What’s in a name –
Lt. Goldstein comes to life as Lt. Grant
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The great ‘whish mystery –
Snyder coast-to-coast flight baffles capital
Army says it wasn’t their plane, and TWA reveals their craft just aren’t that fast
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U.S. fighters set record: 100 victories in 83 days
Fliers in Col. Howard’s Mustang group are deadly serious in their work in European skies
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Rear admiral dies
Palo Alto, California – (Feb. 26)
RAdm. Charles Conway Hartigan, 62, holder of the Congressional Medal of Honor, died here yesterday following a long illness which began when he suffered a heart attack in his office in Washington Dec. 7, 1941, the day of the attack on Pearl Harbor. He was awarded the Congressional Medal following the Veracruz campaign in 1914.
Villard urges kindly policy towards Reich
Exact opposite of Versailles Treaty endorsed by journalist
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Dewey urges firm Congress
Ominous trend is seen in current fight
Albany, New York (UP) – (Feb. 26)
Governor Thomas E. Dewey warned today that the “very existence” of Congress is at stake.
In a letter to William S. Bennet, New York City Republican who will seek the 21st Congressional seat at a special election next Tuesday, Mr. Dewey said:
Now, if ever, Congress needs all the strength it can obtain. No citizen can fail to reach the conclusion after reading the ominous trend in the news of the fight against Congress, that its very existence, its very function in the plan of American constitutional government, is at stake.
The Governor endorsed Bennet, a former representative, and expressed hope he would be elected.
Mr. Dewey wrote:
This is the time when it is the duty of the citizens to send experienced and capable legislators to the halls of Congress.
I wish you well in the election.
Conference called on Palestine issue
Washington (UP) – (Feb. 26)
Senator Robert F. Wagner (D-NY), chairman of the American Palestine Committee, announced today that a conference will be held here March 9 “to mobilize American Christian sentiment” in favor of resettling Nazi-persecuted Jews in Palestine.
The conference, Mr. Wagner said, will discuss problems “created by 10 years of Nazi persecution and by the virtual closing of the doors of Palestine by the British White Paper of 1939” which calls for cessation of Jewish entry into Palestine after March 31.
Mr. Wagner said this country was pledged to establishment of a national Jewish home in Palestine by a joint resolution adopted by Congress in 1922.
He added:
The policy of unrestricted entry of Jews into Palestine has been endorsed by every administration up to and including the present administration.
Roosevelt’s pleas to voting masses arouse Congress
President adept at blaming Senate and House for failure of his programs; ‘clever strategy’ deplored
By Thomas L. Stokes, Scripps-Howard staff writer
Washington – (Feb. 26)
The noisy fanfare over the personal clash between President Roosevelt and Senate Democratic Leader Alben Barkley, all done with Klieg-light dramatics, has submerged the underlying political strategy which has governed Mr. Roosevelt.
The tax bill veto, with its accompanying sharp message which provoked Senator Barkley’s act, was only one phase.
A definite pattern emerges from a series of events beginning with the President’s message to Congress in January which all add up to strengthening him with the mass of voters who have contributed the chief support in the three previous triumphs.
It also represents a shift of presidential attention from the foreign field which has hitherto engrossed him to the somewhat-neglected field of domestic affairs upon which Republicans have concentrated.
Roosevelt’s groundwork
Mr. Roosevelt laid the ground for his attack in his annual message by calling upon Congress for certain specific measures, among them, a national service act, a simple federal ballot for soldier voting, continuation of subsidies to keep down the price of food, an adequate tax bill to raise $10 billion
His apparent idea was to make the record for himself and, when Congress failed to come through, to call that to the attention of the people repeatedly, blaming Congress, and thus setting himself up against Congress with the people.
Already he has been able to exploit some of the issues. Undoubtedly, they will bob up later, even into the campaign.
Could accuse Congress
If prices should go up, if inflation should set in, of there should be strikes and manpower troubles – then he can point back to his program and charge Congress with responsibility.
It’s not all as simple as that but a President has a sounding board not enjoyed to the same degree by Congress, and he can simplify issues, because he speaks with a single voice while Congress often resembles a meaningless babble.
Mr. Roosevelt seemingly has lost some labor support. Also, Republicans are trying to lure back the Negro vote, a decisive factor in big Eastern and Midwestern states.
Called a ‘fraud’
The President made capital with both pf these groups, as well as with families of soldiers by calling the state ballot bill passed originally by Congress, with Republican and Southern Democratic support, a “fraud.” It would disenfranchise Negro soldiers in many Southern states.
He appealed to consumers generally, to labor and white-collar workers, in his veto of the bill which would ban food subsidies, calling the bill “an inflation measure, a higher-cost-of-living measure, a food-shortage measure.”
And, in that tax bill, he pleased labor with his veto because of the provision requiring labor unions to report to the Internal Revenue Bureau the source of their income, though he omitted any mention of this provision in his veto message. His praise describing the bill as “a relief bill providing not for the needy but for the greedy” was also designed for mass consumption.
Tactics deplored
His decision becomes clear.
It is clear, too, to members of Congress, clear and offensive, even to some who have followed his program through the years. They now deplore his tactics because of the critical period and the need for unity. One such expressed himself thus:
It’s very clever strategy. He gets the country to the point where it thinks every member of Congress comes in every morning, weighs his mail to see how he will vote that day, gets a free shave, a free whisky sour–
He threw up his hands.
But is that the kind of strategy to employ when the country is in a war and needs unity, and is that the kind of strategy that’s going to be helpful after the war in getting measures of international cooperation through the Senate, and in getting post-war domestic measures approved by Congress?
I don’t think so, and lots of others don’t think so.
In Washington –
Federal vote for soldiers appears dead
Conferees show weariness after 7 meetings on once-hot issue
Washington (UP) – (Feb. 26)
Chances for the enactment of new federal soldier-vote legislation today appeared to be virtually nil.
After each meeting of the Senate-House conference on the measure, members indicate an increasing weariness with the whole issue, which scarcely a month ago was the hottest in Washington. Their attitude suggests that delay and disinterest may yet put the quietus on all federal ballot plans.
The conferees broke up yesterday for the weekend. In the words of Chairman Theodore F. Green (D-RI) of the Senate Privileges and Elections Committee, conferees will “retire and pray for guidance” on the future course of their deliberations, which by now have comprised seven meetings stretching into their third week.
The latest proposal the conferees will consider over the weekend was suggested yesterday by Reps. Herbert C. Bonner (D-NC) and Karl M. LeCompte (R-IA). It would provide a federal ballot for all soldiers who had applied for a state absentee ballot and had not received it by Oct. 1 – providing their states had agreed to accept the federal ballot.
The state-certification provision is opposed by the Senate conferees, who have consistently maintained the federal ballot should be accepted if voted by the soldier, regardless of whether or not it conforms to state law.
Democrats willing to end their fight with Roosevelt
Era of good feeling may result if both sides profit by week’s lessons
Washington (UP) – (Feb. 26)
Congressional Democrats believed tonight that an “era of good feeling” may be in prospect between President Roosevelt and his party colleagues in the House and Senate if both sides profit by this week’s lessons.
If the President adopts a more conciliatory attitude – if there are no more White House blasts charging legislative fraud and bad faith – if Mr. Roosevelt will work more closely with Congress on war and post-war programs, the recent exchange of blow may prove beneficial in the long run to all involved, many observers believed.
Willing to end row
Democratic legislators appeared willing, now that they have proclaimed their independence, to make peace with the President. And his message to Senate Democratic Leader Alben W. Barkley last Wednesday appeared to indicate belated realization on the President’s part that the tone of his tax bill veto message was unpalatably tart.
There appeared little doubt, however, that Mr. Roosevelt – having taken one major beating when Congress overrode his veto of the tax bill – must swallow at least one more cup of defeat before getting back on an even keel with Congress.
Soldier vote bill
Congress still has a score to settle with him on the soldier-vote bill, and the odds are that it will settle the score by refusing to enact any form of the administration-supported federal ballot measure.
It was the “states’ rights” ballot bill passed by the House which touched off the showdown battle climaxed this week with Congressional enactment of the tax bill. Mr. Roosevelt called the House measure, banning federal machinery for conducting balloting among service personnel, a “fraud.”
The Senate subsequently squeezed through a compromise measure, providing for limited use of a federal ballot, but House and Senate conferees have since been unable to reach an agreement. The result probably will be no bill at all.
Two factors faced
For the future, however, there was reason to believe that efforts will be made to heal the breach and bring about peace between the President and the Congressional majority. Uppermost in Congressional minds was realization that:
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This is a campaign year, and Mr. Roosevelt is admittedly the party’s strongest possible candidate for President, despite whatever liability there may be in the fact that he will be seeking a fourth term.
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Wartime cleavage between the President and Congress can only be harmful to the nation, and could be disastrous.
Revolt on tax bill aids rise in stock list
Rail average hits 7-year high, utility since 1940
By Elmer C. Walzer, United Press financial editor
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Editorial: OWI’s ‘mistake’
Just after Elmer Davis, director of the Office of War Information, settled a family row with his Overseas Branch and admonished that branch to keep out of public trouble, the Republicans jumped all over the same outfit for failing to identify Governor Bricker of Ohio as a candidate for President.
Mr. Bricker was one of two men in United States about whom such a mistake is unpardonable.
He is an announced candidate. So is Wendell Willkie.
But if OWI had failed to mention that Governor Dewey, for instance, is a candidate, it could easily have been forgiven. Or if it had omitted saying anything about President Roosevelt being a candidate, no fault could be found with it.
Presidential aspiration is no longer a matter of thumped chests, bellowed challenges and brass bands. The modest blush, the averted eye, the indecisive answer, the coy humor seem to be the marks of a candidate.
Taylor: New Deal stronghold
By Robert Taylor, Press Washington correspondent
Washington –
By a strange political development, traditionally Republican Pennsylvania has become one of the last remaining strongholds of the New Deal wing of the Democratic Party, while the Solid South, except for a smattering of votes, has slipped away.
The rock-bottom strength of the New Deal in Congress was ascertained last week by the roll calls in the House and Senate on President Roosevelt’s veto of the new tax bill – a showdown brought about by the President himself when he trampled on Congressional sensitivities in his veto message.
Pennsylvania has 13 Democratic Congressmen and 12 of them voted to sustain the veto, a total exceeded only by New York. The State’s Democratic Senator, Joseph F. Guffey, a New Dealer all the way, not only remained staunchly in the President’s corner, but also reiterated his prediction that Mr. Roosevelt will be reelected for a fourth term.
If the Congressional vote represents adequately the sentiment of the constituents – and this is a campaign year – it means that Mr. Roosevelt, as the Democratic nominee, will be supported in the South because he is on the Democratic ticket and because he is the only Democrat with a chance to win.
In Pennsylvania, however, Mr. Roosevelt will be the one big candidate, with other party candidates comprising only a sort of supporting cast and the whole campaign waged on a pro-Roosevelt or anti-Roosevelt basis. Pennsylvania Democrats, with a single exception, remain firm in the conclusion that their success depends on Mr. Roosevelt.
That policy was plainly enunciated at the meeting of the Democratic State Committee three weeks ago, when a harmony program was ratified to prevent a primary fight, and Republican leaders promptly accepted the issue with a similar harmony program, formed for the same reason.
In Pennsylvania, party managers know they’ve got to get Republican votes to win, and every statewide election since 1932 has proved that Democrats can carry Pennsylvania only when Mr. Roosevelt runs or on the high tide of a strong New Deal issue, as in 1934.
The rupture between the President and Congress, therefore, caused Pennsylvania members considerable concern, not because of fear that their constituents won’t approve their stand on the tax bill veto but because it marks a new low in the steadily worsening relations between the Executive and Congress.
The vote against the President may have political repercussions next November that can mean the difference between victory and defeat for some of the Pennsylvania Congressmen who have continued to support him throughout his fencing with Congress on such issues as the anti-strike bill, which was passed over his veto, and the food price subsidy issue.
How rapidly Mr. Roosevelt’s Congressional support deteriorated is shown in two House votes to override presidential vetoes. The first, on his veto of a bill that would eliminate food price subsidies, was 226–151 with a Republican-Democratic coalition failing to override. The second, less than a week later, on his veto of the tax bill, was 299–95.
While the issues differed, in each case the House was voting on whether to override a presidential veto. The food price subsidy issue was one that gathered widespread popular support for the President from labor, consumer and other groups. Even with the help of an unofficial consumer committee of Congressmen, headed by Rep. Thomas E. Scanlon (D-Pittsburgh), and strongly backed by labor, the administration forces managed to sustain the veto only by a narrow margin.
Hopper: Hollywood hails a new comedian making triumphant screen debut
Danny Kaye after 12 years hits the jackpot
By Hedda Hopper
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Plays spouse of W. Wilson
World War I President is subject of movie
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