Election 1944: Pre-convention news

[NormanStewart]

The Pittsburgh Press (March 19, 1944)

President’s survey shows –
Half of states plan to use federal ballot for soldiers

Washington (UP) – (March 18)
An unofficial survey of replies by state governors to President Roosevelt’s question on the Soldier Vote Bill showed today that probably at least half of the 48 states will not use a federal ballot for servicemen if the Soldier Vote Bill passed by Congress becomes law.

The replies from 16 state governors left no doubt that they would not use the federal ballot. Six others indicated they would not. Several of these indicated that present laws are adequate if the Army delivers the ballots.

Five say ‘yes’

Only five states replied with a categorical “yes” to the question of whether present laws permit use of the federal ballot. But 14 others replied that they would try to get their state legislatures to make use of the federal ballot valid.

Seven states have given no indication of their answer.

President Roosevelt will announce his summary of the replies late tomorrow afternoon. He may indicate then whether he will veto or sign the compromise bill passed by Congress. He has said that his decision will be based on whether that bill will give more servicemen a chance to vote than did the 1942 Soldier Voting Act.

States are summarized

The replies showed that most of the existing state laws do not permit use of the federal ballot as proposed by Congress, and many of them plainly stated that they would do nothing to change the law.

Here is a summary of the position of the states, based on either the governor’s reply to the President or other statements:

• States that will not use the federal ballot – Idaho, Illinois, Wisconsin, Michigan, Georgia, Iowa, Arkansas, Tennessee, Kentucky, Mississippi, Washington, Minnesota, Montana, Virginia, Arizona, Texas.

• States whose present laws allow use of the federal ballot – California, Florida, Maryland, North Carolina, Vermont.

• States whose governors have promised to take steps to validate use of the federal ballot (special sessions of legislature, etc.) – Oklahoma, New Mexico, Nebraska, Indiana, Connecticut, Rhode Island, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, Maine, New Jersey, Utah, South Dakota, Ohio, Pennsylvania.

[NormanStewart]

Roosevelt, Willkie favored by women

New York (UP) – (March 17)
Women voters favor a Republican ticket headed by Wendell Willkie and a Democratic ballot with President Roosevelt again a candidate, a survey conducted by the Women’s Home Companion showed today.

Answering the magazine’s question of “Who would be the best candidate in 1944?”, 28.2% of the women voted in favor of Mr. Willkie for the GOP ticket. However, the 1940 presidential candidate received only 0.2% more than New York Governor Thomas Dewey. Ohio Governor John W. Bricker was third.

Forty percent of the women polled favored Mr. Roosevelt’s renomination. The second choice was Senator Harry F. Byrd (D-VA).

[NormanStewart]

Willkie offers 6-point plan for farmers

Opens his campaign for primary aid

Richland Center, Wisconsin (UP) – (March 18)
Wendell Willkie, opening a three-week campaign for Republican votes in Wisconsin and Nebraska, said tonight he was sure a majority of farmers were convinced “that a change of national administration is… overdue.”

Addressing several delegations of farmers prior to Wisconsin’s April 4 primary in which he hopes to demonstrate his strength as a candidate for the Republican 1944 presidential nomination, Mr. Willkie decried administration farm policies and outlined six “specific policies for desperately-needed farm production.”

For “the quickest winning of the war and for the soundest building of the future,” Mr. Willkie made these suggestions for “this year.”

• A manpower policy which “simply must not be permitted to strip our farm below the irreducible minimum of strength and skill.”

• A speeding of war machinery production so machinery now wearing out can be replaced “before it is too late.”

• “A workable policy for the fair distribution of food…”

• “Food policies that take account not only of production but also of marketing…”

• “Policies based on real horse sense in pricing for production.”

• “Complete elimination of partisan political scheming from the farm-producing agencies of government.”

In his “beyond victory” program for the “building of economic foundations of prosperity and peace,” Mr. Willkie said:

Thirty markets are a No. 1 need for the wellbeing of the farmer.

He added:

The second need of agriculture is for decent prices.

[NormanStewart]

Editorial: Do-nothing party?

Failure of the Senate Republicans to select a permanent leader is not so important in itself as it is in indicating a state of mind.

Aside from espousing an occasional easy-to-climb-aboard issue which seems popular at the moment, the Republican membership of both houses of Congress has shown a remarkable ability to evade decisions and positive action. Faced with political opportunity inasmuch as natural reaction against a too-old administration is running in its favor, and Democratic-controlled domestic policies are inept and fumbling, the GOP nevertheless seems determined to play it the cautious way, the indecisive way.

As Thomas L. Stokes pointed out the other day, the only conspicuous example of forthright expression and plain speaking in Republican ranks is furnished by Wendell Willkie, who is campaigning frankly for the Presidency. Do the other spokesman for his party imagine, in the light of recent byelection results, that this is just naturally a Republican year, and all they have to do is sit tight and win?

If so, they’re in for a rude awakening. The country may be willing and ready to change from what it has to something better. But there’s no reason for thinking it’s in the mood to change to a do-nothing party to run the war and win the peace. That’s the only alternative, so far.

[NormanStewart]

The Pittsburgh Press (March 20, 1944)

Willkie holds secret parley with leaders

Senators told of ‘stump’ plans
By Lyle C. Wilson, United Press staff writer

Washington –
Wendell L. Willkie was revealed today to have had last-minute conferences here with Republican Senators before beginning his three-week campaign for the Wisconsin and Nebraska presidential primaries.

In contrast to other visits to Washington, Mr. Willkie was unseen and unheard except by those with whom he had political conferences. He opened his Wisconsin campaign over the weekend with a farm policy speech in Richland Center.

His opposition

Full slates of Willkie delegates are entered in the April 4 Wisconsin primary and the April 11 Nebraska primary. Governor Thomas E. Dewey of New York is represented by a partial slate in Wisconsin despite his request that his name not be used. Former Governor Harold E. Stassen of Minnesota, now a naval officer, and Gen. Douglas MacArthur will also be represented in Wisconsin.

Top heavy Willkie success in those states would serve somewhat to ease the shock of North Carolina’s bolt for Governor Dewey. North Carolina Republicans named their convention delegates last week ands thereupon adopted a resolution endorsing Governor Dewey for President.

Mr. Willkie has consistently recognized but minimized the fact that Congressional Republicans are cold to his candidacy. The fact that he came here last week to talk quietly with several of them suggests to some observers that Mr. Willkie hopes to improve his relations with Republicans in Congress.

Hosts for parley

Senator Sinclair Weeks (R-MA), a recently-arrived industrialist, who succeeded the resigned Henry Cabot Lodge, has long been a Willkie adherent. Both he and John W. Hanes, former member of the Securities and Exchange Commission and Under Secretary of the Treasury in the Roosevelt administration, are named as luncheon hosts at the principal meeting between Mr. Willkie and Republican Senators.

Last week’s appearance here was in marked contrast to that of Oct. 19, when Mr. Willkie spoke off the record before House Republicans as the guest of first-term GOP members. Mr. Willkie pleased a few of his hearers, surprised many of them and annoyed some by announcing without qualification that he could have the Republican presidential nomination if he wanted it.

[NormanStewart]

Background of news –
Presidential elections

By Bertram Benedict

Although the soldier vote bill leaves to the states the decision on whether to use the federal ballot, and although the bill repeals most of the Soldier Voting Act of 1942, the bill leaves untouched the most contentious section of the 1942 act. This section orders the states to waive their registration requirements in federal elections for members of the Armed Forces qualified to vote. It also bans the poll tax as a requirement for voting by any member of the Armed Forces in a federal election.

Several states have already reported that they are constitutionally unable to comply with these requirements, and other states undoubtedly will disregard them. there seems to be nothing the federal government can do to enforce compliance. The Constitution allows the federal government only to make regulations on the “times” and “manner” of holding elections for Senators and Representatives, and on the “places” of holding elections for Representatives.

There has been some speculation on whether a move might be made to declare the presidential election of 1944 invalid if the states disregard federal regulations on the subject, but the speculation seems unwarranted.

Considered state officials

The Constitution prescribes how the presidential electors shall cast their votes within the states. The electors are considered state, not federal, officials (if they are remunerated fir expenses, the remuneration comes from the states). The Constitution does prescribe that the votes of the presidential electors shall be counted in the presence of both houses of Congress, but it does not say how they shall be counted.

Congress undoubtedly has the authority to reject any electoral vote submitted, but only if the electoral vote thus submitted was submitted improperly, or contravened an express provision of the Constitution.

In 1868, for instance, the vote of Georgia was rejected largely because the state was held not yet eligible to participate in the election. In 1872, the electoral votes of Arkansas and Louisiana were rejected as not representing the true results in those states. Congress also refused to accept three votes from Georgia for the Democratic candidate, Horace Greely, because he had died after the election was held. And in 1876, Congress passed upon several cases of electors who were alleged to be constitutionally disqualified because they were federal officeholders.

In 1887, Congress passed the Electoral Count Act which practically allows each state to decide any dispute arising out of a presidential election within its borders, and forbids Congress to interfere with that decision. In any event, the concurrence of both houses of Congress is necessary to reject the electoral vote submitted by any state.

Federal inspectors used

In one of the “Force” acts, that of Feb. 28, 1871, Congress authorized the use of federal inspectors in elections for the House of Representatives, on application to a federal court. In the election of 1876, some 7,000 U.S. deputy marshals supervised elections in the Southern states. there was grave doubt as to whether the 1871 act was constitutional, and it was repealed in 1894.

What caused the dispute in the election of 1876 between Hayes and Tilden, and its final adjudication by an electoral commission set up by Congress, was the fact that in several Southern states the government of the state was in dispute between rival factions, each of which sent in an electoral vote. Congress had to decide which return from those states to accept.

Although the commission probably decided several of these contests improperly, several of the Southern states probably had violated the law in denying votes to Negroes, and it was commonly said at the time that the Democrats stole the election at the polls and the Republicans stole it back again in Congress.

[NormanStewart]

States reply to queries on soldier vote

President makes no analysis

Washington (UP) –
The White House today revealed without comment or analysis replies from 42 of the 48 governors to President Roosevelt’s soldier vote questionnaire, and they showed that 15 states definitely will not accept the federal ballot for counting, while only six states definitely will.

Replies were received from 24 Republican and 18 Democratic governors. Four Democratic and two Republicans have yet to reply.

Response to queries

The replies were in response to telegraphic queries dispatched by Mr. Roosevelt last Wednesday – a few hours after Congress sent a predominantly state’s rights bill to the White House for signature. The bill places the accent on the state ballot plan endorsed by Southern Democrats and Republicans in Congress. The use of the administration-backed federal ballot is restricted to overseas servicemen who have applied for, but have not received a state ballot by Oct. 1 – and then only if their home state has certified by July 15 that the federal ballot is acceptable for counting.

Mr. Roosevelt asked each governor to advise him whether use of the federal ballot is now authorized by his state and, if not, whether steps would be taken before July 15 to validate the use of such ballots.

To help President decide

He sought the gubernatorial advice “to enable me to form an opinion as to the effectiveness of this measure” – to help him decide whether he should veto or sign it into law. He previously announced his decision will be based on whether the pending bill will permit more servicemen to vote than does the 1942 Soldier Voting Act.

On the basis of replies received, it would be impossible to forecast with any accuracy whether Mr. Roosevelt will sign or veto the bill.

Here is a box score:

States replying	42
States definitely accepting the federal ballot	6
States definitely rejecting	15
States that probably will accept	14
States that probably will reject	3
States undecided	4
States not replying	6

West Virginia won’t

The gubernatorial replies showed this alignment:

• States that will permit use of federal ballot (6): California, Florida, Maryland, North Carolina, Vermont and Washington.

• States that will not (15): Arizona, Arkansas, Colorado, Georgia, Idaho, Illinois, Iowa, Kansas, Kentucky, Minnesota, Montana, South Dakota, Virginia, West Virginia and Wisconsin.

• States that probably will not (3): Alabama, Mississippi and Missouri.

• States that will make efforts to permit use of the federal ballot (14): Connecticut, Indiana, Maine, Massachusetts, Nebraska, New Hampshire, New Jersey, New Mexico, New York, Ohio, Oklahoma, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island and Utah.

• States undecided (4): Delaware, Louisiana, Nevada and North Dakota.

• States not reporting (6): Michigan, Oregon, South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas and Wyoming.

Among the summarized replies were:

PENNSYLVANIA – Republican Governor Edward Martin hoped the Legislature would “take whatever appropriate action is necessary” for absentee voting before July 15.

WEST VIRGINIA – Democrat Governor Matthew M. Neely: Federal ballot not authorized. If it becomes law, the Legislature would “refuse by an overwhelming majority to utilize anything the measure contains.” He added that the state law is adequate and said:

In the circumstances, I could not think of recommending… that the many thousands of West Virginians in the armed services be insulted with an official expression of approval of the deplorably inadequate bill passed by Congress.

OHIO – Republican Governor John W. Bricker:

I am calling a special legislative session in order that Ohio laws may be further liberalized so that ballots will be available for distribution under provisions of the bill recently passed by Congress… The bill now before you will materially aid Ohio’s citizens in the Armed Forces in exercising their franchise.

MARYLAND – Democrat Governor Herbert R. O’Conor: State absentee voting law permits use of the supplementary federal ballot.

Last reply from Dewey

The last reply up to yesterday afternoon came from Republican Governor Thomas E. Dewey of New York, who had advised the President he had signed a New York State war ballot bill Saturday night. He said the New York law “complies in every respect with the provisions” of the state ballot clause in the pending federal bill and confers upon the New York State Ballot Commission “powers so broad and flexible as to make feasible the use of any ballot which complies with the state constitution.”

Governor Dewey said:

To the limit of our constitution, I shall extend every assistance to employ any and all federal facilities and ballots to ensure the right of every member of the Armed Forces from New York State to vote at the coming general election.

[NormanStewart]

Stokes: The minors

By Thomas L. Stokes

With Willkie in Wisconsin –
There’s something a bit like the glamorous Broadway star going back to the five-a-day in the cheap and drafty theaters of the provinces in Wendell Willkie’s attempted comeback for the Republican presidential nomination on this Wisconsin circuit, preliminary to the April 4 primary.

Or, perhaps, like the major league pitcher who is sent back to the minors, ostensibly to cure that ailing left wing so the old hop will come back on the ball, who left the big town with the confident assurance from the boss, “We’ll be seeing you back soon again, old boy – you’ll like that club,” which he tried to believe as he shakes hands with teammates who smile too cheerfully.

All the trappings of the big time, all the sound effects, the perfection of detail, still cling reminiscently about this Willkie troupe back on the provincial circuit. The local committees are organized. The high school auditoriums are spick and span and frilly with flags. The suppers are laid out temptingly in the back rooms of local restaurants with that dainty touch so dear to small-town women showing themselves off to strangers.

The hotel reservations are ready in advance. The autos are on hand to transport the traveling show from town to town – Mr. and Mrs. Willkie and their entourage plus a sizable press corps which remembers the big-time circuit of four years ago, the screeching, storming multitudes, the huge auditoriums wild with frenzied people.

Towns are smaller, crowds smaller

But it’s all in miniature – 1940 on a greatly reduced scale.

The towns are smaller, the crowds are smaller, and the enthusiasm is tempered with the restraint of old folks who sit placidly and boys and girls in their early teens who gape and whisper and giggle, but don’t make hilarious noises. That vigorous middle group of the electorate is no longer here. It is off somewhere in the wars or wars’ industry. But the big, shaggy fellow is working at his electioneering job here with only 24 convention votes as the prize as if the whole thousand odd were at stake.

As he sees it, that is the stake. He is here trying to prove that he’s popular with the plain folk, despite the politicians. He wants so much to be President, so very much.

You can see he has doubts now that he didn’t profess a few months back. He’s a sobered man, but still determined.

We watched him perform for the small circuit.

Heterogeneous state politically

The high school gymnasium was full – the largest crowd it has ever had except for the county fair when the governor is a guest. It was a quiet, orderly crowd, until, at 8:15, the high school band struck up “The Battle Hymn of the Republic.” Everybody stood up and applauded as he made a grand entrance with Mrs. Willkie. He came smiling down the main aisle, waving now this way, now that, just as if there were 30 or 40 thousands present. There were about 2,500.

When the mayor got up, he addressed the crowd as “Republicans, Democrats, New Dealers, Progressives, Socialists, Prohibitionists and Townsendites,” and there was a chuckled through the crowd. This is a heterogeneous state politically.

He said:

A good political meeting is like an old-time religious meeting – there’s always the hope that someone will be converted.

Mr. Willkie lost no opportunities. When he had finished speaking, it was announced he would shake hands with all who wanted to come to the platform. For over half an hour, the folks filed by.

There was nothing like that on the big circuit in 1940.

[NormanStewart]

The Pittsburgh Press (March 21, 1944)

Stassen willing to be drafted

Cdr. Stassen

Washington (UP) –
LtCdr. Harold E. Stassen, former Governor of Minnesota, has notified Secretary of the Navy Frank Knox that while he will not seek the Republican presidential nomination, he will accept if nominated.

Mr. Knox said today that Cdr. Stassen made his position clear in a letter which came through official channels from the South Pacific where the former governor is now serving on the staff of Adm. William F. Halsey Jr., commander of the South Pacific area.

Cdr. Stassen’s letter to Mr. Knox follows:

In recent weeks, there have been numerous questions by representatives of the press in the South Pacific as to my attitude toward the current inclusion of my name in the presidential nomination discussions.

The same questions have been raised in the public press on the mainland, accompanied by an increasing amount of conjecture and speculation and attempts at interpretation and misinterpretation.

I have therefore concluded that it is desirable and in the best interests of my naval service that my position be clearly, concisely, promptly and publicly stated.

The following is the statement Cdr. Stassen wished to make publicly:

In reply to the questions that are being asked as to my attitude toward the current inclusion of my name in the presidential nomination discussions, I will frankly and directly state my position.

I do not seek and will do nothing personally to secure the nomination. If, notwithstanding this position, I were to be nominated, I would consider it to be my plain duty to accept and would do so, requesting inactive duty for a sufficient time to discuss with the people the issues and problems of the future.

I wish to make it equally clear that I will make no statement on political issues while on active duty, that I do not wish any publicity of my activities in the Navy to be used in a political manner, and that no one is authorized to make personal commitments on my behalf.

I will continue to carry out to the best of my ability those naval duties assigned to me.

[NormanStewart]

Guffey urges only voters hold U.S. jobs

He says others ‘are not worthy’

Washington (UP) –
Senators Joseph C. Guffey (D-PA) and Bennett Champ Clark (D-MO) today sought support for a bill they introduced which would require that appointees to positions in the federal government be qualified voters.

Applicants would have to be a qualified and registered or enrolled vote in a state, territory or possession of the United States. persons already employed or who have not attained voting age would be permitted to work in a temporary capacity until they could qualify by residence or age to become a voter.

Senator Guffey told a press conference:

The more vote you get out, the stronger the government should be. A man who is not interested enough to vote is not worthy of holding a federal job.

He said the effect of the bill would be to bar aliens, Southern Negroes, and District of Columbia residents from federal employment, except in the case of the latter if they have lived in Washington five years.

Senator Guffey said the bill would make him “hated” by government employees. He told reporters he thought knowledge of history should be a prerequisite for voting as well, but that is a matter up to the states.

[NormanStewart]

President gets soldier vote bill

He has 10 days to sign or veto it

Washington (UP) –
The compromise soldier vote bill reached the White House at 2:45 p.m. ET yesterday – five days after Congress completed action on it.

President Roosevelt has 10 days – not counting next Sunday – to sign or veto the bill. If he has done neither by midnight of March 31, it automatically becomes law.

Six governors have not yet replied to his telegram asking whether their states allow the use of a federal ballot and, if not, whether validating action will be taken by July 15.

Nearly half of the governors replying revealed that their states would not, or probably would not, permit use of the federal ballot.

[NormanStewart]

Willkie warns of federal rule

Every ill exploited, candidate declares

Ripon, Wisconsin (UP) –
Charging that the Democratic Party was “a vehicle for the maintenance of power,” Wendell L. Willkie last night accused the New Deal of aiming at “eventual adoption of a government-controlled society.”

The candidate for the Republican presidential nomination, speaking in the town where the GOP was organized 90 years ago, charged that the New Deal had exploited the theory that the only solution for “every ill” was complete government control.

The speech was Mr. Willkie’s second in his campaign to win the support of Wisconsin delegates to the Republican National Convention.

Mr. Willkie said:

The panic of 1929 and the devastating years that followed gave impetus and encouragement to the thesis that the solution lay solely in government control.

The total result, consistently fostered by the administration, has been the illusion that there is conflict between a society built upon economic incentive and a society of human welfare.

Mr. Willkie said that the modern Democratic Party:

…provides us with a clear example of… subversion, by which an inner group has carefully nurtured its power for 12 years.

[NormanStewart]

Stokes: Willkie’s limb

By Thomas L. Stokes

With Willkie in Wisconsin –
Governor Dewey of New York is very much the man who isn’t here.

Wendell Willkie has him constantly on his mind.

In his campaign here for Wisconsin delegates in the April 4 primary, the 1940 Republican candidate strikes at his rival for the 1944 nomination without naming him, by using him as a symbol of the type of candidate who refuses to discuss the issues as he himself is discussing them in his tour through this state.

Mr. Willkie gets into the subject by listing three categories of Republican candidates.

First, representatives of “narrow nationalism and economic Toryism.” In conversations, he includes Gen. MacArthur, who is entered in the primary, in this category as well as Governor Bricker of Ohio, who is not a candidate here, though he names neither publicly.

Second, those who would avoid the issues and depend upon rallying all sorts of elements to their banners. In this he includes Governor Dewey, who has a nearly complete slate in the primary.

Third, those who believe in international cooperation and an expanding domestic economy that recognizes social advances. In this he includes, principally, Wendell Willkie.

GOP can’t win if–

The Republican Party, he says, cannot possibly win if it nominates anybody in the first two categories.

It cannot help but win, he predicts, if it nominates a representative of the third category – again, Wendell Willkie.

In his calculations, Mr. Willkie is largely overlooking Gen. MacArthur and LtCdr. Harold Stassen, ex-Governor of Minnesota, who is also entered in the primary because he does not think either will cut much of a figure. It would be hard, too, for him to attack LtCdr. Stassen because the latter, his floor manager at Philadelphia in 1940, fits into Mr. Willkie’s own private third category.

Governor Dewey is the man he fears here. Political analysts tell you that this is, basically, a Dewey state, and that if it weren’t for the confusion over whether Governor Dewey is a candidate, he would easily come out on top. Governor Dewey tried to withdraw his delegates on the plea that he isn’t a candidate, but some 16 of them stayed in the race. But people out here take Mr. Dewey more at his word than do more cynical Easterners.

Over and over again

So, Mr. Willkie hammers over and over again on the theme he expressed most succinctly at Oshkosh, in describing the second category:

There is another group of delegates who say they should be elected on the basis of no discussion of the issues at all. They represent the argument that if a man says he is not a candidate, then you can tell the people that you represent all the divergent elements on America. The 1944 convention, them, would be not a convention of principle but merely a political convention, a depending for nomination through cleverness. There must be no hotel-room nomination.

The inference from Mr. Willkie’s discussion of the Republican Party and what it should be and should do is that if does not follow his prescription he cannot go along with it.

Mr. Willkie is glad to have this inference get out and the interpretation that goes along with it, namely, that he might bolt the party and lead a third party or independent movement. But nobody who knows Mr. Willkie well takes any stock in any third party movement. He, himself, has made a careful examination of state laws and discovered that third parties can get on ballots in only a negligible number of states.

His dissent rather would take the form of refusing to support the Republican candidate, perhaps even supporting Mr. Roosevelt.

He is working himself out that far on the limb.

[NormanStewart]

The Pittsburgh Press (March 22, 1944)

47 vote replies given President

Washington (UP) –
President Roosevelt, still nursing a slight cold, today studied replies from 47 state governors to his inquiry about use of the proposed federal war ballot.

Whether Mr. Roosevelt will sign or veto the bill for limited use of a federal war ballot for servicemen depends on what conclusions he reaches, from replies of the Governors, about whether more persons could vote under existing law or under the bill.

Only South Carolina has made no reply.

Of the five replies revealed today, only that of Texas Governor Coke Stevenson contained a flat assurance that his state would permit use of the proposed federal ballot.

A breakdown of the 47 replies showed this lineup:

• States definitely accepting: Seven.
• States which consider their own laws sufficient and will not accept: Seventeen.
• States which probably will not accept: Five.
• States which will make an effort to authorize use: Fourteen.
• Undecided: Three.
• States conditionally accepting: One.

---

Hannegan pleads for ‘solid front’

Hartford, Connecticut (UP) –
Democratic National Chairman Robert E. Hannegan appealed to party leaders in Connecticut last night to present a solid front “to see that the present administration and Franklin D. Roosevelt are continued in office.”

He said:

No election since the birth of the Republic hinged on graver issues than are involved in what takes place next November. The problems of war and peace cannot be separated.

Mr. Hannegan charged that Republicans were “working in every state to capitalize on every complaint.” He had no assurance, he said, that Mr. Roosevelt would seek a fourth term, “but I have no doubt that if he runs, he’ll win.”

[NormanStewart]

Campaign points listed by White

GOP candidate offers program

Joseph A. White of Brentwood, candidate for the Republican nomination for Congress in the 31st district, announced a platform in support of his candidacy.

Among points were:

• Tax measures must be written solely for the purpose of raising revenue “on the basis of ability to pay, and not used as punitive measures against any particular group.”

• Business must be “freed from so-called war restrictions as soon as possible.”

• “I do not subscribe to the theory that the American standard of living must come down to that of other countries, but rather that theirs should come up to ours.”

• Servicemen must be assured of “improved opportunities in their chosen fields of endeavor.”

Mr. White said all legislative problems must be judged for their effect on the war effort and he argued for foreign relief “only when used to relieve genuine need.”

[NormanStewart]

Coloradoan splits with Roosevelt

Chicago, Illinois (UP) –
Democratic Senator Edwin C. Johnson of Colorado formally parted company with President Roosevelt last night in a speech at North Park College in which he charged that:

History will name the fourth term, if it ever materializes, as “the term of defeat and frustration.”

In recent months, an increasingly open critic of the administration, Mr. Johnson said “the greatest tragedy of American history was the President’s decision four years ago to seek a third term.”

He said:

It launched the 1940 campaign by appeasing the internationalists with the appointment of two old-line Republicans [Frank Knox and Henry L. Stimson] as Secretaries of Navy and War. It appeased the nationalists by assuring them “again and again” that no mother’s son would “be sent to fight in a foreign war.”

The New Deal appeased Japan, he said, by selling her all the war material she could pay for.

It appeased China, with money and credit and, after the election, appeased Britain by going to war. It has been appeasing everyone everywhere ever since with Lend-Lease at a cost to the American taxpayers of billions. It appeased Russia by junking the Atlantic Charter. It appeased John L. Lewis, the railroad brotherhoods, at the back door of the White House, after scornfully turning them down at the front door with the beating of drums.

Senator Johnson said that “one-man control” has reduced the Democratic Party to hopeless impotency.

[NormanStewart]

Willkie attacks America Firsters

Green Bay, Wisconsin (UP) –
Wendell L. Willkie, candidate for the Republican presidential nomination stumping Wisconsin for support for his slate of convention delegates in the April 4 primary, today predicted “overwhelming defeat” for the GOP “if the viewpoint represented by The Chicago Tribune is imposed upon the Republicans.”

He included Gerald L. K. Smith in the same category in which he placed the Tribune and said that:

Any candidate who does not repudiate the America First group and Gerald L. K. Smith and all they represent, cannot possibly be elected President of the United States.

Willkie beats clock; enters Maryland race

Annapolis, Maryland (UP) –
Maryland Republicans today faced the choice of voting in their May 1 primary for Wendell L. Willkie or an unrestricted delegation to the Republican National Convention.

At 11:45 p.m. ET yesterday, 15 minutes before the deadline, Mr. Willkie’s certificate of candidacy was handed to a clerk in the secretary of state’s office by Baltimore attorney Charles Ruzicka. Mr. Willkie will be the only presidential aspirant of either party on the primary ballots.

[NormanStewart]

Soviet paper sure of 4th term try

Moscow, USSR (UP) –
The nomination of President Roosevelt for a fourth term is a virtual certainty, Maurice Mendelsohn, described as a specialist in American problems, said today in the Army newspaper Red Star.

Mendelsohn did not pick a victor in the November election, but said Republican strength was increasing as demonstrated by GOP victories in a number of mayoralty elections in large towns:

…for instance, Philadelphia where the candidacy of the famous reactionary Democrat [William C.] Bullitt fell through.

All of Philadelphia’s mayors have been Republicans since Samuel G. King, who served from 1881 to 1884.

The Red Star article named Wendell L. Willkie, Governor Thomas E. Dewey, Governor John W. Bricker and Gen. Douglas MacArthur as the leading Republican presidential candidates.

[NormanStewart]

Editorial: It should become law

President Roosevelt, it seems to us, should sign the soldier vote bill – or at least permit it to become law without his signature, if his distaste for the strongly states’-rights character of the Congressional compromise is so strong as to deter him from an affirmative OK.

The results of his poll of the 48 governors are inconclusive. Some say their states will cooperate with the federal ballot bill. Some say they will not. Others are noncommittal or undecided.

The President has taken the position that the bill should be allowed to become law only if his survey indicates that more soldiers would be able to vote under the new measure than under the existing statute of 1942.

One trouble with this position is that the law of 1942 has been attacked as an unconstitutional infringement of states’ rights. If the constitutional challenge were pressed after a close election, the result might be a state of uncertainty that would be most awkward in the middle of a great war.

Since a truly adequate federal law is obviously impossible to obtain this session, would it not be wiser for the President to accept the compromise Congress has put together, and thus at least place squarely upon the states the responsibility for either facilitating or denying the vote to men overseas – the responsibility Congress evaded?

Pressure of public opinion might produce, before the July 15 deadline, more widespread cooperation by the states than the results of the President’s telegraphic poll indicate so far. Even if not, at least the troops from some states would have a better chance to vote – without constitutional doubts – and those from others would know where to put the blame for their inability to vote.

[NormanStewart]

Stokes: Phantom foes

By Thomas L. Stokes

With Willkie in Wisconsin –
The intriguing psychological case of a young man’s political ambitions which blow now cold now hit, has intruded itself into the Wisconsin presidential primary to confuse further the situation of Wendell Willkie who is stumping this state in the interest of renomination as Republican presidential candidate.

The young man is 36-year-old Harold Stassen, three times governor of neighboring Minnesota, now flag officer of Adm. Halsey in the South Pacific. LtCdr. Stassen is having a hard time deciding whether he should be a naval officer or a candidate for President, just as another young man, a few years older, is having trouble deciding whether he wants to keep on being governor of New York or wants to run for President, meaning Thomas E. Dewey.

Wendell Willkie has no doubts. He wants to be President and he is out here weaving up and down and across this state, and weaving and shouting in his characteristic oratorical manner from every platform he can find vacant for a few minutes, to that end.

But the young men who are undecided keep bobbing up.

Both of them have been entered in the Wisconsin primary April 4 by their friends, as has Gen. MacArthur, to make this a four-man contest. Governor Dewey tried to pull his delegates out, but a majority of them wouldn’t be pulled. Publicly he has said he is not a candidate.

Dictates statement in street

Now comes Cdr. Stassen who says in a letter to Secretary of the Navy Knox made public in Washington, that he is not a candidate, but would accept the nomination by the Republican convention. He thus takes a position in a category a degree above Governor Dewey in the strange and mystifying categories which are developing in this political campaign. It would take more than a soothsayer to explain just where some of the candidates stand, including, of course, Franklin D. Roosevelt.

Cdr. Stassen’s letter was one of those minor political bombshells when it was dumped, without warning, into Mr. Willkie’s caravan as it hurried from hither to thither. It caught him at Appleton, as he was leaving the college chapel where he had spoken to the students. He was obviously surprised, but it didn’t take him long to come back.

He hopped out of his auto when it got to the hotel a few blocks away, called reporters about him. And there, in the middle of the street, while the citizens stood gaping, he dictated a statement.

He said he couldn’t tell whether “Governor” Stassen was a candidate or not. Anybody who is a candidate should discuss the issues and if he is not in a position to do so – as Cdr. Stassen obviously is not – then he should withdraw from the race. It was blunt, and no mistake.

Common ambition divides them

Just before that, in the college chapel, Mr. Willkie had told off both Gen. MacArthur and Cdr. Stassen by saying that when he, himself, went to war in 1917, he devoted himself “entirely to that cause, knowing I could not possibly understand or do anything about outside issues until the war was over.”

Harold Stassen was Mr. Willkie’s floor manager at the 1940 convention. He advocates, both domestically and internationally, a program similar to Mr. Willkie. The two cooled off in their relations when both became ambitious for the 1944 nomination.

Logically, the two belong on the same side in the brewing fight within the Republican Party. But a common ambition divides them.

The young men are causing Mr. Willkie lots of trouble while they make up their minds.