Rome, Italy (UP) –
German planes made their first real raid on Rome yesterday, dropping bombs in the outskirts of the city shortly before 10:00 a.m. CET.
The raiders could be seen from the center of Rome. After dropping their bombs, they streaked for the sea to the west, pursued by U.S. fighter planes and harried by bursts of anti-aircraft fire.
By Thomas L. Stokes
With Dewey party –
Governor Dewey is taking on a progressive Republican coloration as he begins his campaign to win the three Pacific Coast states.
Almost simultaneously with the Republican presidential candidate’s arrival in the state of Washington a Gallup Poll was released giving President Roosevelt the edge in the Coast states as of August, with slight percentage gains since an earlier survey.
Governor Dewey, who pins much faith in the Gallup Poll, was well aware of the task confronting him as he prepared to open his Pacific Coast campaign with the third of his major speeches scheduled for tonight at Seattle. He went to Seattle from Spokane where he spent the weekend.
At the outset of his Pacific Coast tour, which takes him later to Portland, San Francisco and Los Angeles, he selected as his theme the need for an expanding economy as the hope for both industry and labor.
Buoyancy in the air
He chose well.
For expansion fits the optimistic mood of these people out here in the Pacific Northwest, a bustling, lively land. They are moving forward rapidly and their progress has been accelerated by the great war industries which dot a countryside for which nature has provided so lavishly.
There’s buoyancy in the air.
Governor Dewey is trying to tack on to the New Deal the label of a static economy. He quoted from a speech made by President Roosevelt at San Francisco in 1932 to the effect that our industrial plant is built and distribution was the problem. Repeatedly he raised this quotation and scoffed at it.
On the political side he recognized the cry here for representation of the West in the high councils at Washington. He promised, if elected, a Cabinet post for the West, as well as representation in other high policymaking jobs.
On the economic side he recognized the need of these people for power and water in a region which pioneered in public power, against a heavily entrenched private utility interest, and which has made great advances in public power through the help of the New Deal.
New Deal strength
He said he always had believed that great natural resources should be developed by the federal government for the benefit of all the people.
But he stopped short on distribution of power by the federal government. He took the middle course that while the federal government should produce the power, it should be distributed according to the wishes of local communities:
The chief New Deal strength in this region is that the New Deal under President Roosevelt gave the people such magnificent benefactors as the Grand Coulee project in Washington and Bonneville in Oregon after four years of Republican resistance in Washington.
This counts heavily with average folks in this section who do not take seriously Governor Dewey’s charge that the West has been deserted by the New Deal.
Governor Dewey tried to make up for the past lack of interest among Republicans in such great projects as Grand Coulee and Bonneville by expressing his own interest and his familiarity with them. He visited both four years ago when he was campaigning for the Republican presidential nomination. But he did not dramatize them on this trip by visiting them.
The Republican presidential candidate encounters one continuous demand from people in the Pacific Coast area, which is to retain the war industries which have been located here. This was emphasized when one local newspaper reporter told the Governor that Democrats are spreading the word through the coast area that if he was elected the war industries would be turned over to “eastern monopolists,” which Governor Dewey labeled as “one of the most astonishing misrepresentations of the campaign.”
He’s nervous, explosive and impatient and needs your friendship and sympathy
By Dixon Wecter
…
Blast hurtles crew from plane 20,000 feet above ice-ribbed crags of volcano
By Russell Annabel, United Press staff writer
…
By Gracie Allen
Hollywood, California –
California spinach growers are now rushing their product to vitamin-starved Easterners by plane. Less than 24 hours after it leaves the garden it reached your bridgework, sand and all.
Personally, I haven’t been enthusiastic about spinach since I tried it on my husband. For two weeks I stuffed George with spinach, hoping it would make him strong – like Popeye.
Well, it didn’t make him strong – it just made him pop-eyed.
HOLLYWOOD NOTES: Handsome movie star Fred MacMurray just bought a large apartment building and you ought to see the people clamor for his autograph – on a lease. Girls who live in that apartment building used to make it a point to be at the beauty shop the day the landlord came for the rent… now they go to the beauty shop the day before.
‘Interference’ sure to be vote issue
By Charles T. Lucey, Scripps-Howard staff writer
Washington –
However Prime Minister Churchill may have meant his words of praise and ardent friendship for President Roosevelt at Québec – whether or not spoken with political intent – they are likely to be made an issue in the presidential campaign.
Mr. Churchill’s comments brought a quick reaction from Republican leaders here. Their view was that if his statement was intended to have political value to Mr. Roosevelt then “the sword may cut both ways.”
Resentment at “outside interference” with an American election, it was suggested, could make the affair a boomerang.
The Prime Minister spoke of the “blazing friendship” of Mr. Roosevelt as they concluded their Québec meeting, and said that “if we can meet here another year, we shall be able to tell you of what plans we made here.”
‘Kiss of death?’
The inference was that Mr. Churchill, well knowing Mr. Roosevelt is in the midst of an election campaign, was not too coyly letting out the idea that he would be happy to have Mr. Roosevelt as President next year.
The British leader emphasized the personal, friendly relationship theme with the word that “we have go to know each other so well that it makes the solution of these problems much simpler.”
Supporters of Governor Thomas E. Dewey had been speculating in advance as to the possibility of Mr. Churchill bestowing a political benediction on Mr. Roosevelt.
Comment quoted
Typical of some of the comment here was that of Rep. Charles A. Halleck (R-IN), chairman of the Republican Congressional Campaign Committee.
He said:
The people of this country will resent any attempted interference with their right to select their own leaders.
In recent speeches, the Congressman contended that “the people of this country will prefer to have represent them a man who, when the answer should be ‘no’ will be able to say ‘no, Mr. Churchill,’ or ‘no, Mr. Stalin,’ instead of feeling required to say to his friends, ‘yes, Winston,’ or ‘yes, Joe.’”
Political hay?
Another Republican leader said that one of the reasons the American people might want to change their spokesman in connection with planning the peace is the continued and uninterrupted association which may mean “understandings and unspoken commitments which go with such a long association.”
Whether the Democrats will try to make political hay with the Prime Minister’s words is as yet undetermined, but there is no doubt that the Republicans will be ready to play heavily on the interference theme if they do.
Bases in Russia would be ideal answer, but Reds are neutral in Far Eastern war
By William Philip Simms, Scripps-Howard staff writer
…
It’s the possibility of others in their lives that creates greatest worry
By Ruth Millett
…
But she meets many individuals
By Kirtland I. King
Aboard Dewey campaign train (UP) –
Mrs. Thomas E. Dewey is enjoying every minute of her transcontinental campaign tour as the wife of the Republican presidential nominee – even to doing her own laundry.
With nearly two-thirds of the 6,700-mile trip behind her, Mrs. Dewey appears as fresh today as when she left New York City more than a week ago for the coast-to-coast campaign trip.
She said:
I am enjoying this trip tremendously, because I enjoy meeting people. Every day there is something new and interesting.
Mrs. Dewey has confined her part in the campaign to attending receptions and talking with the women privately. The speechmaking phase of the campaign will have to be carried by the Governor, she said.
Today was laundry day for Mr. Dewey and the more than 70 newspaper reporters accompanying him, but it is no problem for Mrs. Dewey as she has been keeping her washing up to date while the train speeds west.
Travels light
She said that she managed to pick up a few nylon underthings and blouses which require only a short time to dry and no ironing. Mrs. Dewey is traveling much lighter than most of the men on the train, carrying her clothes in two bags.
Simple suits and a plentiful supply of colored and white blouses have solved the clothes problem for her. She admitted that wearing the same clothes again and again got somewhat tiresome but said it was the most practical
Mrs. Dewey is up early each morning and after breakfast with the Governor in their private car she is ready for meeting with women’s groups while the Governor and GOP nominee is engaged in conferences with various political leaders.
Many of the women’s groups, which have sponsored receptions in her honor, have asked Mrs. Dewey to speak – to discuss issues of the campaign – but she always declines. She prefers to stay a little longer at the receptions and talk to the women individually.
“What do you talk about?” she was asked. She replied:
Oh, things women usually talk about – children, education and problems of the home.
Reads a lot
While the Governor is writing speeches on the train, Mrs. Dewey usually catches up on her reading. She reads every newspaper she can get and keeps Mr. Dewey up on current events.
When a speech is finished, Mrs. Dewey is given the final draft for her opinion.
She writes daily to her two sons (Thomas E. Jr., 11, and John M., 8), who remained in Albany with the Governor’s cousin, Katherine Dewey. She talked to them by telephone from Lansing, Michigan, to see if they were ready to start school.
Mrs. Dewey said beauty parlors are a problem, especially after riding in open cars, but so far, she has managed by fixing her own hair.
Her associates, Mrs. Carol Hogan and Mrs. Irene Kuhn, say she is one of the finest campaigners they have ever met.
Administrator outlines views on oil industry’s prospects, relations with government
By Marshall McNeil
…
U.S. State Department (September 18, 1944)
Lot 60–D 224, Box 55: DO/PR/25
Washington, September 18, 1944
Subject: PROGRESS REPORT ON DUMBARTON OAKS CONVERSATIONS – TWENTY-SIXTH DAY
Meetings with Ambassador Gromyko and Sir Alexander Cadogan
After my telephone conversation with you at 9:45 this morning Ambassador Gromyko came to Dumbarton Oaks at my invitation. I emphasized to him, as you requested, the very serious consequences, both for the creation of an international organization and for the Soviet Union, which might result from terminating these conversations without having reached agreement on the question of voting procedure in the Council. I asked the Ambassador whether, in the light of these circumstances, his Government would be willing to consider a new formula with respect to voting in the Council. Ambassador Gromyko replied that the position of his Government on this question is final and would not be changed regardless of whether the conversations were prolonged a week or a year. He emphasized that the Soviet Government would never consider joining an organization in which a major power involved in a dispute did not vote.
The Ambassador stated that it was his personal view rather than the official view of his Government that the Soviet Union would not agree to the holding of a conference of the United Nations before agreement had been reached among the four powers on the vital question of voting procedure. He stated, however, that he would obtain the formal view of his Government on this question. The Ambassador asked whether I believed the British could be expected to change their position, and I replied that it was my personal opinion that no change was in prospect in the reasonably near future.
I later repeated to Sir Alexander Cadogan my conversation with Ambassador Gromyko. Sir Alexander stated that his Government also could never accept the plan to bring the draft proposals before a United Nations conference prior to agreement on all basic issues by the four powers. He subsequently agreed, however, to take up with his Government my suggestion that the four nations join in inviting other United Nations to a conference, leaving open the issue of voting procedure in the Council.
I stated to Sir Alexander in Ambassador Gromyko’s presence that if the proposals were published in their present form the Secretary or President would find it necessary to make a statement clarifying the position of this Government. Sir Alexander said that the same would go for his Government. Presumably, Ambassador Gromyko has reported these statements to Moscow.
Sir Alexander again asked whether it would be necessary to have an opening ceremony for the Chinese. I replied that we must do so and that it was our intention that you would be present and would speak. Sir Alexander said that he thought this whole procedure was absurd and that he did not wish to sit with the Chinese for more than three days.
Meeting of the American Group
At the meeting of the American group at 9:30 this morning I reported the developments of Saturday and Sunday and subsequent developments during the morning. The group discussed at length the probable consequences of adjourning the discussions with the Soviet representatives prior to agreement on the question of voting. There was a marked division of opinion which led to the drafting of two memoranda. The first of these expressed the view of Mr. Long and our military representatives that an adjournment of the discussions would have the most serious political and military consequences and proposed alternatives, extending to full acceptance of the Russian position, for the purpose of reaching agreement prior to adjournment. The second, prepared by other members of the American group, weighed the consequences of adjournment prior to agreement and suggested a new course of action.
Lot 60–D 224, Box 59: Stettinius Diary
Twenty-sixth Day, Monday, September 18, 1944
Meeting with Gromyko and then with Gromyko and Cadogan
. . . . . . . . . . . . . .
… I told Gromyko that we felt failure to reach agreement on voting would seriously jeopardize the acceptance of the plan by the American people and ratification of it by our Senate. In elaborating on the possible consequences to the Soviet Union, I told him that in our judgment if their position became known there would be a serious attack on them by the small nations over the world and also considerable anti-Soviet discussion in the American press. I told him in view of our happy relations with his Government that we would like to see both avoided. Gromyko took the position that if there had to be a break among the big four on this issue they might as well have the break right now rather than at some later conference. The Ambassador assured me that not only he but his Government as well understood the serious implications of this situation and that the whole international organization was at stake. He repeated, however, that he saw no possibility of a change of position on the part of his Government. He asked me if I was familiar with the message Stalin sent to the President and I replied in the affirmative and he said that that was the final word and spoke for itself. I appealed to him to reexamine the ten or twelve different possible solutions which had been considered by the Formulation Group. He said, “This is useless. None of the alternate proposals would ever be considered by my Government”. I asked him personally as to whether he felt there was any chance at all of change on the part of his Government and he replied that he thought there was no chance whatsoever. I inquired how long he thought it would take to hear from his Government on the proposed procedure for winding up the talks and he thought certainly not before tomorrow and possibly not before Wednesday. He did not venture in answer to my inquiries any opinion as to whether this procedure would be acceptable or whether the date of November 15th would be acceptable. I sounded him out informally on whether he thought our Foreign Ministers or our Chiefs of State could find a way out and he received this suggestion rather negatively. He then said, “You can’t have an international organization without us. We can’t have one without you. And there has to be unanimity between us and the other powerful states. The moment this principle of unanimity breaks down there is war, and it seems to me in view of that realistic situation that all this discussion of one or another solutions to the voting question is purely academic.” I reported in full this conversation to Mr. Hull later in the day.
Telephone Conversation with the Secretary.
After talking with Gromyko and Cadogan, I promptly called the Secretary on the phone and reported to him in detail on it. He expressed astonishment that they would be willing to let this one point stand in the way of full agreement on the international organization. He came back to the point he had made on Sunday that this must go down to the bottom of a lot of things, a lot of grievances and be more significant than merely Dumbarton Oaks. In view of this, the Secretary is thinking along the line that the President should make another appeal to Churchill and to Stalin. He thought we should make an attempt to get Gromyko’s comments in writing. I told him that I thought that might be embarrassing to Gromyko and suggested that maybe he would want to call Gromyko in and ask him to repeat to him directly what he had told me. I stressed to the Secretary that I had told both of them that we would have to make the opposition on the question public and said in answer to a question that I thought Cadogan felt as we did on that point. The Secretary asked that the American Group continue to study this problem in order that they might find something to save the situation. I told him that the American Group had been in continuous session all morning for just that purpose. The Secretary raised the question as to whether it would be wise to say to Gromyko and Cadogan that unless agreement was reached on this point it might be the end of the whole idea of the international organization and I explained that I had almost gone that far in my conversations this morning. He instructed me to definitely ask them each for their best proposal to keep the subject alive, which I told him I had already done but that I thought Gromyko was not trying to find any other solution and was simply standing on the position that his Government had taken its one, only and final stand. The Secretary agreed that we would have to make the whole situation public. He again stressed the importance he attached to a prompt discussion of the whole matter with the President.
. . . . . . . . . . . . . .
what the fuck happened here?
Delivered in Seattle, Washington
During the past ten days I have just renewed what is for every American a great experience. I have come across the broad sweep of this country of ours many tunes before but each time it’s a new and rich experience to talk with the people of America, to learn their problems face to face.
It is good to come again to the State of Washington and to have once more the thrill of seeing close at hand this vital, pulsating, growing West Coast which symbolizes the magnificent future of the United States. It’s good to find the state administration in the able hands of your constructive and forthright Republican Governor, my good friend Arthur Langlie.
It will be good, too, I am sure, when we read in November that you have retained Arthur Langlie as Governor and elected your very able public servant, Harry P. Kane, to the United States Senate.
Today, the first thoughts of all of us are on the war – the war in Europe and the war in the Pacific. It seems? already clear that this year will see the end of the war in Europe. Then, as we have so long wanted to do, we shall be able to throw all of our energies and all of our might into the war in the Pacific.
This year, also, we are called upon to hold a national election. Does that mean that there must be the slightest hesitation in our forward march to victory? It means exactly the contrary.
Our military leadership in this war has been superb. I have made it plain and I cannot emphasize it too strongly that a change in the national administration next January 20 will involve no change in the military leadership of the war.
What this campaign will do is to prove to our enemies that we can fight total war and speed final victory by changing and strengthening our national administration.
This campaign will drive home to Japan – and to Germany also should she still be in the war on November 7 – the bitter lesson that every day they delay their surrender will make more onerous by just that much the terms of their defeat.
This election will also bring an end to the quarreling and bickering and confusion in the nation’s capital. This confusion has hampered our war effort from the beginning of it to the very immediate present.
Among the things which have been holding us back here at home is an administration labor policy which has bred class division, hate and insecurity. I can say without qualification that the labor policy of this administration has been one of delays, bungling and incompetence. That policy has put untold obstacles in the way of labor’s effort to avoid wartime strikes. It has fostered strife between one labor group and another, between labor and business and between both and government.
It has affronted the wage earner by reducing his basic rights to the level of political reward. It has made the wage-earner’s pay envelope and his hours and conditions of work a football of politics. The labor policies, the labor policies of this administration are another reason why it’s time for a change.
Now where are we today in the field of labor? We are adrift. There is no course, no chart, not even a compass. We move, when we move at all, to the shifting winds of the caprice of one man.
Now is that the fault of the law – of the National Labors Relations Act; not for one minute. The National Labor Relations Act was the work of a bipartisan majority of both Houses of Congress. A majority of the members of my party voted for it. That act was modeled on the Railway Labor Act of 1926, a measure which was written, passed and approved by a Republican administration.
The National Labor Relations Act is a good and a necessary law. It acknowledges the trend of our times and will continue to be the law of the land. But that law has been working badly.
It has failed to secure the industrial harmony we sought. It has failed because under the present administration then whims of bureaucrats have taken the place of government by law. Why, even on the railroads, where an orderly system of mediation had been painstakingly created over these many years, we stood last December on the brink of a paralyzing strike. That was only because one-man government could not keep its hands off established, previously successful, legal processes.
There is another reason why the National Labor Relations Act hasn’t worked as it should. Our labor relations right down the line have been smothered under a welter of agencies, boards, commissions and bureaus. Let me give you a list of just some of them.
There’s the War Manpower Commission, the War Labor Board, the Office of Labor Production, the Wage-Hour and Public Contracts Division, the National Labor Relations Board, the Conciliation Service, the Retraining and Reemployment Administration, the War Production Drive Division, the National Mediation Board, the Shipbuilding, Lumber, and Other Special Industry Commissions. In addition, there are Labor Sections of OPA, WPB, OES, OWM, WSA, SS, and too many others.
That towering confusion of agencies has marked a very serious backward step for the working people of our country, It was a Republican, President Taft, who was the first to recognize that labor’s problems were of Cabinet importance in our government. Under him the Department of Labor was created. That new department was soundly administered under four national administrations. Neither labor nor the nation had any quarrel with its operation.
But for twelve straight years of New Deal bungling the Department of Labor has been left in the hands of an estimable lady who has been Secretary of Labor in name only. For all practical purposes we have today neither a Secretary of Labor nor a Department of Labor. We need a Secretary of Labor. We need a Department of Labor. Twelve years is too long to go without them, and sixteen years would be intolerable.
Let me give you a concrete example of what has been going on in every part of our country. A while ago an election was held to decide the collective bargaining agency ins an important industry engaged wholly in critical wartime production. A dispute arose and both workers and employer! found themselves forced to deal with the following agencies in that one dispute:
- The United States Conciliation Service.
- The shipbuilding commission of the National War Labor Board.
- The regional office of the National War Labor Board.
- The Washington office of the National War Labor Board.
- The regional office of the labor division of the Wars Production Board.
- The Washington headquarters of the labor division of the War Production Board.
- The labor division of the regional office of the procurement agency of the United States Maritime Commission.
- The Washington headquarters of the procurement agency of the United States Maritime Commission, labor division.
- The regional office of the National Labor Relations Board.
- The Washington office of the National Labor Relations Board.
Ten different government offices, all presuming to settle one labor dispute!
There were four formal hearings down in Washington, both sides had to file seven different briefs and, I may add fifteen copies of each. Finally, one year and five days after a union was certified by the National Labor Relations Board, there was a final order issued by the War Labor Board. At last things seemed clear and the agreement was actually sent to the printer.
But before the printer’s proof was received back, both sides were notified by the National Labor Relations Board that a new petition had been granted for a new election, and they were right back where they started from.
Is it any wonder, in the face of that record and thousand others like it, that the leaders of organized labor have found their jobs very nearly impossible? Is it any wonder that the working men and women of this country felt they had just grievances? With more than twenty-five federal agencies pulling in opposite directions, we have been yanked from crisis to crisis in the field of labor right in the middle of a war.
So, Democratic Congressman Smith and Democratic Senator Connally produced the Smith-Connally Act which they promised would solve all problems. Honest men were willing to believe that nothing could make the situation any worse. So the statute was passed. It hasn’t solved the problem. In the twelve months before the passage of that act there were 3,300 strikes. In the twelve months following the passage of that act there were 4,400 strikes. In other words, the number of strikes after the Smith-Connally Act was passed increased by one-third.
That law – the Smith-Connally Act – will expire with the termination of the war, and it should. The provisions of that law and the other New Deal interferences with free collective bargaining should never be renewed.
The right of workers to leave their jobs individually or together – the right to strike – is one of the fundamental rights of free men. It has sometimes been abused. But what has caused the abuse?
Let’s get the answer to this one straight right here and now on the record. What has caused the abuses? The New Deal is exclusively responsible for most of the serious wartime strikes. The chief blame goes directly into the White House and to its agency created at the top of all this chaos of agencies, the War Labor Board.
That board has supreme power over the vital matters of wages and conditions of employment. Whether by design or sheer incompetence, its practice has been to stall – to stall for weeks, months, and sometimes years – before issuing decisions. For that reason, too, the working man and the working woman and their families have had to suffer.
One month ago today, on August 18, the War Labor Board had pending before it, still undecided, 22,381 cases. One of the oldest of these, one of the very oldest, involved the rights and wages of 600,000 workers. Another one directly affected half a million wage earners. The other 22,379 cases involved literally millions of working people living in every industrial center of this nation. That’s why it’s time for a change.
Now who gains by this planned confusion? The workers don’t gain. The public is always in the middle. The war effort has been constantly hampered. Who does gain by this planned confusion? There can’t be any doubt of the answer.
This policy of delay, delay and more delay, serves only the New Deal and its political ends. It puts the leaders of labor on the spot. It makes them come to the White House hat in hand. It makes political loyalty a test of a man getting his rights.
Personal government instead of government by law, politics instead of justice, prevails in the labor field in this country and I am against that kind of administration and always will be.
This strategy of delay sets the stage for a great gesture – a big favor to labor before Election Day – a gesture carefully designed to make labor believe that something to which it is justly entitled is a special gift from on high from the New Deal.
I refuse to believe that the workers in this country will play the role of supplicants to any throne. I refuse to believe that any man or group of men can deliver any section of our people by holding the power of government over their heads as a club.
I do believe that the American people when they go into the secrecy of the voting booth will insist on government by law and not by special favor and political extortion.
I propose that we shall have government by law after January 20, 1945. Here is the first thing to be done. We must have an able Secretary of Labor from the ranks of labor.
Second, the functions of the Department of Labor must be put into the Department of Labor. It will not be necessary for the working men and women of America to knock on door after door and sit in waiting room after waiting room to find out what their rights are. Third, we shall abolish many of these wasteful, competing
bureaus filled with petty officials quarreling for jurisdiction while American citizens stand and wait. We shall put their powers and their duties into one place, where they belong, in the Department of Labor.
We shall establish the Fair Employment Practices Committee as a permanent function and authorized by law.
Finally, just as we shall abolish unnecessary bureaus and agencies, we shall abolish privilege for one group over any other group of our people. We shall see that every working man and woman stands equally in that department created to serve him, and not to rule him. There will be no backdoor entrance to special privilege by one group over any other group of Americans.
There is no question where we want to go during these peacetime years for which we are electing a new President.
We must establish equality between business, labor and agriculture. We must have full employment. It must be at a high wage level. We must have protection of the individual from loss of his earning power through no fault of his own. We must have protection of the individual against the hazards of old age. We must have these things within the framework of free – and I mean free – collective bargaining.
To reach these goals we must increase, not decrease, our standard of living. We must increase, not decrease our production.
If there be those who would turn back the course of collective bargaining, they are doomed to bitter disappointment. We are not going back to anything, not to bread lines, not to leaf raking, not to settling labor disputes with gun fire and gas bombs, not to wholesale farm foreclosures, not to another New Deal depression with ten million unemployed.
We are going forward. The American working man and his family can go forward. They will go forward in the size of their pay envelope, in the improvement of working conditions, in their possession of more and more of the good things of life.
We are going to establish fair, evenhanded government with competent, orderly administration.
American working people know that with the restoration of freedom they will have their greatest opportunity to build better and stronger free labor unions. They will have unprecedented opportunity to bring genuine freedom to the members of the labor movement.
They know that with such freedom the working men themselves will drive both the racketeers and the Communists from positions of power in the labor movement. That is why the racketeers and Communists are against a change of administration. And that’s another reason why it’s time for a change.
The all-out peacetime effort of your next administration will be to encourage business, both large and small, to create jobs and opportunity. We shall establish conditions which will make it not only possible but good business for management to join hands with the great, free labor movement of this country in bringing about full employment at high wages.
Those who come home from the war and those who have produced for war – all our people – have earned a future with jobs for all. Nothing less can be considered victory at home to match our victory abroad.
We must build a just and a lasting peace. We must go forward, a courageous and united people, determined to make good the limitless promise of America.
Komsomolskaya Pravda (September 19, 1944)
Лондон, 18 сентября (ТАСС) –
В сообщении штаба верховного командования экспедиционных сил союзников говорится:
17 сентября после мощных операций крупных военно-воздушных сил в Голландии высадились союзные авиадесантные войска. Судя по первым сообщениям, эта операция развивается успешно.
Союзные войска, действующие вблизи бельгийско-голландской границы, продолжают продвигаться. Южнее уничтожены очаги сопротивления противника в предместьях Аахена. В городе продолжаются тяжелые бои. Союзные части, продвигающиеся к восточным окраинам города, встречают упорное сопротивление против вика.
Войска союзников продвинулись также в районе люксембургское-германской границы. В долине реки Мозель союзные войска очищают район западнее реки от изолированных групп противника. К северу от Нанси части Союзников продвинулись перед. Отбиты контратаки противника вблизи Понт-а-Муссона.
Немцы продолжают ожесточенно сражаться в районе коридора у Бельфора. Союзные войска заняли город Сен-Лу-сюр-Семуз и очистили от противника Люр Севернее Люра неприятель, сопротивляясь продвигающимся войскам, использовал танки. Столкновения местного значения произошли в районе Пон-де-Руада. В Верхних Альпах союзные войска после занятия Модана продвинулись на несколько миль в долине реки Морьенн и после ожесточенных боев достигли Ланслебура.
17 сентября весьма крупные соединения тяжелых и легких бомбардировщиков, а также истребителей-бомбардировщиков наносили удары по зенитным и артиллерии ским батареям, коммуникациям и транспорту противника на широком пространстве в Голландии, в зоне операций авиадесантных войск союзников. Истребительная авиация расчищала путь для транспортных самолетов и планеров и прикрывала опера ци по высадке авиадесантных частей. В воздушных боях сбито 9 вражеских самолетов.
К концу дня 17 сентября крупные соединения тяжелых бомбардировщиков совершили валет на батареи и войска противника на острове Вальхерен. Самолеты береговой авиации атаковали вражеские суда у Фризских островов. Тяжелые бомбардировщики в течение четырех часов подвергали бомбардировке укрепленные позиции и войска противника в Булони, сбросив свыше 3.500 тонн бомб. Время от времени противник вел интенсивный огонь из зенитных орудий, однако не оказывал сопротивления в воздухе. Вчера небольшие группы истребителей-бомбардировщиков совершали налеты на опорные пункты противника в Бресте.
Лондон, 18 сентября (ТАСС) –
В сообщения штаба вооруженных сил союзников на средиземноморском театре военных действий говорится, что 17 сентября английские военные корабли Лоял и Лукаут, поддерживая операции наземных войск в районе Римини, эффективно обстреляли огневые позиции и колонны войск противника. Береговая батарея противника обстреляла минные тральщики союзников, действовавшие в этом районе. Лоял своим огнем заставил замолчать два вражеских орудия.
16 сентября самолеты морской авиации с бреющего полета атаковали мототранспорт противника на острове Крит. 23 машины были уничтожены и многие повреждены. У берегов Милоса, примерно на 80 миль севернее, самолеты морской авиации потопили три больших и два малых парусных судна и напасли повреждения транспортному судну. Все самолеты союзников вернулись на свои базы.
В Италии, на левом фланте адриатического сектора части 8-Й армии значительно продвинулись вперед в гористой местности и удерживают предмостное укрепление на реке Марано на фронте протяжением в 8 миль. Американские, английские, индийские и бразильские част американской 5-й армии продолжают вести, ожесточенные бон с противником на позициях «Готской линии».
На остальных участках фронта положение без существенных перемен.
Рим, 18 сентября (ТАСС) –
Части американской 5-й армии заняли итальянский порт Виареджо, расположенный к северу от Ливорно.
Лондон, 17 сентября (ТАСС) –
Штаб верховного командования экспедиционных сил союзников сообщает, что крупные силы 1-Й авиадесантной армии союзников сегодня после полудня высадились в Голландии.
Лондон, 18 Сентября (ТАСС) –
Английское министерство информации передает, что в высадке союзных авиадесантов в Голландии принимало участие свыше 1 тысячи планеров и самолетов-буксировщиков. Авиация поддерживала действия авиадесантных войск, атакуя вражеские позиции, аэродромы, зенитные батареи как до, так и после высадки десантов. В налетах на вражеские позиции в Голландии участвовало около 750 «Летающих крепостей» в сопровождении истребителей. Они не встретили никакого сопротивления в воздухе.
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Совместное заявление Рузвельта и Черчилля
Квебек, 16 сентября (ТАСС) –
Рузвельт и Черчилль сделали следующее совместное заявление о результатах квебекской конференции:
Президент н премьер-министр, а также начальники объединённых штабов провели ряд совещаний, на которых обсуждались все виды войны против Германии н Японии. В очень короткое время они достигли решений по всем вопросам, касающимся как завершения войны в Европе, приближающейся теперь к своей Финальной стадии, так и разгрома варваров на Тихом океане Наиболее серьезная трудность, с которой встретились участники квебекской конференции, заключалась в том, чтобы найти способ и возможность использования против Японии огромных сил, которые каждая из заинтересованных стран в отдельности и все они вместе стремятся использовать против врага.
На состоявшейся сегодня пресс-конференции Рузвельт заявил, что союзные руководители не делают никаких предсказаний относительно точной даты полного поражения Германии, но они надеются достигнуть быстрого окончания войны в Европе, а затем перебросить все силы западных держав против Японии, чтобы вынудить ее к безусловной капитуляции. Рузвельт заявил, что руководители заполных держав разработали на квебекской конференции планы совместных усилий Соединенных Штатов, Великобритании и доминионов для проведения решающей кампании на Дальневосточном театре военных действий.
Рузвельт заявил далее, что союзники не будут создавать единого командования на Тихом океане, а сохранят три раздельных командования, а именно: генерала Маунтбэттена – в Юго-Восточной Азии, генерала Макартура – в юго-западной части Тихого океана и адмирала Нимица – на море.
Выступая на той же пресс-конференции, Черчилль заявил, что быстрое развитие военных событий сделало крайне необходимым для руководителей союзных стран созывать частые совещания для обсуждения «их великих дел». Величайшие победы союзников, особенно в Европе, были предначертаны в союзных планах, разработанных на предыдущих конференциях в Каире н Тегеране.
Черчилль сделал оптимистический обзор военного положения в настоящее время, указав, что квебекская конференция собралась в тот момент, «когда большая часть нашей задачи близится к выполнению». Черчилль заявил, что Великобритания не намерена отступать от своих обязательств после поражения Германии. Великобритания, так же как н доминионы, настаивает на необходимости взять на себя огромную долю участия в операциях на Тихом океане и не возлагать на Соединенные Штаты «слишком большую тяжесть».
Немедленно после достижения победы в Европе – сказал Черчилль – вся огромная сила западных держав, сконцентрированная в настоящее время в Европе, будет обращена против Японии. Указывая, что союзные операции в. Европе Проводились «с точностью часового механизма», он выразил уверенность, что действия против Японии будут проводиться с той же точностью.
Касаясь присутствия Идена на квебекской конференции, Черчилль заявил, что обсуждение различных вопросов на конференции не могло строго ограничиться вопросами военного характера и, естественно, были затронуты различные проблемы, касающиеся Экономических, финансовых и дипломатических сторон.
В заключение Черчилль указал, что за последний год «фортуна так благоприятствовала» Объединённым нациям и они достигли таких решающих успехов в победе над врагом, «что за их будущее можно Ее беспокоиться».
Лондон, 18 сентября (ТАСС) –
Как передает корреспондент агентства Рейтер, чернядь выехал поездом из Квебека.
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