGIN
261100A October
TO FOR ACTION
(1) AGWAR (Pass to WND)
TO (W) FOR INFORMATION (INFO)
(2) FIRST US ARMY GP
(3) ADV HQ 12 ARMY GP
(4) FWD ECH (MAIN) 12 ARMY GP
(5) AEAF
(6) ANCXF
(7) EXFOR MAIN
(8) EXFOR REAR
(9) DEFENSOR, OTTAWA
(10) CANADIAN C/S, OTTAWA
(11) WAR OFFICE
(12) ADMIRALTY
(13) AIR MINISTRY
(14) ETOUSA
(15) SACSEA
(16) CMHQ (Pass to RCAF & RCN)
(17) COM Z APO 871
(18) SHAEF MAIN
(REF NO.)
NONE
(CLASSIFICATION)
IN THE CLEAR
Communiqué No. 201
Allied forces are fighting in ‘sHertogenbosch where they have driven the enemy from the north and east sections of the town. Boxtel has been freed and gains have taken us several miles to the northwest. On the Oirschot–Tilburg road, we have reached the area of Moergestel. There has been general progress northward in the area east of the Antwerp–Breda road. In the approach of Zuid Beveland, we have taken the village of Rilland and have moved forward three miles further west along the south side of the Isthmus. Further ground has been gaines in the area between Pindorp and Woensdrecht. In the Scheldt pocket, Allied forces have made progress in the direction of Poldertje. Fort Frederik Hendrik, from which we withdrew after an initial entry four days ago, has been taken. Further south, we have reached the outskirts of Groede. We have also gained some ground west and northwest of Schoondijke.
In France, northeast of Épinal, our advance was slowed by stiffened resistance. In the Vosges Mountains sector farther south, counterattacks were thrown back with severe losses to the enemy. Fighters and fighter-bombers gave support over the battle zones and went for road and rail transport in western Germany. In daylight, heavy bombers in very great strength escorted by fighters, attacked Essen and the synthetic oil plant at Homberg. Four bombers are missing. More than 1200 heavy bombers, escorted by some 500 fighters, again in daylight, attacked the railway yard at Hamm, an oil refinery in the Hamburg area, and other military targets in northwestern Germany.
COORDINATED WITH: G-2, G-3 to C/S
THIS MESSAGE MAY BE SENT IN CLEAR BY ANY MEANS
/s/
Precedence
“OP” - AGWAR
“P” - Others
ORIGINATING DIVISION
PRD, Communique Section
NAME AND RANK TYPED. TEL. NO.
D. R. JORDAN, Lt Col FA Ext. 9
AUTHENTICATING SIGNATURE
/s/U.S. Navy Department (October 26, 1944)
Communiqué No. 550
European Theater.
During the Allied operations for the liberation of Northern France, the following U.S. naval vessels were lost as the result of enemy action or the perils of the sea.
- USS MIANTONOMAH (CM-10)
- LSTs‑314, 376, 496, 499, 528 and 921
- LCI(L)s‑85, 91, 92, 98, 219 and 232
- YMSs‑301, 850 and 878
- PT‑509
In addition to the above, a number of smaller landing craft were lost.
The next of kin of casualties have been informed.
CINCPAC Communiqué No. 166
On October 24 (West Longitude Date), the enemy carrier task force which had been sighted in the Philippine Sea on the previous afternoon approaching from Japanese home waters was attacked by a concentration of aircraft, surface ships and submarines of the Pacific Fleet during the day and the following night. Despite their support by enemy aircraft from Luzon, the following damage was inflicted with no damage to our ships involved in this action:
One large carrier exploded and sunk; one large carrier was severely damaged by bombs and torpedoes and is believed to have sunk; one light carrier was definitely sunk; two battleships were probably sunk; two light cruisers were definitely sunk; and two battleships, three cruisers and a number of destroyers withdrew to the northward in a damaged condition.
On October 24, a carrier task group of the Third Fleet assisted units of the Seventh Fleet in striking a force of enemy battleships, cruisers and destroyers which had sortied through San Bernardino Strait and was attacking escort carriers of the Seventh Fleet off the Leyte Gulf. Fragmentary reports available indicate that in cooperation with the aircraft from the escort carriers the following damage was inflicted on this enemy force
One heavy cruiser was seen to sink; four battleships were heavily damaged by bombs and left the scene at low speed trailing oil; one destroyer was left dead in the water.
About midnight October 24‑25, this enemy force withdrew through the San Bernardino Strait in a badly damaged condition. During the night, surface ships of the Pacific Fleet sank a cruiser of this enemy force. Pacific Fleet carrier aircraft on October 25 were continuing to attack this force during its retirement through the Sibuyan Sea.
This incomplete report will be amplified as further details become available.
CINCPAC Communiqué N0. 167
Two groups of 11th Air Force Liberators hit gun positions and installations on Onekotan Islands and Paramushiru Island in the Northern Kurils on October 23 (West Longitude Date). Another group of 11th Air Force Mitchells bombed buildings on Paramushiru the same day and was intercepted by five enemy fighters. No damage was done to our aircraft. On October 24, 11th Air Force Mitchells bombed and left burning a 6,000-ton cargo ship south of Paramushiru. Navy search Liberators and Venturas of Fleet Air Wing Four on the same day bombed Paramushiru, Matsuwa, and Shumushu. All our planes returned.
Four grounded enemy planes were destroyed by Corsairs of the 2nd Marine Aircraft Wing which bombed and strafed the airfield at Yap Island on October 21. On October 22, 23, and 24 similar attacks were repeated. One of our planes was shot down on October 23 by intense anti-aircraft fire. Liberators of the 7th Air Force also bombed Yap on October 21, 22, 23 and 24, setting fires near the airfield and in Yap Town.
Corsairs of the 2nd Marine Aircraft Wing bombed and strafed enemy-held positions in the Northern Palau Islands on October 22, 23, and 24, destroying trucks and barges and setting fuel tanks and storage areas ablaze.
Iwo Jima in the Volcano Islands was bombed by a single Liberator of the 7th Air Force on October 22. On October 24, 7th Air Force Liberators hit Iwo Jima again with approximately 58 tons of bombs. Three enemy fighters intercepted our planes but no damage was done.
Pagan Island was bombed by 7th Air Force Liberators on October 22 and strafed by Thunderbolts on October 23 and 24. Rota Island was strafed by Corsairs of the 2nd Marine Aircraft Wing on October 22, 23, and 24.
Anti-aircraft gun positions at Nauru were bombed by Mitchells of the 7th Air Force on October 22.
Dauntless dive bombers and Corsair fighters of the 4th Marine Aircraft Wing dropped 36 tons of bombs on Jaluit on October 22. Other enemy-held positions in the Marshall Islands were hit by neutralization raids.
The Pittsburgh Press (October 26, 1944)
Main Jap fleet defeat; 30 ships sunk or damaged
10 enemy battleships, three carriers included in toll off Philippines
By Frank Tremaine, United Press staff writer
…
Yanks invade Samar Island from Leyte in Philippines
MacArthur: Enemy forces ‘disintegrating’ under U.S. blows below Tacloban
By William B. Dickinson, United Press staff writer
…
50,000 Nazis retreat before British drive
Germans flee along front in Holland
By J. Edward Murray, United Press staff writer
…
Survey at battlefront shows war in Europe may continue into 1945
United Press men make 400-mile tour of frontlines, find Germans still tough
By Hugh Baillie and Virgil Pinkley
…
$1,000 initiation fee –
Dewey charges Roosevelt is selling favors
Reads letter to prove ‘dishonesty’
Aboard Dewey campaign train (UP) –
Governor Thomas E. Dewey, charging that President Roosevelt is willing to “sell” a voice in administration policies for contributions to his fourth-term campaign, promised today a Republican victory in November would bring an end to special privileges for any group in national affairs.
The Republican presidential candidate hurled the charge of privilege-selling in a campaign speech last night in which he accused the Roosevelt administration of dishonesty throughout its 12 years in office.
‘Boos’ for New Deal
The charge drew a chorus of resounding “boos” for the New Deal from the audience of some 30,000 which packed Chicago stadium. Following the address, the New York Governor headed back to Albany preparatory to spending the remaining time until Nov. 7 speaking in New York and New England. He will deliver a “farm speech” Saturday in Syracuse, New York.
The Syracuse address will be on KQV at 12:30 p.m. Saturday ET.
Governor Dewey based his charge of privilege-selling on a letter which he said was signed by two Arkansas Democratic leaders, soliciting members at $1000 each for a “one thousand club” and declared that the plan originated in the White House.
Democratic leaders in New York today denied that either President Roosevelt or the Democratic National Committee had anything to do with the “Thousand Club.” They added that instigators of the idea had already been criticized by party leaders.
He said the letter was dated Oct. 16, 1944, was written on the letterhead of the National Democratic Campaign Headquarters at Little Rock and was signed by “H. L. McAlister and Sam J. Watkins, state finance directors.”
Letter quoted
“The letter explains the idea behind this plan of my opponent,” Governor Dewey said, and he quoted:
Members of this organization undoubtedly will be granted special privileges and prestige by party members. These members will be called into conference from time to time to discuss matters of national importance and to assist in the formulation of administration policies.
“To be eligible for membership will require a contribution of $1000 to the National Democratic Campaign Fund."
‘Brazen business’ charged
Governor Dewey denounced the plan as “a brazen piece of business.”
In tracing origin of the plan to the White House, Governor Dewey quoted the letter as saying that it was conceived at a conference between President Roosevelt, Robert E. Hannegan, chairman of the Democratic National Committee, and Edwin W. Pauley, treasurer of the committee, and attributed to Mr. Roosevelt these words:
“I think it would be good idea to have a list of one thousand persons banded together from all over the United States to act as a liaison to see that facts relating to the public interest are presented factually to the President and members of Congress.”
Shakedowns charged
Governor Dewey went on to promise that “in the new administration that takes office next Jan. 20, there will be no special privilege for sale to any one at any price.”
Governor Dewey charged that the Roosevelt administration began “by casting aside the platform it adopted in this city 12 years ago.”
He said:
It went on to exploit for its own political ends the plight of millions of American men and women for whom in peacetime it never succeeded in providing jobs.
Men and women on WPA and on relief were shaken down for political contributions to the New Deal.
‘Subterfuge’ alleged
Governor Dewey charged, too, that President Roosevelt resorted to “subterfuge” to accomplish things which he “did not dare to do directly.” He recalled, too, that when President Roosevelt ran for a third term, he declared that “when that term is over there will be another President.”
Shouts from the crowd promised “there will be.”
Dewey gaining, writers believe
Washington (UP) –
Twenty-nine of 50 Washington correspondents polled believe President Roosevelt will be reelected as compared with 33 last August, Newsweek Magazine reported today.
In its “Periscope Preview” the magazine said Governor Thomas E. Dewey had “improved his position” since the last preview, Aug. 14.
Newsweek said:
Then the writers divided 2–1 in predicting FDR’s reelection. This time the division is only 4–3 in Mr. Roosevelt’s favor.
Popular desire for a change and CIO leftist support of the President were the principal reasons given by those predicting Dewey’s election.
Cities clamor for Roosevelt
But his campaign plans are fluid
Washington (UP) –
President Roosevelt’s final campaign plans are as fluid as a drink of water and your guess is as good as that of the best-informed Washington politico about where and when he will make additional speeches.
The Philadelphia, Chicago and Boston engagements are officially fixed for tomorrow, Saturday and Nov. 4.
Detroit Democrats report that they are pressing for an appearance there. Cleveland party men have tentative but hopeful reservations on the Municipal Stadium in that city for Nov. 1 and 2.
That’s the way it is less than 24 hours before Mr. Roosevelt leaves for Philadelphia with way stops in Wilmington, Delaware; Camden, New Jersey, and Germantown, Pennsylvania.
The question before the house – the White House – probably is this: Whether it would be good politics to make a consecutive series of three or four speeches or better politics to make a couple in Philadelphia and Chicago and then to return home before a second western sortie to Cleveland or Detroit.
U.S. casualties reach 472,779
Washington (UP) –
Officially announced U.S. combat casualties in this war reached 472,779 today.
Secretary of War Henry L. Stimson said Army casualties through Oct. 14 totaled 403,074. As of today, Navy casualties, including the Marine Corps and Coast Guard, totaled 69,705.
The casualty figures include:
| Army | Navy | |
|---|---|---|
| Dead | 78,522 | 27,831 |
| Wounded | 220,529 | 27,857 |
| Missing | 51,009 | 9,537 |
| Prisoners | 53,014 | 4,480 |
| TOTAL | 403,074 | 69,705 |
Of the Army wounded, Mr. Stimson said 103,504 had been returned to duty.
He also reported that Army ground forces casualties in Italy to Oct. 16 totaled 91,063. Of these, 16,978 were killed, 62,184 wounded and 11,901 missing.
Army to guarantee safety for ‘last surviving sons’
Relief from combat or discharge ordered if two or more in family have given lives
…
Stimson silent on Presidency
Washington (UP) –
Secretary of War Henry L. Stimson today declined to take a stand in the presidential contest on the grounds the Army should be “absolutely free from any suspicion” of political influence.
Mr. Stimson, a Republican, told his press conference he saw no reason to change his policy of refraining from disclosing how he would vote.