CANDIDLY SPEAKING —
A bad meeting
By Maxine Garrison
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Support asked by new Ohio state circuit counters reformists
By Joe Williams
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Day attacks follow night assault on Germany by Mosquitoes
By Phil Ault, United Press staff writer
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Leonard Bernstein will conduct his work here Friday
By Maxine Garrison
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New York Governor given comfortable lead over Willkie
By George Gallup, Director, American Institute of Public Opinion
Political observers from now on will be focusing more and more attention on the open presidential primary in Wisconsin in April, which will instruct the state’s 24 Republican delegates on whom to support at the National Convention.
Wisconsin and New York are the first of the large states to hold primaries. The Wisconsin primary will also be the first held in the Midwestern farm area – an area that gives every indication of being the critical battleground of the 1944 campaign.
Although Governor Thomas E. Dewey of New York has given no indication of entering any of the scheduled open primaries to date, a poll just completed by the Institute in Wisconsin shows him the leading choice among the rank-and-file Republicans there.
Willkie second
In fact, Governor Dewey received twice as many votes as the next highest choice, Wendell Willkie.
Gen. Douglas MacArthur runs third and Lt. Cdr. Harold E. Stassen, former Governor of Minnesota, fourth.
These were the findings when field reports for the Institute in Wisconsin asked a representative segment of Republican voters which if six men mentioned frequently as Republican presidential possibilities they would prefer as their nominee.
Results listed
The poll showed:
Asked of Wisconsin Republicans: Whom would you like to see the Republican Party nominate for President?
Dewey | 40% |
Willkie | 20% |
MacArthur | 15% |
Stassen | 11% |
Bricker | 8% |
Eric Johnston | 6% |
Governor Dewey, in his 1940 pre-convention campaign, won the Wisconsin primary. His chief opponent was Senator Arthur Vandenberg of Michigan.
He will address veterans at William Penn
Ohio Governor Bricker
Governor John W. Bricker, the only announced candidate for the Republican nomination for President, will arrive in Pittsburgh tomorrow morning.
Governor Bricker, the first Republican in the history of Ohio to be elected governor for three consecutive terms, will be the main speaker at the annual McKinley Day banquet to be held at 7:00 p.m. ET in the William Penn Hotel. The banquet is under the sponsorship of the United Spanish War Veterans.
In appearing here, Governor Bricker will be making his initial appearance in Pennsylvania since he announced his candidacy. He recently returned to Ohio from a tour of Kansas, Texas and Oklahoma.
Accompanying Governor Bricker will be John W. Galbreath (campaign director and treasurer), Robert L. Barton (the Governor’s secretary) and Jack Flanagan (press secretary).
Others who will speak at the banquet include Guy V. Boyle of Indianapolis (the veterans’ commander-in-chief), Mrs. Hettie B. Trazenfeld of Philadelphia (national president of the Women’s Auxiliary), Department Commander Dr. Charles I. Shaeffer, and Mrs. Helen R. Hawk (auxiliary department president).
The public is getting dizzy watching Congress weave in and out with measures for soldier voting. The issue has many technical complications, constitutional and otherwise. But the politicians have compounded the complications with every known brand of joker and parliamentary trickery, until the situation almost defies comprehension.
In this, the politicians are outsmarting themselves. If they maneuver this so that many soldier ballots will not be counted – as some of them seem to desire – the public kickback will be so hard they won’t know what hit them.
For one thing is so clear that not even Congressional gyrations can obscure it: The country is determined that servicemen and women overseas shall vote. That determination is all the greater because the soldiers abroad are not here to speak for themselves.
Congress is aware that the public is supersensitive on this subject; hence the effort to cover up tracks. Thus the House has a special rule which if it prevails will bar a roll call on the controversial amendment proposing a federal ballot.
The legal and practical trouble in soldier suffrage arises because normal voting is on state ballots, and many states have no adequate machinery for absentee soldier voting. Added to this is the difficulty of distributing the bulky state documents abroad – which the Secretaries of War and Navy say cannot be done effectively unless the states simplify certain requirements.
On the political side is the fear of certain Southerners that sectional voting restrictions, such as the poll tax, will be undermined. Also, some Northern Republicans think the servicemen may return a Democratic majority because of the Commander-in-Chief, and using the states’ rights issue for obstruction.
A compromise is necessary. Since not all 48 states can guarantee the absent serviceman a ballot, there should be a substitute federal short ballot allowing a choice of presidential, vice presidential and Congressional candidates – leaving it to state election officials to count the votes returned.
To disfranchise eligible voters among the five and a half million fighting overseas for the preservation of American democracy would be a crime – and a costly crime.
By Jay G. Hayden, North American Newspaper Alliance
Washington –
One thing unmistakably demonstrated in the Democratic 1944 campaign curtain-raiser on Saturday is that President Roosevelt either must accept a fourth nomination or leave his party so hopelessly debilitated as to be unable even to stir up a respectable scrap within its own ranks.
Judged by the flood of individual and group complaints it has been receiving, the party high command expected trouble from several directions.
A group of Midwesterners, headed by James C. Quigley of Nebraska, staged a rumpus at the National Committee meeting in Chicago last year and arrived for the present session ahead of time ostensibly to repeat this performance.
Early last week, also, a flock of Southern governors came to town, breathing fire and brimstone against alleged federal discriminations affecting their section. In this group were several governors who had talked openly of the possibility of Southern bolt against a fourth term.
President Roosevelt’s call for a national service act to end strikes seemingly had antagonized all but an extreme left wing of organized labor.
Farley attends session
Most disturbing of all to the party managers must have been the news that James A. Farley, leader of Democratic opposition to the third term and reported even more opposed to a fourth, had slipped into the headquarters hotel and was busily finagling among the committeemen.
What eventuated from these rumblings of dissension?
Exactly nothing. The supposed Western insurgents were the first of all to plunk for a fourth term. The Southern governors left town, if not placated at least effectually silenced. If dissident labor unionists and farmers were present, they did not disclose themselves by even so much as an off-key peep. Mr. Farley left before the formal meeting began, tiptoeing, as he came.
The reason for all this abnegation is plain enough. It is that Democratic aspirants for office, from would-be Vice Presidents of the United Staters down to town constables, cannot discern a glimmer of 1944 hope anywhere except in another ride on Mr. Roosevelt’s coattails.
The kingpin of all present abnegators is Vice President Henry A. Wallace, Mr. Garner probably could have had a third vice presidential nomination if he had continued to play a harmonious second fiddle. But not so Mr. Wallace. The skidoo sign was handed him quietly several months ago, and at the Jackson Day dinner it was hung out for everybody to see.
The Rayburn-Wallace byplay
With the President absent the top billing for this gatherings logically should have gone to the Vice President. Instead, Speaker Sam Rayburn got it and he, all along, has been touted as the man Mr. Roosevelt had picked for his 1944 running mate.
This play between Messrs. Wallace and Rayburn was easily the most intriguing feature of the Jackson Day program, and it also may be indicative of one intra-Democratic danger lying ahead for the President.
While Mr. Rayburn monopolized the radio time with a speech strictly in Mr. Roosevelt’s new “Win-the-War” mold, Mr. Wallace clung to the cast-off “New Deal” and played it for all it was worth.
He asserted:
The New Deal is not dead. If it was dead, the Democratic Party would be dead, and well dead… The New Deal is Franklin D. Roosevelt.
Mr. Wallace, like every other Democratic office seeker, is plainly hanging on for dear life to Mr. Roosevelt’s coattails, but also he is hanging on to the “New Deal” policies with all of their old-time implication respecting organized labor, impecunious farmers and “big business” villains.
Implied in Mr. Wallace’s remarks is just the suspicion of a threat that if he is finally shoved from his coattail perch, a lot of other New Deal supporters may slide off with him.
Völkischer Beobachter (January 27, 1944)
Im Land der ‚befreiten‘ Franzosen darf sich ein Franzose kaum noch sehen lassen
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Eigener Bericht des „Völkischen Beobachters“
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U.S. Navy Department (January 27, 1944)
For Immediate Release
January 27, 1944
Seventh Army Air Force aircraft attacked Kwajalein, Maloelap and Mille Atolls in the Marshall Island on January 25 (West Longitude Date). Heavy bombers dropped more than 35 tons of bombs on Kwajalein in a late afternoon raid starting fires among ground installations. No enemy fighters were encountered and we lost no planes.
Medium bombers attacking Taroa in the Maloelap Atoll in mid-afternoon struck airdrome facilities and wrecked one enemy bomber on the ground. Approximately 30 fighters attacked our planes. One of these was shot down, three were possibly shot down and several more damaged. Damage to our planes was moderate and all returned. Mille was attacked by dive bombers and fighters in a mid-morning raid which caused several fires among ground facilities. There was no fighter opposition and none of our planes was lost.
Navy search planes attacked an oiler escorted by two small ships southeast of Eniwetok Atoll. The oiler was severely damaged and may have been sunk. One of the escorting ships was sunk.
The Pittsburgh Press (January 27, 1944)
Yanks gain near Cassino, French seize heights on flank
By C. R. Cunningham, United Press staff writer
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But private advices from the South Pacific picture general as very willing to let events take course
By Lyle C. Wilson, United Press staff writer
Gen. MacArthur
Washington –
A recent visitor to Gen. Douglas MacArthur’s headquarters in the Southwest Pacific has sent me a report on political sentiment in that outpost which will be of unusual interest to Americans who have been wondering whether the general will be a candidate for President.
The summary is by an experienced observer, and those who are interested in the MacArthur boom undoubtedly will be impressed by the fact that it was passed through the general’s own military censorship.
**Probably the most striking part of this report is the suggestion that Gen. MacArthur believes an experienced soldier in the White House would bring an earlier victory in the war.
The report says at one point:
It would not be surprising if Gen. MacArthur felt – as do a good many here – that the shortest way to victory would be to place an experienced military man in the White House.
The report reflects the impression at his headquarters that Gen. MacArthur will neither declare his availability for the Republican nomination nor withdraw his name from consideration, preferring to “let events take their course.” It is emphasized that he is not taking any time out from war for politics, but that no one should assume this to mean that he would not be receptive to the presidential nomination.
The report continues:
Even if he were nominated, sources here believe it entirely possible that Gen. MacArthur would not leave his post to campaign. Talking to MacArthur supporters of whom there are many here, I get the impression they foresee the possibilities about this way:
MacArthur will maintain complete silence on political matters pending the Republican National Convention, but his supporters will go into the convention with a fair bloc of votes from the Midwest. One figure mentioned is 125 delegates. This presumably would place his third behind Governor Thomas E. Dewey and Wendell L. Willkie. They believe Dewey and Willkie are likely to deadlock whereupon MacArthur might emerge as a compromise candidate since he likely to have considerable second choice strength among both Dewey and Willkie supporters.
If nominated, it is believed MacArthur might accept by cable, explaining that his job of beating the Japs was too important to permit him to campaign. The campaign would be the responsibility of party leaders at home with the general-tossing in an occasional radio speech or public statement.
The report continues that in “some quarters here” there is a suggestion that Gen. MacArthur might be nominated for vice president on a ticket headed by Mr. Dewey.
According to this report:
But it is felt that the general probably would not be receptive to such suggestions and would scorn any pre-convention deal with Dewey, Willkie or any other candidate.
But whether he actually would refuse the vice presidency should the convention offer it is entirely unknown. Such a ticket might be as attractive as anything the Republicans could offer, especially if the presidential nominee announced that he planned to let MacArthur handle the job of winning the war.
Milwaukee, Wisconsin (UP) –
Lansing Hoyt, state chairman of the MacArthur-for-President club, today accused the national administration of discriminating against Republicans because of a ruling that Lt. Col. Philip F. La Follette could not run as a GOP convention delegate candidate pledged to Gen. MacArthur.
Maj. Gen. J. A. Ulio, Adjutant General of the Army, informed Hoyt of Col. La Follette’s standing. He had asked whether servicemen could run as delegate candidates for the national party conventions.
Gen. Ulio said:
The War Department cannot permit a member of the Army on active duty to participate in the convention of a political party.
Col. La Follette is serving on Gen. MacArthur’s staff in the Southwest Pacific.
Mr. Hoyt said he could see no difference between running for delegate or for President and pointed out that the War Department had consented to the naming of an Army man as a presidential candidate.