The Evening Star (November 7, 1946)

Choice of compromise or fight through veto on major issues faces Truman in new Congress
Decision to lead conservative shift also faces him
By Jack Bell, Associated Press staff writer
President Truman, his administration rebuked at the polls, faced with outward calm today three political decisions which could alter the course of American and world events.
Mr. Truman apparently must decide:
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Whether he shall compromise with the Republican-dominated Congress on controversial domestic and foreign issues, or challenge it and fight back with Democratic-supported vetoes.
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Whether he shall attempt to lead his own party back toward the more conservative line that appeared to be popularized by Tuesday’s sweeping GOP victories or steer it even more forcefully toward the opposite side of center.
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Whether he shall attempt to rally dispersed Democratic forces around himself as a candidate for re-election in 1948 or prepare to step aside then for some other nominee.
Truman has no idea of resigning, party sources emphasize
President Truman has no intention of heeding the suggestion that he resign because of the Republicans’ election victory.
Party sources said today the president had not even considered the proposal by Sen. Fulbright (D-Arkansas), who suggested that the president name a Republican as secretary of state and then step out to permit that Republican to become president.
First and foremost, it was emphasized that Mr. Truman is not a man who runs out on a job.
Secondly, it was added, Mr. Truman has no intention of changing the American constitutional system by executive flat.
Lame duck session out
One idea cropping up after the GOP landslide – that Mr. Truman should call a special “lame duck” session of Congress – was brushed off by Rep. Sparkman (D-Alabama), who is high in Democratic councils.
The Alabaman, a senator-elect, said of this proposal from Reps. Boykin (D-Alabama) and Rankin (D-Mississippi): “I don’t see that anything could be accomplished. The Congress which convened last spring would not enact the president’s program and I can’t see that it would do it as a lame duck Congress.”
Truman may indicate plan
The president may give some clues about his thoughts on the matter at a news conference, probably next week. His next scheduled public talk is an Armistice Day broadcast Monday.
This much is clear: For the first time in 14 years, the 80th Congress which convenes next January will be controlled by the party which does not hold the White House.
Chave defeats Hurley
Late returns which brought victory for Sen. Chavez, Democrat, in his re-election contest with Patrick Hurley, Republican, in New Mexico raised the assured Democratic strength in the Senate to 43 with the Republicans sure of 51. Democrats continued to lead in the unsettled West Virginia and Maryland contests.
For the House, the party lineup stood Republicans 246, Democrats 180, and American-Labor one with two contests still inconclusive.
Thus Mr. Truman presumably could count on substantial minority support in both houses if he elects – as some of his advisers are certain to urge him to do – to enlarge and resubmit the legislative program which Republican-Democrat coalition hacked into small pieces in the 79th Congress.
The argument of these advisers, who want the Democratic Party to be labeled unmistakably as the liberal political organ, is that there is no hope of obtaining the conservative vote in 1948.
Their contention is that if Mr. Truman hews to the course fixed by the late President Roosevelt, the Democratic Party will stand to benefit in 1948 from any mistakes the Republican Congress might make in the next two years.
James Roosevelt, son of the late president and California State Democratic chairman, voiced this thought with the observation that when the “people begin to feel the effects of their action we shall again be called upon.”
On the other hand, the majority of Democratic members in the new Congress lean to the conservative, rather than the opposite, side. Many of the most prominent supporters of the Roosevelt policies, such as Sens. Guffey (D-Pennsylvania), Tunnell (D-Delaware), Mead (D-New York) and Mitchell (D-Washington), were defeated in Tuesday’s avalanche of ballots.
In the House, among the Democrats who were returned by Southern and Northern states are many who joined with the Republicans in the 79th Congress in opposing Truman measures they regarded as too radical in their nature.
These returning members say they would like to see Mr. Truman make at least minor compromises in an attempt to get legislation through the next Congress. Their views are such that Mr. Truman probably never could be quite certain of mustering the one-third vote necessary in either house to sustain a series of vetoes.
As against this, politicians generally look for the Democrats to begin a slow process of solidification. Historically the congressional minority irons out most of its differences in party conferences and presents a much more united front than the majority.
But in the Senate, where only a little more than one-third of the members were chosen for first or new terms this year, the progress toward unity promised to be slow. Such divergent viewpoints, as those represented by Sens. Byrd (D-Virginia) and Pepper (D-Florida), could not be reconciled in a day, if ever.
Dissatisfaction in party
There was plenty of evidence, too, that there is some dissatisfaction within the party on the score of Mr. Truman’s leadership.
At Memphis, Ed H. Crump, who heads the Shelby County Democratic organization, asserted it would be “foolish for President Truman to offer himself for re-election.” He added it would be “even more foolish” for the President to retain Democratic National Chairman Robert E. Hannegan as his official spokesman.
From Harry Bridges, head of the CIO Longshoremen’s Union, who was a strong supporter of President Roosevelt, came the assertion that the Republican victory was “a cry of protest against Truman and his complete betrayal of the Roosevelt program and promises.”
While Mr. Bridges said the country now can look forward only “to food riots, house squatting, bonus marches, Hoovervilles, breadlines and a drive to bust the unions,” Republican National Chairman Reece and other Republican leaders promised a quite different result.
Imposes heavy responsibility
Mr. Reece said the Republicans would “prove to all the world that the United States is, and intends to remain, a strong, prosperous and self-respecting nation, eager to cooperate with other nations to promote worldwide prosperity and to safeguard peace, but determined at all costs to be true to American traditions and to protect American interests.”
Rep. Brown of Ohio, GOP campaign director, said the victory imposes on the party “a heavy responsibility.”
Democratic National Chairman Hannegan reminded the Republican Party that it is “laced with a great responsibility” and “with a Democratic administration, it is jointly answerable to the people for a program to establish peace in the world and continued prosperity for America.”
Sen. Vandenberg, in line to become the Senate’s new presiding officer and chairman of its Foreign Relations Committee, interpreted the GOP victory as “unmistakable endorsement of the united, bipartisan foreign policy through which we are striving for national security and for world peace, with justice, on the basis of sound American ideals.”
Immediate reaction abroad to the election results appeared to be a belief that the Republicans’ return to power means a sharpening of differences between Russia and the United States. Henry A. Wallace, former secretary of commerce, accused Sen. Vandenberg during the campaign of having “needled” Secretary of State Byrnes into a sterner policy against Russia. Sen. Vandenberg has been serving as a Byrnes adviser.