Tōjō: Empire’s fateful hour is near; Japan called to sacrifice ‘body and soul’
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Murray of CIO says demands in steel negotiations will be pushed in politics
Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania – (Dec. 31)
A minimum annual wage for industrial workers, to be paid and guaranteed by employers, is being built up by the Congress of Industrial Organizations as a major issue for the 1944 elections, Philip Murray, CIO president, disclosed here.
Such a guaranteed wage is one of the principal proposals now being urged upon Carnegie-Illinois Steel and other U.S. Steel Corporation subsidiaries through direct negotiations by the CIO United Steel Workers of America. The steel workers are also contending for a 17¢ hourly wager increase and other concessions.
Going several steps further than in previous declarations, Mr. Murray said that the CIO’s political action committee would be directed to enlist all possible labor and liberal support for the minimum annual wage plan as they only feasible means of protecting the nation’s workers from destructive economic post-war jolts.
Appeal to WLB planned
The CIO chief also made known that he would shortly ask the National War Labor Board to “impose, if necessary, a guaranteed annual wage for steel workers” if the steel corporations refuse to adopt this program.
The weekly wage guarantee, Mr. Murray explained, would be computed on the basis of a 40-hour workweek. That section of the contract proposal reads in part:
Such minimum weekly wage shall be computed on the straight time average hourly earnings for the year preceding the effective date of this contract, or such portion during which the employee may have been employed, plus the general wage adjustments included in the new contract, multiplied by 40 hours.
Another proviso says:
For each week during the life of this contract that the employee for reasons beyond his control does not receive a sum equal to this minimum, the company shall make up the difference.
First movement of kind
Mr. Murray said:
So far as we know, this is the first time that a labor organization anywhere has undertaken to seek the establishment of an annual minimum guaranteed wage through collective bargaining.
He pointed out that industry in the United States, through the tax laws, has guaranteed itself post-war protection. Provisions have been made, he added, “though these various measures, to afford security for American business after the war is over.”
He went on:
That may be a good thing but certainly the same thing should be done to protect the interests of American workers.
The annual wage is a sensible way of combating widespread unemployment. If we’re going to spread income and afford workers a just share of the national income, it can be done only through this proposal.
Under the proposal as submitted, if a worker’s average hourly rate has been $1, his guaranteed weekly pay would be $40, the year around, or annual pay of $2,080.
Other demands by the union include one week’s paid vacation for employee with three years or less service, and two weeks for those over three years; time-and-a-half pay for overtime learners not to receive less than the common labor rate; all employees who are in the Armed Forces or Merchant Marine to receive vacation pay while in service.
By Bosley Crowther
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Bibeault excels in nets; checks 33 shots as Rangers press to win on Patrick’s 60th birthday
By Joseph C. Nichols
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Tells Spangler City has more Pullmans for convention travel
Washington (AP) – (Dec. 31)
The Office of Defense Transportation has reinforced its proposal that both major political parties hold their 1944 conventions in Chicago with a statement that more than three times as many sleeping cars arrive daily at the Illinois city than at any other Midwest point.
In reply to an inquiry from Harrison E. Spangler, chairman of the Republican National Committee, seeking a “list of other cities which might be used with the least interference with our transportation problem,” H. F. McCarthy, director of the ODT’s Division of Traffic Movement, said:
Indicative of Chicago’s dominance is the following table showing the number of beds in regular-line sleeping cars terminating at various favorably located cities:
Chicago 11,368 New York 7,129 St. Louis 3,240 Detroit 1,528 Kansas City 1,279 Cleveland 1,235
McCarthy added that:
The supply of sleeping cars is extremely limited, all available extra cars being dedicated to troop train service.
Wherever the English tongue is known, the words of the Ayrshire plowman were sung last night. They were heard in the wardrooms of ships in dangerous waters, in quarters within sound of the frontline, and probably in prison camps. Like Burns himself, the old song had a humble origin. The music was a tavern ditty, the first line, at least, Allan Ramsay’s. But it is out of humble things, out of the earth, out of taverns, out of the hearts of rough men deeply moved, that greatness often comes.
This is a song of going-away, of the anguish of empire, a song for soldiers, sailors and pioneers. It is a song of the brae and the burn whose sons know them no more, of playmates long since scattered, of hands that were soft as children’s once and now are red and gnarled with toil.
It is a song of friendship, too, and one that will never die. Last night, amid all the uproar – the uproar of merriment in safe cities and of guns and pounding waters and high winds elsewhere – it seemed to have a special meaning.
For the most important fact about the new year is the friendship of the two great nations whose people sing this song and of the nations with which they are united in the battle for justice and of peace. In more than one sense in past times, the “seas between us braid hae roar’d.” We have known suspicions and estrangements. The old friends were scattered when the enemy took up his march. Almost too late they joined against him. The old cry went down the glens, the old call was heard beyond the mountains and the seas. By bitter lessons we have all learned that only by “auld acquaintance” standing firm together can freedom be kept safe.
In the midst of war, we can still drink “a cup o’ kindness:” to the infantry of the line, to whom this day brings no rest, no comfort and no surcease from peril; to the seamen who sent the Scharnhorst down, who covered the South Sea landings and who take the cargoes into port; to the men in the air, steadying the plane for the target run, with maybe an engine shot out and maybe a gunner dead. We can lift our cup to all who speak the English tongue, from Adelaide to Charing Cross, from Sioux City to Land’s End.
We can lift it, the goodwill and sober hope, to others who may yet learn this song and whose songs we may yet learn: to the Russians, who have broken the German armies; to the Chinese, ragged, underfed, under-armed, who have not learned the word surrender in any language; to Frenchmen of the breed that stood so stoutly at Bir Hakeim; to all the unconquered peoples of the conquered nations. For all of them and all of us these days, too, will sometime be Auld Lang Syne.
If we go forward in that spirit, victory is ours – and the year is ours, and all the years.
Adolf Hitler showed a good judgment of news values yesterday when he made “the Bolshevist danger” the main theme of his New Year’s diatribe. The Russian advance, now resumed at a great pace west and southwest of Kiev and in the Dnieper bend, is the outstanding military event of the year, just as the surrender of Italy was the outstanding political event.
A year ago, the army of Marshal Paulus was still holding a precarious position in front of Stalingrad. That army no longer exists. Between Stalingrad and the peak of yesterday’s Russian march lie more than 700 miles. In their retreat, the Germans have equaled Napoleon’s mileage and their losses have been more than Napoleonic. The Ukraine is strewn with the human and mechanical wreckage of their strength. It is the grave of Nazi hopes – and Hitler’s words prove that he is well aware of the fact.
The grave was dug by the Russian Army and people, with as much help as Britain and the United States could furnish. We have sent, for example, down to Oct. 31, 7,000 planes, 3,500 tanks, 130,000 submachine guns, 150,000 trucks, 25,000 jeeps, besides metals, chemicals, machine tools, food and seeds. The air offensive over Western Europe, the land attacks in North Africa, Sicily and Italy and the growing threat of a new front across the Channel have diverted German strength from the Russian lines, but the Russians, under superb generalship, with civilian workers producing beyond all pre-war expectations, have bought back their soil with Russian sweat and blood. The land of masses and of mass armies has also revealed an extraordinary individual performance.
From the very beginning, Hitler’s one chance of realizing his dream of world domination lay in dividing the Western nations from Russia and in crushing them separately. He attempted to achieve this objective first by propaganda, and when that failed, by war. He had some victories in each field, but he lost the propaganda campaign entirely and now he is losing the military campaign. Yesterday he was repeating familiar and futile words. They must have rung unconvincingly, even in German ears.
For the truth is that the historic choice, fully recorded at Tehran, was made long ago. The Western nations have welcomed Russia as a partner in the war and post-war world. Russia has abandoned her policy of isolationism. It is too late for Hitler to break up this union. Its forces are closing in on him. He cannot withstand the Russians as they thrust toward Poland and Romania. What does he think he can do when Gen. Eisenhower pulls his great bow to its utmost tension and lets the new arrow fly?
The little half-gods, the Nazi Nibelungs, must hear behind the voices of Hitler, Göring, Goebbels and the rest the song of coming doom.
By Anne O’Hare McCormick
The year 1944 will be a year of decision and a year of test. Gen. Eisenhower predicts that it will see the end of the European war, and this means that Britain, Russia and the United States will have won from Hitler the power he aspired to when he threw down the gantlet in 1939. They will have won the power and the responsibility to reorganize Europe.
The European nations were already weak, weary and torn with internal strife when the Nazi drive began. Hitler’s plan of conquest was based on the assumption, largely justified, that all of Europe was as divided as Germany was when he took over. He thought he could ride to continental power over the same divisions, frustrations and hates he had exploited to achieve mastery in the Reich. He was the first to realize a truth that Stalin has now accepted: he saw that the old force of nationalism, harnessed to the new force of socialism would make a formidable team out of the two strongest impulses in the modern world.
Conquered never submitted
But he ignored the fact that the sense of nationhood is as intense in the smallest states as it is in Germany. Fortunately for the three great powers that slowly combined to defeat the Nazi dream of empire, this stubborn spirit of resistance of the lesser peoples held the fort until the big guns were ready to breach the walls. It is hardly too much to say that the fragmentations, the excessive nationalisms, which make it impossible for Europe to live in a world of larger units also make it impossible for Europe to die. If Hitler had been able to conquer Europe, if he had succeeded in convincing Poland or France, Yugoslavia or Holland that German hegemony was tolerable, the war would have been lost in 1940. If Europe had stood with Germany, neither Russian nor Anglo-American force could have taken the fortress.
The decisive factor in this war is not the four-power alliance, omnipotent as that combination of strength will be in the peace. The decisive factor is the crowd presently pushed into the background – the loose, amorphous federation called the United Nations.
The force of nationalism
This came together before the great powers merged. The truth is that not a single European people, and this goes for the satellites as well as the prisoners of war, accepted Hitler’s claims. Like it or not, our first line of defense was the force of European nationalism. This is a fundamental reality the victors will have to face. Stalin has faced it for Russia. He dissolved the Comintern because in twenty-five years it did not win a single nation. He has dropped “The Internationale” because he has learned that it will never have the appeal of a national anthem. This reality will have to be taken into account in the reorganization of the continent. The primary problem of victory will be to reconcile the force of nationalism – the force that won the war – with the compromises among nations and the concessions of sovereignty that will be necessary to maintain the international equilibrium that spells peace. For if it is clear that order cannot be maintained without force, it is equally clear that it can never be maintained by force alone. Except for a breathing spell, nations cannot be kept quiet unless they have an independent status and a conscious stake in the general security.
Many hardships ahead
For the United States, 1944 will be a hard year. This country will have to pour out blood, resources and energy as never before to ensure the victory Gen. Eisenhower expects. His appointment in itself signifies how large our share must be in the desperate struggle ahead. Victory, moreover, will bring burdens as onerous as the sacrifices of war. We shall have to assume a major responsibility for the future of Europe at a time when our minds and hands will not be free to concentrate on European problems. We shall be fighting with all our strength in the Pacific. We shall be distracted by a political campaign at home.
When Tobruk fell, the position of Churchill seemed much more precarious than the President’s. The Prime Minister in Washington during that crisis was strongly incline to agree with Roosevelt’s arguments that a fixed tenure of office for the Executive was safer and sounder than a system in which the government could be voted out of office any time. But as the President’s term nears an end, the advantages are all with the system that can put off a general election as long as necessary. Of the Big Three, Roosevelt is the only one who must face election in the decisive year of the conflict.
It is up to us
This decision is added to the others weighing upon the American democracy during the coming year. The judgments we are forced to make in our own affairs and the affairs of the world are new in our experience, new in the effect they will have on the course of history. The terrible burdens of maturity descend upon us while we are still hesitant and unprepared. But nations never go out to meet destiny. It always catches up with them at an unexpected turn of the road. On this grave and portentous New Year’s Day, it is well that Americans have to realize that they have passed the point where they can blame other powers for the mistakes of war or the failures of peace. The end of war is the beginning of the struggle for peace and of our inescapable responsibility for the world born in 1944.
Proposed extension to include small businessman to be studied this year
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Miss Anderson says many will need to keep working during reconstruction
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Output 12 million pounds; major curtailments are still to come – plants owned by DFC, run by Alcoa
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Governor Dewey, Senators, members of family and Spanish War veterans attend – Senate Majority post to be filled Tuesday
By Warren Moscow
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278,741,765 shares traded on exchange here – bond volume a record since 1936
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War crisis called near; he warns against optimism on rise in civilian supplies – hits three newspapers
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Festivities in neighborhood bars begin at 8:00 a.m. – war workers rush to celebrate – taverns ‘run dry’
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Military police comb roads to city in search
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‘Victory message’ today to be broadcast also from London
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U.S. Navy Department (January 1, 1944)
In the early morning of November 29, 1943, the U.S. destroyer PERKINS (DD-377) was sunk as the result of a collision, off the southeast coast of New Guinea.
During the morning of December 17, 1943, the coastal transport APc-21 was sunk by enemy aircraft, oft the southern coast of New Britain Island.
The next of kin of the casualties in the PERKINS have been notified. The next of kin of the casualties in the APc‑21 will be notified as soon as possible.
For Immediate Release
January 1, 1944
Army heavy bombers of the 7th Army Air Force raided Kwajalein on December 30 (West Longitude Date). No enemy interception was encountered.
Army light bombers, escorted by Airacobra fighters, made an attack on Mille on the afternoon of December 30. There was no fighter interception. All our planes returned.
Army medium bombers raided Jabor, in the Jaluit Atoll, on December 30, bombing and strafing ground installations. None of our planes was damaged.
U.S. State Department (January 2, 1944)
London, 2 January 1944
Secret
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Prime Minister to President Roosevelt. Personal.
Hull tells Eden that you have no recollection of any remarks by UJ about unconditional surrender. I certainly heard, with great interest, him saying something to the effect that he thought it might be well to consider telling the Germans at some stage what unconditional surrender would involve, or perhaps what it would not involve. After that we began talking about the 50,000 and your compromise and my high falutin, and I finished up by no means certain that the Germans would be reassured if they were told what he had in mind.
Find also Anthony telegraphed to the Foreign Office on November 30 as follows:
Last night (November 29) Marshal Stalin spoke to the President about unconditional surrender. Marshal Stalin said he considered this bad tactics vis-à-vis Germany and his suggestion was that we should together work out terms and let them be made known generally to the people of Germany.
Perhaps this may give you a cue to what Anthony and I had in our memories and you may feel inclined to join with us in asking UJ whether he would care to develop his theme to us. If however, you prefer we can of course leave things where they are for the time being.